Skip to main content

Full text of "Critical, historical, and philosophical contributions to the study of the Divina commedia"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 

^/L^ ^. jtFj^c/ 

,^^2A>r: Vw-<^ 

i'^OL^^U^'tyL^ , 








O dcpH altri j>opli onoro c lunjo, 

Vmli.iini il liint^o stmliit «• il f^ranil«* ainorp, 

Che luMia (alio cercar lo luu volume. 

Infeuno I., S'2 — 1. 






iW V /^/. /' 


., A , 

■ •>. « . ■• '^ 








D. XC. IX. 



Some fourteen years, or rather more, have 
elapsed) since the Author was first led. to as- 
certain, from written texts of the Divina Gom- 
media , what authority there might he for certain 
readings prevalent in the printed ones. 

At tfiat period, and for long after , he had no 
intention whatever of printing the results of his 
researches 9 which were not conducted in a me- 
thodical manner, and had reference only to a 
very limited number of passages. But with the 
facilities which foreign travel afforded, in process 
of time, the notes accumulated, and the Author's 
attention having also been given to various his- 
torical subjects relating to the Poem, and its chief 
characters , and to the science displayed by Dante, 
he purposed to form a compendium of these mat- 
ters , and to publish them along with the results 
of his examination of Codiciy the precious contents 
of which, as long as readers last and letters 


Faranno cari ancora i loro inchiostri. 

To show the care which Editors have bestowed 
upon the text, and the changes it has undergone 
since first printed , the readings of all the early 


(rflier, as an I for an e^ an a for an Oj and vice 
ffem, errors, easily corrected by the Reader, 
and less annoying to liim than to the writer. 
Hie extracts from the early prmted conunen- 
iaries are given as nearly alike, to their original^, 
with all iheir peculiarities, as was compatible 
witih their being readily understood. Those from 
the Tesoro of Brunetto Latini are taken mostly 
from the Italian version by Bono Giamboni 
(Venice 1528); the splendid edition in the original 
iVench, which has recently issued from the Im- 
perial printing press, had not dien been received 
hy the Author. In some Italian names and words 
the older orthography has been preferred to the 
more modem: but there was no hitention to alter 
the termination of the ire /Sere out of compliment 
to the Leotie of France. (See the Errata.) 

WiHh ihese few preliminary remarks, the Author 
commends his work to those Dantophilists who 
may be expected to take an interest in it, and 
adds in the words of the Master , 

Or ti riman, Lettor^ sovra 1 tuo banco ; 
Dietro pensando a ci6 che si preliba, 
S' esser Vuol lieto assai prima che stanco. 

Hesso t^ ho innanzi: omai per te ti ciba. 

Newington Butts ; Surrey; September 14^^ 1864. 


Introdactory account of Codici: their number and 
distribution in European LibrarieH : their characters 
etc. with illustrations, ..... 1 — 10. 

Codici at Rome. 

Codici in the Library of the Vatican, . U — 18. 

Codice called of Boccaccio (No. 3199), p. 12. 

Codicc Urbinato (No. 365), ... 13. 

Codici No. 366, 367, 378, . 15. 

Codice Vaticano No. 4776, 15. 

Other Codici Vaticani. No. 2864, 2358, 
2378, 3197, 263, 266, 1728, 2863, 2865, 
»^, 3200, 4777, 7566—8, 8376: and 
('. Capponc No. 1, . 16 — 18. 

Mthrr Koiuaii Codici, ...... 19 — 25. 

Codici* (\ietani, ..... 19. 

('«idici ill the Minerva Library, . 20- 

Codici Harberini, . 20—22. 

Codici Chigiani, ..... 23. 

Codici Corsini, ..... 24. 

C<;Diri AT Flokknck. 

CJici in the Laurenziana, general notice of, 2C — 33. 

Codice <]i Santa Croce, or of Villani, 27 — 30. 
Co<iici della Hadia; di Visconti; di IMut. 
XL. No. 2; il Tempiano inagjijiore, e 
niinore; il (raddiano, and TOttinio, 31 — 33. 
<*«.dici in the Magliabecbiana, geni'ral notice oi\ 33. 

Co.iiri No. XXIX; XLVII; and others, 34-35. 
C««lici in the Kiccardiana, ..... 36. 

( o4lici No. 1005, 1006, 1007, lOOH, and 

others*, ..... 36 — 38. 

*'<»tiici in the Library of Seynionr Kirkup Ksq., l\H. 



The Codice, formerly Landi\ at Piacenza, 

Codici at Venice, in the Marciana, 

Codici at Padna, 

Codici at Bologna, 

Codici at Milan, 

Codici at Parma, 

Codici at Modena, 

Codici at Ravenna, 

Codici at Siena, 

Codice at Pavia (supplement), 

Codice at Treviso (supplement). 


Codici in France and Belgium. 

Codici in the Imperial (National) Library at Paris, 
Codice at Montpellier, ..... 
Codice at Brussels, 


Codici in England. 

Codici in the Library of the British Museum, . 5, 47 — 52. 
Codice Egerton, No. 943, . . • p* 47. 
Codice of the general collection, No. 

19.587, 47. 

Codice No. 3488, and Codice Lansdowne, 

No. 839, 48. 

Codice No. 10.317, .... 49. 

Codici Nos. 22.780, 21.163, 3.513, 3.460, 

932, 3.459, and 3.581, . 50 — 52. 

Codice Roacoe, now Panizzi, 75. 

Codice Libri, 76. 

Codici in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, 52. 

Codici 105—106—107; 108, 109, . . 52. 

Codici 97, 103, 112, 95, 96, 98, 110, ill, 

104, 115, 116, 100, 113, 449, 567, 57—64. 

Codice Wellesley, .... 65. 

Codici in the University Library at Cambridge, 

Codici in DENBiABK. 

Codici at Copenhagen, 
Codice at Altona, 



GoDici IK Germakt. 

Ctediee in the Imperial Library at Yienna, 69. 

Oodiei at Berlin, Dresden, and Frankfort, 69 — ^70. 

of Codici in the Vatican, and in the Im- 
perial library at Paris, from Batines, • 77 — 79* 

Readings of the Divika Gohmedia. 

Abbreyiafions used, 85—86. 

Jtoadinga from the Inferno, .... 87 — 171. 
3i<a<iinga from the Porgatorio, . 175 — ^308. 

Sflttdinga from the Paradiso, .... 311 — 581. 





I., V. 



Canto XV., v. 



I., V. 



XV., V. 

55—87 , 


I., V. 



XV., V. 



II., V. 



XV., V. 



II., V. 



XVI., V. 



II., V. 



XVI., V. 



11^ V. 



XVI., V. 



II., V. 



- XVII., V. 



11., V. 



- XVII., V. 



II., V. 



XVII., V. 



U., V. 



XIX., V. 



lU., V. 



XIX., V. 



III.. V. 



XIX., V. 



v., V. 



XIX., V. 



VI., V. 



XIX., V. 



VI., V. 



XX., V. 



VI., V. 



XXI., V. 



VII., V. 



XXI., V. 


VII., V. 



- XXII.. V. 



VII., V. 



- XXII., V. 



VII., V. 



- XXII., V. 



VII., V. 



- XXIII., V. 



VIII., V. 



- XXUI.. V. 



IX., V. 



- XXIIL, V. 



X., V. 



- XXIII., V. 



X., V. 



- XXIV., V. 



X., V. 



- XXVII., V. 



X., V. 



- XXVII., V. 



X., V, 



- XXVIL, V. 



X., V. 



- XXVII., V. 



XI., V. 



- XXVIII., V. 



XIU., V. 



- XXIX., V. 



XIII., V. 



- XXXI., V. 



XI n., V. 



- XXXI., V. 



xm., V. 



- XXXII., V. 



XIII., V. 



- XXXTIT., V. 






Canto I.. V. 

n.. Y. 

II., V. 
III., V. 

- vn., V. 

- VII., V. 

- VU., V. 

X., V. 

xni., V. 

- XIV., V. 

XIV., V. 

XV., V. 

XV., V. 

XVI., V. 

XVI., V. 

XVI., V. 

XVI., V. 

XVI., V. 

XVI., V. 

XVI., V. 

XVII., V. 

XVII., V. 

xvn., V. 

XVIU., V. 
XVIfl., V. 

XX., V. 

XX., V. 

XX., V. 


76—81 , 














85- 9<). 




142—3 , 






















204. ! 

305. I 


296. I 












Canto XXI., v. 

- xxn., V. 

- XXII.. V. 

- XXIII., V. 

- XXIV., V. 

- XXIV., V. 

- XXIV., V. 

- XXV., V. 

- XXVI., V. 

- xxvm.. V. 

XXX., V. 
XXX., V. 
XXX., V, 

- XXXI., V. 

- XXXI., V. 

- XXXI., V. 
XXXI., V. 

- XXXU., V. 

- XXXI!., V. 

- XXXII., V. 

- XXXII., V. 

- XXXII., V. 

- XXXII.. V. 
























58—60 , 




122, 284, 




















142 et seq., 
















Canto XIL, 






































49—51 , 












145, 7, 




43—48 , 










- XVIII., 


91—3, 277, 












64—66 , 














*)1— 3, 







145—8 , 



55 — 7 , 




127 9, 


Ma. ^ . 


55 — 00. 







10— H, 






- XXII., 







- XXIV., 


41-2, 480, 




28—93 , 


- XXV., 
















- XXV., 








- XXV., 






Canto XXV., 

V. 67—78, 


Canto xxvn., V. 146—7, 


- XXV., 

V. 133—6, 



xxvm., V. 12. 


- XXVI., 

V. 7-66, 



xxvm., V. 106, 


- XXVI , 

V. 26—66, 



XXTX., V. 12, 


- XXVL, 

V. 116, 



XXTX., V. 16—36, 


- XX VI., 

V. 141, 



XXIX., V. 49—64, 


- xxvn.. 

V. 22-7, 37- 

66, 204. 


XXX., V. 21, 


- xxvn.. 

V. 139—148 

, 204. 


XXX., V. 46-60, 


- xxvu.. 

y. 46—61 , 



XXX., V. 142, 


- XXVII., 

V. 56, 



XXX., V. 100—2, 


- xxvn.. 

V. 68, 



XXXI., V. 79—98, 


- xxvn., 

V. 98—9, 



XXXI., V. 107, 


- xxvn., 

V. 108, 



XXXL, V. 100—103, 






omat lAnoittoild vircao mgengno 
cltUlaavutm olemarncnmle. 


cUmx fu tolca almoneo gncM moffci 

c^e mi fi* to(*ft. cTnwSb anon* moAcnSte. 

d) mt fiio tolra • clmorCo dncPt tno^rr 

IS a, Jti'nmiiirr nj^remtiTHf the fori miilut/f /itr the hwhw in /ii/< 
.VrtittiJlt'. \ 

Aim leuele 
OTTxax la-nau-icettfi 2»el m to in. 

clTelarcabielroaretrwu ft 

^■^ **0£lt. ' *o 37. BODLtm 




TW nunihcr «( ('odit^i of tlie Divinji Coinmeiliii 
existing ill tlic libraries of Ktirope may be esti- 
maltd at uboiit live liuiidred. Of tlieue tliu ma- 
jority are frtuinl, a:* might be expected, in lUily. 
FInr»--n«!€: imd the Tu8(^an Cities contain iib<tut two 
liuiidn.-(l of them. Northern Italy one Imndred. 
Iti'iiHr mid the Roman utatea eighty. Najdes and 
Sicily, very few indeed, probably not more than 
Urn. Thuii making in all nearly three lumdred and 
ninety Codiei in Italy. 

A^icr Italy, England appears to possess the 
ljiLrjr*«t nnniWr of Codiei, between sixty and se- 
venty. Lord Ashljiirnham's collection is stated at 
eighteen, he waa the fort«nate purchaser of the 
Pacca eolle<rtion, iwventcen in nmnber, which passed 
from the family of that name in Florence to M. 
Ijbri, iiihI were purchased for his Lordship at M. 
Lihri'n fir»t »alc. The Bodleian Library at Oxford, 
cnrirlicd by the purchase of the Canoniei collec- 
tion ofVemeo,'number« fourteen Codiei. Oiu-Uritish 
MuHOum Library hnti twelve. — There are four in 
(lie Libmrj' of" Lord Vernon at Sudburj' Hall.* 

• Tbr IJhrtry of Lord Vfmon contain" nine lweiity-on« 
ToiiutMW ill fuiio u{ the CnnuiicntarieH of Uenvcnuto da Imola; 

The Earl of Leieester\s Library at Holkham con- 
tains six; that of Sir Thomas Phillips at Middle 
Hill four. Otlier private Libraries in England and 
Scotland contain examples, and tliere is one in the 
Hunterian Museum at Glasgow. 

In France there are about forty known Codici, 
the majority of wliicli are in tlie National Library 
at Paris. 

In Spain and Portugal there are about ten known 

In Germany there are very few. Vienna, in 1850, 
had only two, one of which was a mere miniature 
curiosity; the other tliat wliicli had once belonged 
to the Prince Eugene of Savoy. 

Berlin liad only one. Dresden only one. Frank- 
fort one. Breslau is said to have tlirce. Goerlitz, 
in Prussia, one. Stuttgard one. Poland one. Den- 
"t" mark has three. Belgium two. There are, pro- 

bably, a few others in the North of Europe, making 
the whole about five hundred. 

The largest number of these Codici which the 
Author has examined, for any one reading, is one 
hundred and sixty, and these principally in Rome, 
Florence, Venice, Milan, Paris, London, and Oxford. 

In estimating the importance of Codici it is usual 
to consider those in the Laurenziana at Florence 
as taking the lead. M. le Vicomte Colomb de 
Batines in his "Bibliografia Dantesca" gives one 
hundred and fifty nine Codici as the number con- 
tained in the Public Libraries of Florence, in- 
cluding the Palatina, which, though not open to the 
public, used to be accessible in certain instances. 
Of these Codici the Lam-enziana contains eighty 
seven, which is more than those of all the others 

of Biiti, with all the varianti; of Jacopo della Lana^ and of 
that erroneously attributed to Jaco})o di Dante, all of which 
are modem copies. 

* r 


put together. But although the Codici in the Lau- 
renziana are so nnmeroiis , the most important are 
only eight, and these have a relative value among 

The Magliabechiana has thirty-six Codici. The 
Riccardiana contains the same number. The Pa- 
latina had fourteen. 

There are also other Codici in private libraries ; 
that of Mr. Seymour Kirkup contains five. 

Of some fifteen or sixteen known Codici distri- 
buted over Tuscany, Siena possesses six. 

The number of Codici in the Libraries of Rome 
18 about seventy, sixty-three of these the Author 
has examined, as also a few others in the Roman 
states, at Ravenna, Perugia, &c. There are in the 
Library of the Vatican several very important Co- 
dici, the value .of which has , by some writers, been 

Of the collections in the North of Italy, that at 
Milan is the largest, consisting of about thirty- 
tbee Codici, of which twenty-two are in the Bi- 
blioteca Trivulziana. 

After Milan comes Venice, the Biblioteca Mar- 
ciana contains , according to Batines , twenty-two 
Codici , but the Author only saw nineteen , the best 
of these is the Codicc ^larciano No. CCLXXVI. 

The Codici at Padua, four in imnibcr, liavc had 
their importance somewliat overrated. Tliere is a 
good (Jodice at Pavia, and anotlicr i\t Trcviso. 
At Modcna the Author could find only five (Codici 
in the Ducal Library, Batines mentions six. x\t 
Panua lie found four in the Public Library, Ba- 
tines notices only three. 

The Codice of the late Marquis Landi, seen nt 
Piaeenza in 1851, though, unfortunately, the rcad- 
iw^A have in many places been altered from the 
oriirinal, is an importnut Codice, and <mc of the 


earliest known, it bears the date 1336, or only 
fifteen yeai-s after Dante's death. 

The greater number of the Codici of the Divina 
Commedia extant date from the middle of the 14* 
century to the middle of the 15"', very few are 
earlier than the former period, though many are 
later than the latter, and a few as late as the 
middle of the 1 (V^ centurj-. The one in tlie Biblioteca 
OHveriana, at Pesaro, with the date 1328, would, 
if this were genuine, be the oldest known, but it 
is not. One in the Pucci collection, now Asbbum- 
ham, has the date 1335, but neither is this satis- 
factory. Luca Martini, 1546, mentions a Codice 
that belonged to him with the date 1329, but this 
cannot now be found. The Santa Croce Codice, 
commonly called the Codice Villani, bears on 
the remains of the old cover, and again at the 
end, the date 1343, but this has also been contro- 

There are several important Codici in the Na- 
tional Library at Paris , among them may be men- 
tioned that which once belonged to Pope Pius VP* 
and is numbered ^'^ Fonds r/e Reserve ^' No. 10. Also 
the Codice No. 4148, written in 1351 by Betinis 
di Pilis, and obtained from the Biblioteca Giustina 
of Padua. * The Codici Nos. 4150, 4 1 54 and 7255 

* This would seem to bo the same Codice as that whieli 
has also been described as No. 3 of the "Fonda de R^ 
serve.'' In fact three of the Paris Codici in the eatalogae 
of M. Marsand were by him described twice over. These 
were Nos. S, 7001 and 7002 Funds de Reserve. In the Pro- 
legomeni to the edition of the Divina Commedia, by Prof. 
Carl Witte, of Halle, which has appeared since these 
pages were written, the exact known number of Codicil 
making allowance for those which have, for the time, dis- 
appeared, and itthers which have been improperly des- 
crioed as such, is estimate by him at 498. The statistics 
of Codici, as established by the indefatigable laboiurs of 
this most distinguished Dantoiilist, show that there are 

e also deserving of especial notice. There is a 
>od Codice in the Library of the School of Me- 
leine at Montpellier. The one, formerly at Carpen- 
as, lias disappeared. 

The Codici of the Divina Commedia in the Li- 
)rary of the British Museum consist of five belong- 
ing to the Harleian collection of MSS., Nos. 3459, 
3460, 3488, 3513, 3581 ; two belonging to the Eger- 
ton, Nos. 932, 943; one to the Lansdown collec- 
tion, No. 839 ; and four to the general collection, 
Nos. 10.317, 19.587, 21.163, and 22.780. Of 
these the Codice No. 943, is considered as the 
Codice Britannico^ par excellence. After this may 
be placed the Nos. 19. 587, 3488, 839, 10. 317, 
22.780, 21. 163, 3513, 3460, 932, 3459, 3581; they 
may be arranged into three classes of four each. 

Of the five himdred Codici of the Divina Com- 
media found in European Libraries , probably not 
more than about three hundred and fifty have the 

scarcely five Codici, c)iit of the whole number, the date of 
which is earlier than 1350. From 1350 to 1400 there are 
from twenty -seven to twenty -nine Codici only with the 
^te inserted. Of the first half of the 15"' century, there 
are thirty-six which bear a date; and from 1450 to 1470, 
twenty-six; from 1470 to 1495 there are seven with dates. 
W Comments without the text there are, with dates, from 
1355 to 1488, thirty -two Codici. Of these 498 Codici, 
Aree it appears, (?) are w^ithout the first cantica; six have 
only the second; twenty-two only the third, and eighteen of 
those having the first cantica, want the tliird canto of 
^t. The entire number of Codici over which Professor 
fl^itte's comparison of the third canto of the Inferno ex- 
tended was 407. The result of his own researches and 
those of his friends on this canto, have induced the Pro- 
fessor, according to the numbers of Hatines, to class the 
fallowing twenty-six texts as the most deserving of no- 
tice. Nos. 1; 16; 52; 72; 82; 98; 112; 127; 130; 177; 
»1:256; 264; 293; 301; 319; 323; 365; 366; 375; 407; 
120; 44S; 454; 474; 525. (See Prolegomeni Critici.) 

poem complete : in the others some portion, or pw- 
haps the whole of one cantica or more may be 

These Qodici vary inibrm and bulk from a large 
and cumbersome folio, to a small and slender oc- 
tavo, or even less , but the more general form is 
that of a moderate folio. The larger ones are 
mostly those on vellum with numerous illumina- 
tions , and usually with an accompanying commeo- 
tary, frequently written in smaller characters sur- 
rounding the text , which thus appears as if set 
in a frame work of very neat writing. Those widi 
the commentary of Buti are often thus foimd. The 
generality of early Codici are on parchment, bnt 
some few are on a soft and yellowish paper. The 
smallest Codice known is that in the Imperial Li- 
brary at Vienna , it is about one inch and a quarter 
square. Codici are either entirely without notes, 
though this is rather rare, or they have very short 
ones, pastille^ either in the margin , or over the lines, 
or they liave longer ones at the foot of the page, 
or a complete commentary perhaps exceeding the 
text in extent. Frequently varianti are foimd in 
the margin or over the text, and may be of the 
same period, but occasionally of all subsequent 

Tlie commentaries met with in cxlenso are usually 
those oi Jacopo dellaLana^ of the Oiiimo^ BetwcnutC 
da I mold and of Francesco di Barlolo da Buti^ or se- 
lections from these with , perhaps , some few addi- 
tional particulars. The earliest commentaiy known 
to exist is believed to be that of Jacopo^ son oi 
Dante, of about the year 1328; next to tliis i« 
the commentaiy by Jacopo delta Lana , of the sam( 
date or a little later, 1330. The Ottimo, in part \ 
compilation from Jacopo della Lana, Ser. Grazioh 
Bambagioli (?) and possibly others, was began, i 
would seem, in 1334, but mav not have beei 

finished till after 1350.* The latin commentary 
by Pietro di Dante is rather later than 1340. The 
date of Boccaccio's commentary is 1376; that of 
Benvenuto da Imola 1379; that of Buti 1385—87. 

The styles of writing of these Codici may be 
reduced to five distinctive characters — 

Gotico-Italiano , 
Mezzo-Gotico , 
Mezzo -Gotico-tondo , 
Mezzo-tondo , 

To one or other of these, the writing of all Co- 
dici may be referred. 

These styles can only be illustrated by examples. 

The Italian-gothic is less angular than the Ger- 
man and English. 

The more costly Codici are those which have 
been written out by professed caligraphers, and 
have been ornamented by the best miniaturists of 
the age, such is the Codice Vrbinato of the Vatican, 

* Much diversity of opinion exists as to the date of the 
Ottimo. The note on Inf. XIII., 114, 8t<ates clearly that 
tills |K)rtii>n of it was written in 1334. The date reported 
in tho printed text Vol. I., j). 255, should be "mille tre- 
cento trenti tre" as in the other Codici than that from which 
this text wai> taken (see "Studi inediti su Dante Ali^hieri,'' 
PUS). The note on Purg. XXIII., 97, '40 cosi fu, che 
fu nel mille trecento cinquantuno, essendo Vescovo uno 
Messer Agnolo Acciaioli,'^ is no doubt an addition to the 
^Htimo by a later hand. Nor does the note on Parad. XVI, 
145, invalidate the earlier period for the continuation of 
this very important commentary, the circumstance to which 
tlie writer refers of the long time which the statue of Mars 
remained in the water being, either from the Hrst fall 
about 541 to the restoration of the city, or from its second 
tall in 11 78 to some time before 1215, not from the third 
/all in 1333, after which it was s<*en no more. Boccaccio's 
deK'ription of this sculpture confirms the statement of the 
Author of the Ottimo (see commento in loco). 


No. 365, the most splendid one known to the 
Author. Batines calls the writing of this Godice 
Tondo^ it would be more correctly named Mezi^ 
iondo. The Vatican Codice, No. 4776, is also a 
handsome and well wi'itten volume in the Grotico- 
Italiano character, with good illuminations. 

In reference to the correctness of the text, and 
tlic readings, the most valuable Codici are those 
which have been written out by students of the Di- , 
vina Commedia for their own use, such is the very 
important Codice in the Library of the Prince Bar- 
berini. No. 1535. In copies without miniatures we 
often find arabesques at the beginning of each 
cantica, or an ornamental border, at least, to the 
first page. Generally the first verse of each can-, 
tica has an ornamented initial letter, and often 
there is one to each canto, with commonly, a 
rubfic^ or title written in red, and not unfrequently 
the first letter of each terzina is marked with red 
or blue. Sometimes a table of contents preceed* 
the poem. More frequently we find the Capitolo 
of Messer Kosone da Gubbio, consisting of sixty- 
four ternaries and one verse, and beginning 
Pero ehe sia piu fructo e piu dilecto. 

This is often followed by the Capitolo usually 
attributed to Jacopo di Dante , consisting of fifty- 
one ternaries and one verse , and beginning 

O voi die siete del verace lumc. 

Jacopo Filippo Ser. Landi, who wrote out the 
liarberini Codice No. 1535, ascribes this to Pietro 
di Dante, but more probably it is the production 
of the Poet Jacopo. We also sometimes find at 
the end of the Divina Conmiedia an explanatory 
poem in three capitoli, or cantos, attributed to 
Boccaccio , as in the Codice of Santa Crocc. And 
occasionally one nmcli longer still, in eleven can- 
tos, as in the Angelica Codice No. 9|, and the 

ticcardiano , No. 1036, attributed to Mino Vanni 
I'Arezzo, and also, as Batines states, to Jacopo 
ii Dante , and even to Petrarca. The readings of 
this poem which Batines gives from a Codice in 
the Riceardiana at Florence, No. 1158, do not 
agree exactly with the corresponding verses in 
the poem as contained in the Angelica Codice. 

Occasionally we find the Credo of Dante added, 
also his epitaph at Ravemia , and a notice of his 

The Codici commonly conclude with the date 
of the year in which they were written , and the 
name of the writer, together with an expression 
of thanks to the Deity, or the Virgin Mary, for the 
work having been thus happily finished. 

Codici differ almost as much in their ortho- 
graphy as in the character of the writing. Vowels 
are frequently omitted where in reading and scan- 
ning they would not be heard or counted. Where 
two consonants come together as iti mondo^ the place 
of the first is usually indicated by a hyphen 
over, as mode ; similar abbreviations occur in early 
printed books. Punctuation is omitted in the earlier 
Codici, when found it is of subse([uent date. Dante's 
Casato is written in various ways, often differently 
in the same Codice. Tlie original name was Aldi- 
gliieri, subsequently the d was softened into an /. 
The proper way of spelling it is AUiyhieri^ but 
it is found also as 

Aldagheri, Aldeglicri, Aldighcri; 
Aldegeri, Allegeri; 
Allagheri, Allegheri, Alligheri; 
Alleghieri, Alaghcri, and Aliglieri. 

The latter name was used by tlie family on their 
removal to Verona, when the earlier arms, parted 
>er pale or and sable ^ a fess nnjent^ were changed 
o azure ^ a wing or. 


In every instance in wliicli the death of Dan 
is recorded , it is said to have taken place at R 
venna, on the day of Santa Croce, (September 1 4** 

In the Vatican Codice No. 1728, written in 13f> 
little more than seventy years after Dante's deat 
there is tliis notice. 

"Et 6 manifesto che lo nostro autore mori nel 13 
a di di settebre di 56 anni et mesi 4." 


On passing in review the principal Codici which 
the Author has consulted in foreign Libraries, those 
in the Library of the Vatican should take the pre- 
cedence. This Library contains eighteen Codici 
properly so called , two imperfect Codici in which 
only one of the cantiche is found, and two commen- 
taries with portions only of the text.* 

It has been customary to regard the Codice No. 
3199, by sonic believed to be in the liandwriting of 
Koceaccio, and certainly not unlike it, with a few 
Mipposed annotations by Petrarca, as the Codice 
^ (itivajio par excellence, thougli neither the text, nor 
the style of its execution entitle it to that preemi- 
nence. Tlie best Codice, as appeared to the Author, 
h>r the readings, on wliicli great attention has been 
hcstowed, is the Codice Urbinafo No, !i65, and in 
every otlier respect this codice, for tlie caligraphy, 
JUid its very beautiful illuminations, is without a 
rival. It has a remarkable afifreement with i\\(i Co- 
aire Urbinato No. 300, about a century earlier. The 
Vatican Codice No. 477G is also a very important 

* Of the entire Pooin there are fourteen (.^odiei. — Of 
the Poem with certain omissions /V>w; of one cantiea only 
there are two — and two commentaries. 

and handsome one; and there is another of much iiL. 
terest of a hiter date, written out by the learn 
Bembo, with readings which have been well studi 
and punctuation carefully adapted to the meanin 
of the Poet as understood by the writer , it is N 
3197, but imfortunately the poem is not comple 
Bembo once possessed the Codice called of Boc^- 
caccio, and his text has been chiefly taken from it. 
No. 3190. The Codice of Boccaccio is in folio, of eighty 
leaves, is ^vritten in an elegant Italian gothic cha- 
racter somewhat rounded — Batines calls it ^^(oml0 
alquanto godco^^ — in the notation proposed it would 
be mezzo -godco-tondo. It is in double columns; 
each canto has an illuminated initial, and at the 
beginning of each cantica is a larger one with a 

This Codice , said to have been written by Boc- 
caccio and sent by him as a present to Petrarca, 
has, on the verso of the fii'st leaf, the latin lines ad- 
dressed to the Poet with the signature — JohamM^ 
de Certaldo tuus. The postille attributed to Petrarca 
are scarcely worth mentioning. At the end we 
read — 

Explicit liber comcdie Dantis Alagherij de Florentia 
per eum editus sub anno domca*, incaniationis Millio 
trecentesimo dc mense ^lartij solo in Ariete luna nona 
in hbra. 

Qui deccissit in eivitate Ravenna; in anno dmcae in- 
camationis millio trccentesimo XXI. die t>ce Crucis de 
mense scttcmb. anima cuius in pace rcquioseat. Amen. 

This Codice has been evil spoken of by the 
Editors of the Minerva Edition of Padua, and very 
unjustly. The chief objection to its having been 
written by Boccaccio is that, in some places, its 
readings do not agree with those explained in his 
printed commentary , thus 

Inf. II; v. 60; the Codice has E durera quanto il moto lontana. 
the Commentary E durera mctUre il niondo lontana. 


M. VI, V. 86, the Codice, Diversa colpa giu gli aggrava al 

the Commentary, Diverse coipe giu gli aggrava al 


Inf. VII, V. 90, the Codice, Si spesso vien chi vicenda con- 

^ tlie Commentary, Si spesso vien che vicenda con- 


And so in other places, but at the same time the 
Codice corresponds with tlie commentary in many 
instances where other Codici differ from it. The 
text was printed in Fantoni's Edition of the Divina 
Commedia, Roveta, 1 820. But his readings do not 
always agree witli those given by Romanis, (Edi- 
zione Terza Romana..) which having been observed 
by Prof. Witte , he found on examination that both 
were occasionally wrong. So difficult is it in these 
delicate matters entirely to avoid mistakes. 

The Urbinaio Codice^ No. 365 is a large and No. 305. 
handsome folio on vellum, written in a very neat 
Italian slightly gothic hand which Batines calls 
tmio^ but that would more correctly be describ- 
ed as mezzo-fouflo. This most splendid volume has 
296 leaves, and contains upwards of one hundred 
very beautiful and elaborately executed minia- 
tures; Batines says 110, of which the Inferno has 
41, the Purgatory 46, and the Paradise 33; (as a 
specimen see Agincom-t, tav. LXXVII; and Sil- 
vestre's '' Pal^ographie IJniverselle.") These illu- 
minations are ascribed to Giulio Clovio, but in fact 
they are by two different artists , and represent two 
periods of art rather widely separated from each 
other. The illustrations of the Inferno and part of 
the Purgatory, up to the 21**' canto inclusive, arc 
very elaborate productions apparently of the Man- 
tegna school, with thin spare figures, but better 
dra\Tn than the landscapes, and with animals very 
carefully and characteristically . represented; the 
motives, however, are insipid, the artist having had 


but a poor conception of the author^s meaning; 
Great labour lias been bestowed on the flowers and 
stones, the trees are bunchy; the rocks fantastic 
and streaky. In tlie miniatiu*e representing Poet'i 
Castle, the distance reminds one of the manner ot 
Memling. In the scene with Francesca and Paob, 
the figures are standing, and Francesca has her 
hand on the shoulder of Paolo who is weeping. In 
the scene representing Magicians and Enchanters, 
we have some very graceful females with long gold- 
en hair. 

At the 22"*' canto of Piu-gatory the styje is 
changed , and is more modern, with a resemblance 
to that of Tliddeo Zucchero. It is a sort of French 
version of the Roman school , very gay, with much 
prettiness. The illuminated title to the Paradise 
is the best of tliese, and is somewhat raffaelesque.* 

On the principal title-page Dante and -Virgil 
are pictured in tlic Selva beset by the tre fieri\ 
around is an elegant border of scroll work and 
bands, with the forms of various animals, hares, 
monkeys, parrots, peacocks &c. cleverly intro* 

Dante is here twice represented , he is seen at the 
foot of a hill asleep , and again beset by the Lion 
and the Lonza. Beatrice also is shown, appear- 
ing to Virgil with a glory round lier head. At the 
bottom of tlie page is an architectural design witl 
geni supporting a label decked with pearls, anc 
below tliis a black Eagle with the amis of the Diiki 
Frederic of Urbino , encircled by the Order of th< 
Garter. Great care has been taken witli the tex 
which has a remarkable correspondence to that o 
the Codice Urbinato No. 366. 

* At canto 10*'' of the Paradiso the original style of th 
miniatures is restored^ but for only one canto, at th 
11'** the more modem style again appears. 


At the end we read that it was written — 
"Manu Matthaei de Contugiis de vultorris." 

The Urbinato Codice, No. 366, is a smaller folio, no. 3(K5. 
mitten on parchment , in a character wliich Batines 
calls ^^(ondo grosso e hello ^^ but which would more 
eorrectly be named mezzo- godco. There are 187 
leaves. The first canto of each cantica has a mi- 
niature. The concluding cantos of the Purgatory 
have postille. At the end we read 

Explicit Comedia Dantis Alagherij Florentij 

1352. 16. Martij. 

The readings of this Codice are for the most part 

The Urbinato Codice, No. 367, is also an impor- No. mi. 
tantone, it is in folio, on parchment, of 177 leaves, 
written in a mezzo-gotico character, about the middle, 
or second half, of the foui-teenth century, with la- 
tin annotations -- the ink in places is faded and 
much discoloured. In the V^*" canto of the Inferno, 
V. 102 we have: "C7^ mi fu tolla e'l modo ancor viof- 
(fntle^' to which there is this note: "q. d. (quasi di- 
cat)Fama mca offendit lue quia dicor niortua fuisse 
)er adulterium et causa mca mortuum fuisse Pau- 

The Urbinato Codice, No. .'iTS , is a folio, on No. 378. 
parchment, of 93 leaves, in double colmims, written 
in mezzo'tondo^ of the second half of tlie 14^'' century, 
with an illuminated initial to the first canto of each 
cantica, and is also of some importance. The poem 
is followed by the Capitolo of Messer Bosoue da 
Gubbio, ending;* with the verse 

Fortiiicando la christiana fede. 

.After which is the Capitolo of Messer Jacopo di 
/Jante endinjr with — 

N<*1 mezzo del cammin di nostra vita. 

\\\ im])ortant Codice, and that would be more so. No. 177(». 


were it complete, is the Codice Vaticano No. 4776. 
It is a large folio, written in a inezzo-gotico character, 
on parchment, with a commentary in smaller charac- 
ters, has numerous illuminations in a good style, apr 
parently of the early part of the 1 5*** centuiy, with 
elegant initial letters and rubrics. There are 349 
leaves. The 32""* canto of the Paradise, part of the 
Sl**^ and the beginning of the SS*^** are wanting. 
Dante's name is wi'ittcn Alleghieri. At the end the 
writer has put his initials only ; and concludes with 
the pious sentiment — ^^ad honorc ct laude di Chri^ 
N0.28G4. The Codice No. 2864, a small folio on paper, 
written in double columns, in a character mnzfi" 
fondo inclining to (ondo , of II 2 leaves , by Pier d' An- 
tonio di Bartolomco Guittone, citizen of Arezzo,in 
the year of Clirist 1489, contains the exposition of 
Mino di Vanni of Arezzo. It also contains eighteen 
canzoni said to be ^^sopra la pm donna ed allri so§^ 
gieitV* — with a longer poem beginning 

Voi ehe d'amor scntite cnideli dardi. 

In this, Dante's name is Awitten AUighieri. 

Generally, from the fiict of a codice being on pa^* 
per, it may be inferred that it is not of a very early 
period, but this nmst be taken with exceptions, a^ 
one of the earliest known , that of the late Marquis 
Landi, is on paper and bears the date of 1336. 
No. t>:i58. The Vatican Codice No. 2358, folio, on parch- 
ment, in mczzo-goiico somewhat iondo^ with the com- 
mentary of Jacobo della Lana, having 207 leaves 
and written about the close of the 14^'' century, is 
also a respectable Codice. At the end we read 

Explicit liber Dantis Aldighcirij dc Florcntia. 

No. 2^73. A small folio, on parchment. No. 2373, of th< 
same period, written with great care, in double co 
lumns, in a character oi inezzo-tondo somewhat y^/5rw 


8 Inf. IV., V. 36 — CK e par to delta fcde etc.; and at 
f. X VIII., V. 1 2 , Ztf parte dove e it sole rende figura. 
reading found also in the copy of the Divina No. 3197. 
ommedia, folio, on paper, written by Pietro 
tembo, afterwards Cardinal, the friend of Lucretia 
Jorgia, and secretary to Leo X*'', — E la parte, dov 
il sot rende figura. This Codice is numbered 3197; 
^oasiderable portions of the Poem are wanting, 
md nearly one half the volume consists of the 
)oetry of Petrarca. Dante's name is written Al- 
aghieri. The Codice is dated Sept. kl. Aug. MDII. 
Peter Bembo, born in 1470, was not ordained 
priest till 1540, and died Cardinal in 1547. This co- 
dice was particularly recommended to the Author's 
notice by the officiating Librarian, the Rev. Mon- 
«ignore di Sanmarzano. From it was taken the 
printed text of Aldus, 1502. 

The Codice No. 263, a quarto, on parchment, in No. 263. 
character mezzo-gotko-tondo^ and ascribed to the 15"' 
century, is probably of the end of the 14"\ it 
contains a notice of Dante's death. 

A small folio on paper very neatly written inNo. 2G0. 
^ezzo-godco^ and finished Oct' 29"' 13()8, is num- 
bered 266. 

Another Codice, No. 1728, folio, on parchment. No. 1728. 
^mtten in mezzo- tondo contains the Inferno only, 
with the comment bv Francesco Buti, it was finished 
1394, and hns a notice of Dante's death. 

No. 2S63, also contains the Inferno only, with No. 2863. 
the comment of Jacopo della Lana. 

No. 2865, a folio on paj^er, in double columns, No. 2865. 
character tondo^ is written with care, and contains 
some rather unusual varitinti. 

The small folio, No. 2860, on pa])er, of 15'^ cen- No. 2860. 
Niry, neatly written, \\\ mezzo-foiido^ is imperfect. 

The Codice No. 3200, small folio, on parchment, N0.3200. 
►f 104 leaves, some of which are injured, and writ- 
en m a character of Italian <^ot]iic, is, apparently, 



of the latter half of the 1 4**" century. It was th 
pious work of one Philippus, the rest of whose 
name is quite unintelligible. At the conclusion 
we read 

Explicit tertia Comedia Dantis Aldigherij de Rorentii 
qui dicitur Paradisus . . . dec gratias Amen .... 
Laus sit tibi Xpe qiu explicit iste. 
Manus scriptoris salvot dens omnibus horis. 

A formula not unfrequently met with. 

No. 4777. A small folio on paper, No. 4777, in mezzo-goHoh 
tondo^ is imperfect. 

No. 75(J6 Three volumes in small quarto, written in a neat 

to 75«8. jtj^ijj^i^ mezzo-gothic hand , partly on parchment, 
and partly on paper , by one Fra Bartolommeo da 
CoUe, minor Osservante, during the pontificate of 
Eugene IV, in the first half of the 1 5"' century, are 
deserving of notice , at least for their postille and 
varianti. The first two cantos of the Paradise have 
numerous marginal notes , and pious sentiments in 
doggerel latin are introduced at the end of each can- 
tica. The Author thought that some correspoa- 
dence might be traced in the text between this Co- 
dice and No. 477G. 

No.837«. A paper quarto of the 1 5"' century, No. 8376, con- 
tains the Paradise only. 

Toil Cap. There is a commentary, or rather latin transla- 
^' ' tion , by Giovanni da Serravalle, Bishop of Fermo^ 
made in 1417, (Cod. Caj)poni Vatic. No. 1,) a folio 
on paper, of considerable interest; it is not the 
original, but is the only copy now known to exist 
The character may be called mezzo-gotico^ it is writ 
ten with abbreviations , and it would seem that twc 
or three diflbrent hands niav be traced in it, Th< 
version was made at the request of certain eccle 
siastics assembled at the Council of Constance n 
1414. It is especially interesting to English Danto 
filists, as tlie learned Bisliop conducts Dante t 


-^ University of Oxford to perfect his theological 
idies , probably from a traditional report then 
Listing, and known to the English Prelates who 
ttended the Council. 

Among the Codici of the Vatican which formerly 
)elonged to Cliristina, Queen of Sweden, is a 
Dulky folio >vritten on parchment in ^ mezzo -gotico 
character, with a commentary, appjirently that of 
Jacopo della Laua, and of the 1 5'** century. 

The Codice containing a fragment of the Inferno, 
mentioned by Batines as having also once belonged 
to this royal, philosophical Lady, and numbered by 
him 896, the Author could not procure ; but a muti- 
lated Codice of the Paradise, a small quarto written 
in a square mezzo-gotico character, was produced in- 
stead; it was supposed to be about 1370; in it the 
seventh canto followed the first. 


Among the Codici in the Libraries at Rome , tlie 

^ne belonging to the eminent Dantotilist, the Sign. 

Michelangelo Caetani , Duca di Sermonetta, enjoys 

a deservedly high reputation, while the liberality 

of the possessor in placing it at the service of the 

>tudioiis, increases its value. This Codice is a 

small quarto , on parchment , written in a neat Ita- 

/ian mezzo-gotico character, with a few varianti, and 

•ertaiu postille attributed to Marsilio Ficino. It is 

Apparently of the latter half of the 1 4"' centmy. At 

ni. v., V. 59 we find in the margin the variante 

uggrnlcf/e. in the same hand as the text. Portions of 



the Inferno are wanting. At the end we read, 
semigothie capitals, in tlu'ee lines — 

"Explicit tertia Cantica Dantis Aldigherii Poetae 
Florentini que dicitur paradisus. Ainmen." 


In the Library of the Minerva are two Codici, bi 
neither of them of much importance. The two i 
the Angelica Library are more important, these ai 

No.9j. N*"* 9|, and lOf. The former, a folio on parchmen 
not particularly well written, in a character ( 
mezzo-gotko-iondo , in double columns , has an alphi 
betical index of names and subjects, with nearly 
thousand references ; and at the end is the poem i 
eleven cantos on the subject of the Divina Comnw 
dia already alluded to. Dante's name is here wri 

No. io|. ten Allighieri ; the readings are good. The latt 
Codice is a smaller folio , written in a bold ItaHJ 
gothic character of the 15^'' centm-y, in double e< 
lumns on parchment, but less correctly. It contai] 
the Capitolo of Messer Jacopo di Dante, and th 
of Bosone da Gubbio. 

The Library oi\hQ. Prince Barberini contaii 
fifteen Codici in all, eight of which have theenti 
poem, three only portions of it, and the remainii 
four are commentaries, 
o. 1585. The most important of these Codici, and one 
the most valuable extant, from its having been vei 
carefully written by a student of the Divina Cor 
media, is the Codice No. 1535, the Codice Barbi 
rini^par excellence. It is a folio on parclmient, wri 
ten in a character of Italian gothic, and in single c< 
lumns, by Ser. Filipi)0 Landi of Borgo S. Sepolcr 
in 1419, and finished on the W of May. The writ 
tells us that this ooi)y was made for his own u 
only, having lost a previous copy by lending it 
a friend, who said he had returned it when he \\\ 
not, and thus he lost both his book and his frien 


In consequence, he intimates, that this will not be 

leant to any one , and therefore no one must seek 

to borrow it. Ser. Filippo appears to have been a 

pious man, and to have had a deep reverence for 

the name of Maria, which is written throughout the 

Codice in capital letters. The Poem is preceded 

by the Capitolo of Messer Bosone da Gubbio , of 

ftixty-four ternaries and one verse, and is followed 

by that of Jacopo di Dante, of fifty-one ternaries 

and one verse, here ascribed to Pietro. A list of the 

Cantos is given, opposite to which is a sonnet in 

reference to the loss of the former copy of the Poem. 

There is a head of Dante very unlike him, and a 

miniature to the first canto of each cantica. There 

are a few brief explanations of words , but no notes. 

The leaves are 208, of which the Poem occupies 

203. At the end we read — 

Explicit Liber Paradisi Dantis Aliegherii Poete 
Eximij de Florentia. Deo Gratias A. M. E. II. Anno 
MCCCCXVIIIJ. die XXX. mensis Maij. 

This is followed by the defence which Dante 
made of his relijrious princij)les when accused of 
Heresy, and contains liif* profession of Faith, which 
we may conchide was that professed also by the 
good Ser. Filij)po himself, it consists of eighty two 
ternaries and one verse. 

In the ninth verse of the Xl"' of the Inferno, at 
^'Anmtasia Papa (juardo'^' in the word Papa there has 
Wn an erasiu'e, traces of the former word remain, 
and it would appear to have been of the same length 
as the present one, possibly it was primo^ Inf. 
XXVin., V. 1 35 has the reading 

"Che cliedi al re Giovane mai conforti.'' 
The same occurs in the Codice No. 1534. 

The Codice next in importance to this is No. :^'o. 1536. 
/o36, a quarto, on parchment, written in the mezzo- 
AWocharacter of the 1 5"' century. It has 24^ leaves, 
and Dante's name is written Allighieri; there is a 


notice of his death at Ravenna on the 1 4*** of Sep- 
tember 1321. 

1534. The third of the more important of the Barberini 
Codici is No. 1 534, a folio, on parchment, in a boM 
Italian gothic character , somewhat tondo^ of about 
the end of the 1 4^^ century ; it has rubrics , and co- 
loured initials, and arabesques on the title page; 
there are 138 leaves. It is not very correctly 
1537 A small square folio, on parchment, in (ondo of the 

)w 54. ^5111 century, number formerly 1537, now 54, it ends 
at the 57*** verse of the 33"' canto of the Paradise, 
and is not of much importance. 

.1538. The Codice 1538, a small octavo on parchment, 
is a remarkably elegant specimen of Caligraphy of 
the 15"', or end of the 14"' century. 

.1526. Another Codice, a quarto on paper, in a iaid^ 
character of the 15^*" century. No. 1526, is the least 
important here of any. 

.2190. A folio, on parchment, in mezzo -gotico-tondo^ No* 
2190, with rubrics, and coloured initials to the first 
canto of each cantica , may be of the latter part o» 
the 14'^ centurj^ 

.2191. A folio, on paper. No. 2191, probably of the 15*^ 
century, with rubrics and a commentajy-, that or^ 
the Inferno ascribed by Batines to Jacopo di Dante^^ 
tliat on the Purgatory and Paradise to Jacopcr 
della Lana ; portions of these ap{)ear to be in diffe- 
rent hands. 

5.2196, The Codici 2196, 2379, 2848 contain, the first 

79,2848.j.j^^ Paradise only, the second the Inferno only, the 
third the Inferno and the Purgatory. 

1.1714. The other Codici are commentaries. No. 1714 
contains , according to Prof Rezzi , a portion of the 
commentarv bv Benvenuto da Imola, it is in two 

1.1542. volumes. No. 1542 is a commentary in folio on 
parchment, of the 15"' century, composed by va- 

.2192. rious authors. No. 2192 is the commentary oi 


copo della Lana, it is on parchment with the 

it included. No. 2195 is the same commentary No. 2195. 

L latin , and has improperly been ascribed to Pe- 

:area; it is in folio, in double colunms, of the 15'** 

jentury, and contains the creed of Dante, inserted 

to save his orthodoxy. 

The Codici seen in the Chigi Library were ten, 
SIX of which contained the entire poem , two were 
imperfect, and the two others Nos. 109, and 168, 
had, one the Inferno only, the other only the Pur- 
gatory. This Library , unlike those of the Prince 
Barberini and of the Prince Corsini, is never opened 
to the public. The Codici here are of less impor- 
tance than in the former library. One of the best 
is No. 213, a folio on parchment, written in a neat No. 213. 
^zzo^otico character, with rubrics and coloured 
initials. The text of the poem is preceded by a 
summar)' of it in seventy-five terzine. There are 
peek and latin postille in the hand of Jacopo 
Corbinelli, a Florentine exile who had taken 
refuse at Piiris with the Queen Caterina de' Me- 
dici ill 1 559. Another tolerably good Codiee is 
No. 167, a ((uarto, on parchment, in an Italian-{;o- No. lfi7. 
thic character, with illuminated initials, and a few 
postille to the first canto. At the end are the (*api- 
toli ofjaco])0 di Uante, and of Bosoue da Gubbio. 

The Codice No. 253, a folio cm parclnnent, in No. 253. 
H fnezz(Hgofico character, with rubrics, and coloured 
initials to distinjifuish the terzine, is probably of 
the end of the 14"' century; it is not a bad Oodice, 
and contains a portion of a commentary in latin 
attributed to Filippo Villani. 

Codice No. 292, a folio, on parehuicnt, in a cha- No. 292. 
racter oi mczzo-gotico-tondo^ very neat, and not nmch 
unlike the hand writing of Petrarca, with rubrics; 
it is probably of the latter part of the 14"' century, 
)T a little later. 


No. 293. Codice No. 293, a folio, on paper, in character 
mezzo-gotivo^ of the 15"' century, has suffered much 
from damp. 

No. 212. Codice No. 2 12, a folio, on paper, probably of the 
l6"' century, with a few postille and very indiflFe- 
rently written, is one of the worst Codici I have 
ever seen. 

No. 251. The Codice No. 251 , a square folio, on parchment, 
of the IS'*" centmy, begins with the fifth canto of 

No. 294. the Purgatory. No. 294, a square folio, in charac- 
ter mczzo-tondo^ of the 15"* centmy, wants the enc 
of the Paradise, and has had portions of the te?w- 
supplied by a more modern hand. 

The Corsini Library contains thirteen Codicr 
of the Divina Commedia, nine of which are con* 
plete, four incomplete. 

The former are Codici Nos. 61, 247, 368, 60t 
608, 609, 1354, 1365 and 1366. The latter ar 
Codici No. 5 of the Codici Rossi, Nos. 56, 607 antf 
No. 1365. Of these No. 1365 is the oldest herewith a dat« 
affixed, 1376, according to the Author's notes, bu" 
Batines has 1378. Three others are also of the 
latter part of the 14*'' century, but the exact date un- 
No. 5. certahi, these are No. 5 Codici Rossi, No. 61, and 
Cod.R8i. Xo. 368. It is much to be regretted that the Co- 
dice Rossi No. 5 is incomplete, as it is one of the 
most important in the collection. In this the read- 
ing of Inf v., V. 59, ^''miccedecte^^ has been altered 
No. 56. to ^^ suggerdcctc\ Cod. 56 has the reading Inf 
XXXIIL, V. 26, 

'^Piu lo vie gia quando fecilmal sonno''. 

The former of these (V)dici is in mezzo-goiicO'tondo 
the latter in mezzo-iondo. No. 601 reads ^^Che sucit 
detie a nine e fu sua sposa^ This Codice is an oct^v( 
on apper, of 220 leaves, written in a charactei 


of mezzo-tonHo. The date is 1458. Batines tliought 
t\ie 5 was a 7, it might almost pass for a 3. No. No. 3t58. 
36S, a quarto on parchment, of 101 leaves, written 
m double colums, in mezzo-gotico-tondo^ latter half 

of the 14**' century has good readings. No. 1354, No. 1354. 

a folio of the 1 5"' century, on paper, in mezzo-goHco- 

/(wwfo, has Boccaccio's life of Dante whose casato is 

written AUigMerL 



The most important Codici at Florence are in , 
the Laurenziana. This Library contains eighty- 
seven Codici, eight of which are in especial esti- 
mation, these are 

The Codice ViUani, or of Sta. Croce. Plut XXVL 
Cod. 1. No. 216. 

The Codice della Badia, or del Buti. No. 1 . 

The Codice Visconti. Plut. XL. No. 1. 

The Codice. Plut. XL. No. 2. 

The Codice Tempiano maggiore. 

The Codice Tempiano minore. 

The Codice Gaddiano. Plut. XC. Sup. No. 125. 

The Codice del Ottiiuo. • Phit. XL. No. 19. 

There is also an important Codice Plut, XL. No. 
3, which has been styled "magnifico". The athtf 
Codici are — Three Codici Mediceo-Palatini. No»» 
LXXII— LXXIV. Two Codici delF S. 8. Annuls 
ziata, Nos. 169 and b2Q. — Nineteen Codici Gad^ 
including the one already noticed, Nos. 41; 42 ; 43i 
47; 120—133; 141. These are in the Pluteo XC 
Eighteen Codici Strozziani, Nos. CXLVII— CLVI-, 
And thirty -eight Codici without special titles ii 
Pluteo X£i, including No. 2. There is also i 
comment by Buti in six volumes, this would mat 
eighty-eight in all, if taken with the former. 


III the " Bibliografia Daiitesca" of the Vict. Co- 
mib de Batines, these codici are described in an 
ttemptcd chronoU)gical order, but as dates are 
>ften very doubtful, and sometimes merely iinagi- 
aarv% it would have been better to have noticed 
them in the order of the catalogue. 

The oldest codice here with an undoubted date, 
by the transcriber, is the Cod. Plut. XC. Sup. No. 
125. "Codice Membranaceo in foglio grande di 74 
carte a 2 colonne", in which we read 

"Franciscus S. Nardi me scripsit in Fiorentia. Anno 


It is imperfect. If, however, we may trust to a 
notice ascribed by Melius to Sebastiano de Bucellis, 
Librarian to Sta. Croce in the 15"' century, the Co- 
dice so called, or of Villani , is older by four years, 
but of this there is some uncertainty. The notice 
states , that the volume was written in the year that 
the Duke of Athens was expelled from Florence, 
in 1343, but, if so, it is difficult to understand 
W it could have been written by Filippo Villani, 
to whom it is commonly ascribed, as he was then 
a child. We do not know in what year Filippo 
was born, but in 1404 he was reelected to the chair 
of the Diviiia Commedia. Tliere is a Codice of 
Plutarch's Lives in this Library which was written 
W Filippo, Plut. XXXVL Coci. 6, and in this the 
writiiifr is totally different to that in the codice of 
the Divina Commedia. Tlie same motto, or sen- 
timent , 

Non hn p toto Hbertas vonditnr anro, 

'*« found, however, in both, but this is no positive 
evidence that they were l)oth written l)y tlie same 

3fonsignor Dionisi, who well examined this Co- 
ice, and held it, I tliink, in higher estimation 
an it deserved (see Degli Aneddoti No. V.) did 


not believe that it was written by Filippo Villa 
and thought that the annotations in which it ^s 
so stated were posterior to the Codice by at let 
a hundred years. 

T/fe Codice of St a. Croce^ so called fro 
having formerly been in that Library, is a larj 
volume, in folio, on thick paper, without illumin 
tions, but with coloiu'ed initials red and blue, ai 
is written closely in a rather large inelegant ai 
somewhat careless italian slightly gothic hand, wii 
numerous corrections, and not a few omission 
which are supplied in the margin. I thought thei 
showed that the book might have been writt( 
either by a very yoimg , or a very elderly perso 
There are postille, and occasional varianti, wlii( 
in some cases are of importance, in a few instanct 
almost ridiculous. 

Upon the whole , however , the readings of tl 
text are good. There are 212 leaves , and the fir 
is of parchment. The postille, and corrections, ai 
argomenti are in various hands ; the corrections ai 
some of the varianti are apparently by the writ 
of the text, the colour of the ink has equally fad 
in both. Mehus believed the postille and variai 
to be in the writing of Coluccio Salutati. On t 
last leaf is stuck a parchment fragment of the oi 
ginal cover, on which is a notice that the volui 
belonged to Frate Tedaldo delhi Casa , of the Ord 
Minore, avIio, living, gave it to the Library of Sax 
Croce, and that it was written by the hand 
Messer Philippo Villani in the year of Clirist 13*^ 
A third notice, in the same hand, occurs at 1 
conclusion of the Paradise. The book is now bou 
in wood-covers with a Russia-leather back. T 
marf^in of the Codice is broad, but the argume: 
to tlie first nine cantos of the Inferno are not, 
stated by Batines , Avritten there : only those of i 
cantos 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 are. Canto 1 has 


rgument , uor canto 1 1 . The arguments to can- 
08 8 and 9 are at the bottom of the page, after 
the preceding cantos. At the end of canto 11 is 
the argument to canto 1 2 , after this there is none 
other. The motto Non bene pro toto libertas venditur 
wro is found at the end of the Inferno, and at the 
end of the Paradise. 
The volume contains the Capitolo beginning — 

Voi che siete del verace lume; 

here ascribed to Messer Pietro di Dante ; that l)y 
Bosoue da Gubbio , beginning — 

Pero-eh' sia pii\ fnitto e piii diletto; 

and the Raccoglimento in terza rima of the Div. 
Com. by Giovanni Boccaccio, in three parts , cor- 
responding to the three cantiche, each beginning 
^ith the first verse of the first canto of the can- 
tica; that on the Inferno has seventy five terzine 
and one verse. As also the one on the Purgatory, 
that on the Paradise has sixty terzine and one verse. 
The first terzina is thus — 

Nel mezzo del eaininin di nostra vita, 
Lsniarito in una valle rAutore. 
Era sua via da tre bestio inipedita . . 

A similar '' Raccoglimento '' is found in the Co- 
Jice Riccardiano No. 1035.* The Author has fre- 
quently noticed in Codici the reading modo for mondo^ 
and vice versa, an instance of the former occurs 
in this (^>dice ////. III., v. 49. 

Faina di loro il modo esser non lasser. 
We have the following readings in the text, 

* Pnj^fcijili iw his Edition of the "Rime di Messer Gio- 
vanni Hoi-Laceio'\ Livorno 1802, was, I believe, the first 
t" print these. He mentions them as occurin*!^ also in a 
Vnlire in the Magliabeehiano, but that Filippo Vilhuii (Vj 
ad li«'re uiueh improved their readings. 


Inf, IV., 36. Ch'fe parte della fede che tu credi. 
Purg. II., 93. Diss'io m'a te come e tanta hora tolta. 
Par ad, VIL, 114. per Tuna o per I'altra fu o fie. 

Of readings with marginal varianti a large num- 
ber might be given , the following may suffice as 
a specimen. 

Inf. II., 23. Fu stabilito per lo loco santo. 

In margin — Fur sUA^ 
Inf. III., 81. Infino al fiume del parlar mi trassi. 

var. dal paHv* 
Inf VIII. , 1. lo dico scguitando chassai prima. 

var. Ei dk$^ 
Inf. IX., 8. Comincio el se non tal ne s'oflFerse. 

var. se ne offene* 
Inf. X., 65. Mavevan di cestui gia lee to il nome. 

var. eldl9. 
Inf. XL, 95. Diss'io, Ik dove di' che usura offende. 

var. ia dove di' chaoria offenit 
Inf. XVI., 26. Drizzava ad me si che tra lore il colio. 

In mar. si ch'a contrario il collo — for in contntrio. ' 
Inf. XVI., 114. La gitto giuso in quelPalto burrato. 

var. aiXt^ 
Inf. XIX., 105. Calcando i buoni e sollevando i pravi. 

var. calando i bnoA 
Inf. XXL, 78. E venne a lui dicendo: die li approda. 

var. dieui approda* 
y/i/*. XXIL, 21. Che s'argomentin di campar lor legno. 

var. di guardar. 
Inf. XXIL, 58. Fra male gatte era venuto il sorco. 

var. tra male branck* 
Inf. XXIL, 150. Ch'eran gia cotti dentro dalla crosta. 

var. dafla costa-^tMltu 
Inf. XXIIL, 63. Che in clugni per 11 monaci fassi. 

var. in Cologne 
Inf. XXIIL, 141. Colui che i peccator di qua imcina. 

var. ia vicinn* 
Inf. XXV., 144. La novita se fior la penna abborra. 

var. ia lingua. 
Inf. XXVIIL, 31. Vedi come storpiato e Macometto. 

var. sccrpiaio. 
Inf. XXX., 6. Aiidar carcata da ciasama mano. 

var. venir. 
Inf. XXX., 87. E men d'nn mezzo di traverso non ci ha. 

var. epiA, 


; 101. Forse dresser nomato si obscuro. 

var. Forte. 
. XXXI., 12. Ma io senti' sonanm alto como. 

var. udi\ 
\ XXXIII.; 78. Che furo air ossO; come d'un can; forti. 

var. che forar tosso. 
/". XXXIV., 42. E si giungieno al luogo della cresta. 

var. al coimo, 
urg. v., 18. Perche la foga run delF altro insoUa. 

var. deif un tallro insolla. 
Pur^. VI., 111. E vedrai saneta fior com' e obscura. 

var. come si cura . . quo curat, 
Pwflr. Vn., 127. Tant' e del seme siio minor la pianta. 

var. miglior. 
hrg, IX., 42. Come fa Tuomo ch' spaventato a caccia. 

In mar. Aghiaccia. 
ftir^.IX., 130. Poi pinse Tuscio alia porta sacrata. 

var. alia parte. 

From the above we may see that all the read- 
ings of the text could not have been written by 
an able expounder of Dante, and that some of the 
varianti are in the same predicament. 

The Codice della Badia di Fh'enze, called also 
MBuli^ is a liandsoiue volume, in folio, written on 
parchment, the text, in a large and bold Italian 
(lothic character, occupying the centre of tlie page 
surrounded by the commentary in a smaller hand. 
It is of the early part of the 15"' century. There 
are illuminations, arabesques, and coh>ured initials. 
The text may be considered as tolerably good, but 
the volume is not equal to the copy of the same 
commentarv in the Masfliabechiana. There are 281 

The Codice Visconli — is so called from the 
comment it contains having once been believed to 
f^etlie one compiled by six learned Italians in I 350, 
l>y order of the Archbishop Visconti of Milan , but 
Don* known to be the same as that of Jacopo 
/ella Lana, Bolognese, whose exposition, next to 
hat by Jacopo di Dante, is considered to be the 


oldest extant. It is partly on parchment, part! 
on paper, there are 339 leaves, and it is writie 
in two columns, apparently by various hands, a 
different periods, in a character more italian thai 
gothic. There are illuminations and figures, bii 
for the most part very badly done. The Anthoi 
cannot imagme what induced Mehus to propose tfaifl 
codice as a model for an edition with illustrations^ 
It is in a very indifferent state from patching and 
mending , and the wTiting is in places almost ef- 
faced. The date at the end is 1456. 

The Codice Pluteo XL. No. 2 is a folio volume 
of 184 parchment leaves, written in a semigothic 
character, with latin annotations to the first two 
cantiche, and with the Ottimo comment to the third, 
so Batines. The annotations are written in a small- 
er hand over and around the text which occupies 
the centre of the page. The date is 1 370. Most 
of the designs are in outline only. It contains at 
Inf. v., V. 59 the variante — sugger dette^ andde 
serves to be carefully examined. 

The Codice Tempi a no maggiore is a large 
folio, written on parchment, in double columns, in 
an Italian-gothic hand, has 89 leaves, and bean 
the date 1398. There are arabesques and minia- 
tiu*es in the style of the Giotto school somewhat 
advanced. The text is worthy of attentive perusal 
At canto III., v. 36, Inferno, the original read 
ing was " senza infamia ," subsequently altered to 
^^ senza fama^\ 

The Codice Tempiano minor e is a square foil 
on paper of 230 leaves, written in a somewhl 
rounded semigothic Italian hand. There are n 
brics, with a large initial letter, in red and blu 
to the first canto of each cantica, and small 
ones in red to the other cantos. The readings a: 
for the most part tolerably good, but the Codi 
is not, in this respect, equal to the former. T] 


last 16 cantos are disfigured by a crowded com- 
mentary and by postille. It was written, probably, 
in the early part of the 15'** century. The volume 
iras purchased by Lorenzo di Giovanni Beni , on 
the 10* of March 1431. 

The Codice Gaddiano No. 125 is a large folio 
volume of 74 leaves, in a good, somewhat rounded, 
Italian semi-gothic character {mezzo- ffotico-tondo)^ on 
parchment, in double columns with rubrics, and 
initial letters in red and blue. It bears the name 
of Franciscus S. Nardi, and was written in Florence 
in 1347. It is greatly to be lamented that this an- 
cient Codice is imperfect. 

The Ottimo Codice is a large volume in folio 
of the 14* century, of 175 leaves, written on parch- 
ment, in an Italian semi-gothic hand, the text is 
in the middle of the page, and is surrounded by the 
conunentary in a smaller charq,pter. 

According to M. Audin, the Codice in this Li- 
brary, Pluteo XL. No. 10, is the only one which 
contains the commentary of Jacopo di Dante com- 
posed in, or about, 1328. The Codice Gaddiano, 
Plut XC. Inf. No. 42 , contains the commentary 
similar to that in Paris, No. 7765, with two ad- 
ditional proemii. But Batines thought the most 
authentic commentary of Jacopo to be that of the 
Codice Strozziano No. CLXV. 

In XheMaglidbechiana^ Batines describes thirty- 
six Codici of the Divina Commedia. 

Four only of these have distinct titles, they are : 

The Codice Giraldi. Cod. membranaceo, in 4^'', of 

325 leaves. XV^' century. The Codice DinL Cod. 

cartaceo, infol. piccolo, of 209 leaves. A. D. 1471. 

The Codice of S. Maria Novella, Cod. cart, in 4*", 

215 leaves, XV"' centiuy. The Codice of the 



Badia. Cod. cart, in fol. pice, 104 leaves, XV* 
. Two Codici called of S.Marco, Nos, 217, •i2a 

Four of the SS. Annunziata, Nos. 1261, 126i, 
1263, 1266. 

Two of Class VII, Nos. 940, i091. 

Two of Palco IV, Nos. 2, 135. 

One of Palco 11. 

One of Class XXXV, No. 113. 

The rest , nineteen in number , from XXIX to 
XL VII inclusive, come imder the series of Palco 
No. 1 , — not including the commentaries from 
XL VIII— L. The most important of these Codid 
is that of the latter series No. XXIX Tonce Claw 
VII, No. 1232) with the conunentary ot Francesco 
di Bartolo da Buti. It is a large folio, on parcli- 
ment, of the XV'^ century, consisting of 461 leaves, j 
and may be named the Codice Magliabechian$^ ^ 
par excellefice. It bears the following title — "Com- 
media col conunento, o lettura di Francesco da 
Buti, compito dalF autore il d\ 11 Giugno, 1385, 
e ricorso nel 22 Dicembre 1387 (ut ad calcem no- 
tatur) in Cod. integro in fol. membran. foil. 461. 
Scripta manu Joannis Dn. Nicolai anno 1400 (vel 
paulo serius ut ad calcem legitur)". 

The text is in a bold Italian semi-gothic hand, 
the commentary in a smaller character written 
around it like a frame. There are various illumi- 
nations which indicate the early part of the XV'^ 

Besides this Qpdice, only twenty-three were exa- 
mined by the Author, six of which were on parch- 
ment, the rest on paper. 

One of the best written of the former was Cod. 
XXXIV, but at the same time, one of the most 
incorrect. Cod. XXXII, a folio on parchment, of 
the 14"' century, in mezzo^otico-tondo^ is an inter- 
esting Codice with good readings. Cod. XXXIII, 


tten by Antonio Manetti Tucci, in 1462, has 
lie curious diagrams. No. XXXVI, is a good 
dice of the date 1 375. In the Codice No. XLIII, 
folio on paper of the 14*** century, with latin 
stille, the original reading of Inf. XXXIII, v. 26 
tfiMf", was subsequently altered to ^Hume^\ and 
^tly "/iVt?e?" was wTitten in the margin, as sliown 
y the darker colour of the ink. 
• Codice XL VII contains the commentary once, 
TToneously, attributed to Boccaccio, and which, 
rom a less perfect copy in the Riccardiana, was 
mnted by Lord Vernon. Codice LXIX contains 
in substance the same commentary with the whole 
)f the text. This Codice is in folio, on paper, of 
121 leaves, written in a small almost microscopic 
band, in double columns, at the close of the four- 
teenth century, 1393. Besides the commentary, it 
contains the explanation of an ode beginning "lo 
son Fortuna etc." Also the ^''Credo^\ — A chapter 
on the creation — ^^Stavasi deniro alia sua possanzd^ — 
etc. One on the Deluge — 

Essendo entraio la morie nel mondo — etc. 

together with the Capitolo of Jacopo di Dante, 
iind tliat by Bosone da Gubbio. In tlic Codice 
XLVII, the writer of the commentary says that 
l)v the "Vcltro," some understand an Emperor, 
others a saintly Pope to be meant, and some 
imagine that Christ's coming at the judgement day 
is intended. The Codice XLIX contains, at the 
end, an additicmal note on this mysterious person, 
from wliich we gather, that Christ is j^i'obably 
lere meant, and that his reign on Eartli with tlie 
flints for a thousand pro2)hetic years was wliat 
>ante had in his mind. The political sense of tlie 
oem was in those days not even suspected. 

The Strozzi collection was not consulted by 



the Author, nor the Codici in the Palaiina^ as it 
was not his intention to examine all the Codiei 
of the Divina Conimedia , but only the more im- 
portant ones in public Libraries, and those to 
which, from personal acquaintance with the pos- 
sessors, he had free access. 

In the Riccardiana Library at Florence, Ba— 
tines describes thirty -six Codici, thirteen of the 
most important of which were consulted. This 
library contains a Codice >vith the comment bv 
Buti in three volumes folio, Nos. 1006, 1007, 1008, 
on parchment, >>Titten in 1394, 1412, and 1413, 
whicli , according to Alessandro Torri, is preferable 
to the Codice of Sta. Croce, and the Magliabechiano. 
But the most important of the Codici Riccardiani 
is, probably, the Codice No. 1005, though ineoni- 
plete, for it wants the Paradise. Batines regarded 
this as the most ancient in the collection, it is 
certainly older than many, and of about the middle 
of the 14*** century, but the Author is not quite 
sure that it is the oldest. It is a folio, on parcli- 
ment, of 184 leaves, in the Itnlian-gothic charac- 
ter. There are some irregularities in the order of 
the text, which is surrounded by the comment of 
Jacopo della Lana, here called Jacomo di Zone id 
Fra Filippo della Lana di Bologna. There are neat 
little initial letters with designs, but the one to 
canto XXXIII of tlie Inferno, mentioned by Ba- 
tines, does not represent, as he describes, the 
Conte Ugolino devouring one of his children, 
but the Count gnamng the head of the arch- 
bishop Ruggieri, and is in the commentar}^ The 
initial to the canto itself represents the archbishop, 
who, with a bag of money, is bribing the jailor 
to give him the keys of the prison, he holds the 
bag out to the jailor with his right hand, and the 
latter is about to take it with his left. We thus 


have an illustration and a comment at the same 
time. The readings are worthy of attention, but 
some of the varianti are a little singular. 

The Codice No. 1025, folio, on parchment, of 
88 leaves, in two columns, written in a roimded 
slightly gothic character, is also of the middle of 
the 14**" centmy, and the text corresponds in some 
respects with that of the former, thus at Purg. V, 
V. 136 we read in both 

Disposata m'avea coila sua gemma. 

Like the former also, this Codice has some sin- 
gular varianti, as for instance that of Inf. II, v. 62 

Nella fallace piaggia e impedito. 

It is however an iinportant Volume. 

The Codice 1024, a small folio on paper, of 99 
leaves, in two columns, of the early part of the 
IS"* century, is rather carlessly written in a rounded 
character, thus we have sechura for oscura, leUerno 
for eterne, ritolso for ritrorso etc. In Purg. V, v. 
136 we have tlie same reading as in the two for- 
mer Codici , which shows tliat it is by no means 

One of the best written Codici here is No. 1004, 
with the Ottimo comment, it is of the 15"' cen- 

The Codice No. 10 tO is also well writj;en, in 
a smaller character, and well preserved. "Codice 
membranaceo , in folio grande, del Secolo XIV, 
di carte 84, a duo colonne'\ Batines calls the 
character ^^tondo -mezzo- goUco^^ — it certainly has 
ver>' little of the gothic in it, and the Author would 
prefer calling it — mezzo-tondo del decinioquarto 
secolo. It has that elegant elongated form of letter, 
irhich writers of the 14'*' century, Petrarca and 
others, delighted in, and which, according to Boc- 
caccio, was the manner of Dante's writing. It is 


an important Codice. No. 1027 is also a tolerably 
good Codice, tliougli not a very elegant one. 

The other Codici examined were Nos. 1012, 
1017, 1026 and lOM, — this latter has, Piu-g.V., 
V. 18, the -rare reading — 

"Percbe la foga dellimo Taltro insolia.'' 

Also the Codici 1033 and 1035, which last U 
a much better Codice tlian the former, and con- 
tains the tlu'ce compendia called ^^ Raccoglimfnto k 
tcrza rima del /imraccio'^ — as found in the Codice 
detto di Santa Croce. — The Codice No. 1036 , 
contains the eleven capiloli, by some ascribed to 
Jacopo di Dante, but by Batines to Mino d'Arezw, 
and which are found also in the Angelica Codice 
No. ^. 

The Codici as described bv Batines arc 1002; 
1004—8; 1010 -12; 1014— 15; 1017— 18; 1024- 
1029; 1031 ; 1033—39; 1045—49 bis; 1094; 1106; 
1109; 1119. 

In the Library, at Florence, oi Seymour Kirkuf 
Esq., arc five Codici of the whole, or portions of 
the Divina Commedia. No. I , an elegant volume 
in small octavo, on parclmient, ^mtten in mezzo- 
gotuo^ with some few notes, by Betino di Pilis, 
1368,' is the most important. A somewhat earlier 
Codice h\ this grateful student of the Divina Com- 
media , wlio, as mv friend once informed me, be- 
cause Dante liad mentioned one of his ancestors, 
devoted liimself to the volume, is in the National 
Library at Paris (No. ii Fonds de R(5serve). Mr. 
Kirkup piu'chased liis copy of the bookseller Piatti 
for 300 pauls, the latter bought it of the Sig. Ga- 
leotto Corazzi of Coi-tona , who obtained it from 
Genoa. Some few pages being wanting, they were 
supplied by a facsimile of the corresponding pages 
in the Paris copy. 

The next in importance is No. 2. A folio on 


arclinient, with illuminations, written in mezzo- 
otico^ somewhat elongated, with latin notQS and 
)ostille, about the end of the 14'^ or beginning of 
he 15'^ century. 


Neither Viviani nor Batines appear to have seen 
this Codice, the latter copied his notice of it from 
the former , who printed an account of it sent to 
him by the Marquis Landi of Piacenza to whom 
it belonged, but who has died since the Author 
was favoured with an examination of it at Piacenza 
in 1851. 

It is a folio on parchment, of 107 leaves, neatly 
written in a character oi mezzo- ffotico-italiano^ inclin- 
ing in places to mezzo-gotico-tondo ^ and in double 
columns. In general the Italian gothic character 
has a tendency to take a rounded form in the upper 
or lower parts of certain letters. The Codice is 
in good preservation, and scarcely looks to be so 
old as the date affirms, 1336. Unfortunately the 
orin^inal text has been altered in many places to 
Diake it conform to that of the Crusca. The Poem 
occupies 1 00 leaves only, and is followed by the 
Capitolo of Bosone da Gubbio, and that of Jacopo 
di Dante. There are rubrics. The spaces left for 
the initial letters to the first canto of each can- 
tica have not been filled up. On the first leaf are 
certain paragraphs from Guittone, on the second 
leaf, recto, is a notice of a former possessor of 
the volume, followed by various diagrams. The 
readings are for the most part very good, and it 
is satisfactor}^ to find that this Codice bears out, 
in many controverted places, the principles of cor- 
rect criticism. At v. 26, canto XXXIII. Inf., we 
'jave the rather unusual variante 

"Pill le vie gia quand' io feci 1 mal sonno," 


a reading which the Author has found in twebe* 
Codici out of one hundred and thirty. At Inf. 
XVI., V. 95, the original reading was 

"Prima da monte verso inver levante/' 
verso having subsequently been altered to Ve$o. 
At Inf. IX., V. 70, we have '"''porta fere^\ At Inf. 
XIIL, V. 63, we read ''Hi sormi e i polsi^\ 

At Paradise VII., v. 114 the Codice has 
"O per l*una o per Taltra fue o fie'^ 

A reading which , witli certain others , may be 
considered as a test of the goodness of a text. The 
accents, and divisional marks occasionally found 
in the verses, are more recent than the writing: 

THE codicp: MARCIANO. 

The most important of the Codici in the Zi- 
brary of Sl Mark at Venice is the Codice Ma^ 
ciano. rClass, IV. Cod. CCLXXVI.) It is a large 
folio volume of 77 leaves, written on parchment 
in a bold Italian-gothic character, in double co- 
lumns , and is not earlier than the second half of \ 
the 1 4'*" century, probably a little later. Very nth 
merous designs are introduced among the text, 
in a style of art indicating the transition period. 
The first verse of the first canto of the Inferno 
is wanting. The initial illumination represents ft 
figure in a blue gown and red cap, seated at ft 
desk writing, but is unfinished. In the design 
at the end of the Paradise , the Father Eternal id 
seen seated on a tlirone, with the Son in liis lapi 
between eight female saints , and a female kneeling 
in front ; two angels support a canom?' over. The 
readings are generally good. This Codice is one 
of those with the variante of Inf XXXIII., v. 26 
"/?«/ levie gid^\ Other Codici in this Library have 
here "/?/i //^^," "/?/// lume^'^ '"''piii tune ". Pard. VTI., 
V. 1 1 4 reads as in the Codice Landi. 



The Codici of the Divina Commedia in the Se-- 
\inario a^ Padua are numbered — Codici II; IX; 
AVH; CCCXVL The Codice CLXIV is the latin 
commentary of Pietro. Of these Codice No. IX 
s the most important. It is a folio, on parchment 
of 164 leaves, written in the character of Italian- 
gothic approaching to mezzo-gotico , with illumina- 
tions and arabesques at the beginning of each 
cantica, and an illuminated initial to each canto. 
It is of the second half of the 14'^ century, and the 
illuminations indicate the latter part of it. It con- 
tains the Capitoli of Jacobo, and of Messer Bo- 
8one. We find s frequently used for^, as in ^^brasia'*^ 
for bragia, ^^adasia^^ for adagia, ^^mahasia^'* for 
nialvagia, thus showing a tendency to the Venetian 
dialect. The readings are mostly good, though 
some few might be better. The fourth verse of canto 
1. of the Inferno has ^^Ahi quanta a dire e(c.^\ so also 
in the Codice No. LXVII. In canto III., v. 114 
we read '' Vede a la terra^\ as in most Codici. Canto 
VI., V. 86 , has 

"Diverse pene gin li grava al fondo^'. 

Canto XXXIIL, v. 36 has ^^Piu lunc gin e(cy, over 
"W has been YVTitten /w;w. In Codice CCCXVI, 
the same reading occurs, which has subsequently 
Wn altered to the one most frequently found "/>/« 
liete\ Pard. VIL, v. 114, has ^'0 per I'uno o per 
hllro fuo o fie\ 


In the Library of the V niversity of Bologna 
re two entire Codici of the Divina Commedia and 


parts of a third ; this last is Codice 11, beginiiiii{f 
at tlie 10"' canto of the Inferno, v. 1 3, it is thought 
to be shortly after the time of Dante, whose wridnff 
it somewhat resembles, according to what is sara 
of it by Boccaccio. The most important of them 
Codici, however, is No. DLXXXX., ^ folio writtes 
on paper, but the first leaf of parchment, it is iB 
the Italian-gothic character , with the latin conn 
mentary of Benvenuto da Imola, or portions rf 
it. The first verse of the Inferno is in Italian- 
gothic capitals, and what is a little remarkabki 
the letter »i, which occurs twice , is made in the 
same manner as we find it on the picture bj 
Michele Giamboni, 1450, in the Academy atVe- 
nice, and in the inscription on a picture in & 
Sibald's kirke at Nuremberg. O. The readings 
are very good , as they also are in the other com- 
plete Codice, No. DLXXXIX. A small folio on 
parchment , written in the Italian-gothic characteTt 
with rubrics and coloured initials. The 4**' v. of 
the I '* canto of the Inf. here reads "-4/ quanta ete^ 



In the Ambrosian Library tlu^ee Codici were 

No. 19S, a folio of tlie latter half of the 14* 
century, (m parchment, of 156 leaves, of which 
the poem occupies all but five, written in a cha- 
racter of Italian-gothic somewhat rounded, with 
illuminated initials to the first canto of each can- 
tica, that to the Purgatory having a ship in full 
sail bearing Dante over the curling waves "per cor- 
rer miglior aqua"; also rubrics, and initials to the 


terzine iimrked l)lue and red. There are latin pos- 
tille. Un ^' l}isjH)nsa(fr Piu'j^. V., 136, we read ''per 
coiitractum niatrimonij in quo ricjiiiritur solus niu- 
tius consensus viri et inulieris^ et annulus datur 
in si^riiuni matrimonii contracti". 

No. 539, a folio, with the date 1399, on paper, 
of 73 leaves, vkTitten in the character mezzo-gotko- 
iondo^ with a latin versi<m by Albcrigo da Rosciatc, 
of part of the ccmmient of Jacopo della Lana; but to 
the Paradise there is none. No. 196 is the Com- 
ment of lienvenuto da Tmola on the Inferno, of the 
date 1463. The remark on Inf.XXXIIL, 26,///>//i//w^ 
w t<» the effect that ///// hme is inadmissible, as the 
Count was only confined a few days in this tower. 

In the Brer a Library four Codici were seen. 
A. X. XV. 17; A. N. XV. IS; A. N. XV. 19, and 

A. F.I I. 31. The first of these, the most impor- 
tant rodice in the collection, is a folio of iiinetv 
liavfs. on parchment, of the latter half of the 14 *' 
'■• iitury, written in double (*olumiis in a neat mezzo- 
Hn'o character, with rubrics, niul illuminated ini- 
^';il< to the first canto of ea<*li ennticn. The title- 
I'-ii:*' lias a coluin-ed arabes(|ue in the mnrfjcin, and 
•«^ tlie bottom are the arms of Dante — parted j)er 
|''ilt' or and sable, a tess ar'''ent. The terzine have 
"iirials alternately blue and red. The second is 
• f'.Iio of |o;; leav<s, on parchment, written in 
^''•' mtzzo'ijodnt^lnntlo character in double colunms. 
/lie third is the complement to tlu^ Uic(*ar(liano 
'••dirt-, Xo. loo,''), and contains the Paradise, there 
»v;»iitinL''. with the connnent of Jac(»|)o della Lana. 
/'Iir ( 'odier A. F. II. \\\ is the commentarv of 
/»iim', 2 vols, folio. The Manpiis "^Frivulsio not 
f" III;.' then at Milan, the Author had not the oppor- 
funify of seein*^ his valuable collection. 


In the late Ducal Library at Parma the most 
important Codice was found to be No, CC. IV, 
56 (by Batines numbered CCCLXI). It is a folio, 
on parchment, written in the mezzo^oiwo charac- 
ter, and finished May 10'** 1374. The next in im- 
portance, No. II. 1. 104, is a large folio, on parch- 
ment, written in double columns, in the charactor 
of mezzo-yotico-tondo , with some illuminations, (»• 
namented initials, rubrics, and coloured initiab 
alternately red and blue to the terzine. There wii 
also the Codice CCIII. 39, a folio on paper writta 
in double coliunns, but not very correctly, and 
of the second half of the 14*** century. Th^ewoe 
also four others of less moment. Another impor- 
tant Codice is the Codice Estense^ at Modena^ No. 
VIII. ff. 6. in folio, on parchment, of the end of 
the 1 4"^ century , written in a character resembling 
mezzo-tondo ^ with numerous rather rude sketches- 
There are several other Codici of the Divina Corn- 
media in this Librar}'-, among them Nos. Vin.F. 
22, and VII. D. 38, the readings of which are to- 
lerably good. 

lnu\^ Biblioieca Classense atfiavennajiheie 
is a Codice of the 1 4*** centmy, thought to be about 
1330, but certainly later, by no means in a good 
condition, having been bescribbled in places in a 
very unbecoming manner. There is also another 
Codice, less ancient, in which tlie reading of In£ 
v., v. 102 is 

"Che mi fu tolta^ e il mondo ancor m'offende'*. 

In the former Codice this reading occurs as a va- 


In the Public Library at Siena , six Codici were 
seen, Nos. I. VI. 27 to 32. The first is a good 


>dice^ but imperfect, it .is in folio, on paper, 
ritten in mezzo-tondo^ about the end of the 14"* 
mtury. No. I. VI. 30, a small folio on paper, 
Titten in mezza-tondo inclining to iondo^ contains 
be whole of the poem; at the end is a notice of 
)ante's death, with the date 1435, but a later 
late, 1439, occurs previously. The other Codici 
ure imperfect. No. I. VI. 3 1 would seem to have 
been copied from a good text, so far as it goes, 
it is of the 14*** century. We read in a note to 
Purgatory canto 11., v. 41 

"Con un vasello snellecto e leggiero". 

*'Vasello, navicula, qui fides est, et vocatur na- 
vicula petri." Luca Signorelli in his illustration 
of this passage in the Duomo at Orvieto, has left 
out the little boat and put a chalice instead. 


The Codici of the Divina Commedia in the Na- 
tional Library at Paris, consulted by the Author 
in 1S52, consisted of four in the "Fonds de Re- 
serve" Nos. 3, 8 (now 7^f ), and 10, that which • 
belonged to Pope Pius VI, who put it under his 
pillow of a night, where it was found on his death, 
and No. 5 (now 4 1 50). Of the '' Supplciment Fran- 
(jais'', one, No. 2679. And of the General Codici 
fifteen, Nos. 7001, 700 1^ 7002, 7002^ 7002^ 7002^ 
T002« (now 4 1 48), 7251, 725 P, 7252, 7252^ 7255, 
7256, 7259' (now 4153), and 4154. Batines enu- 
merates thirty-two Codici in the National Library 
at Paris (see Appendix), but since his work was 
published some of these Codici have had their num- 
bers changed, and have been moved from one de- 
jartment to another, as from the ^^Fonds de Re- 
erre'' to the ^'General Codici". 
No. 4148 is an octavo on parclunent of 240 No. 4148. 


leaves , written in Italian-gothic , approaching to 
mezzo-gotico^ in single columns, by Betinus de Pilil 
1351. The Inferno which is imperfect, is veiy 
neatly wi-itten , the Pm-gatory is wanting, and the 
Paradise is in a larger character. There is a latin 
Dissertation on the Poem in two chapters, and a | 
short latin commentary, which has been described 
as the latin version of Jacopo della Lana by At 
berigo da Rosciate. There are illiuninated initials, 
and a diagi-am of the Inferno, with one of elevea 
rows of letters, nine in a row, of which d is m 
the centre smTounded, lozenge-way, by e, o, g, r, a. 

No. 4153. Codice Suppl. 1., 4153, Italian Reserve No. 2, 
formerly numbered 7259^, is in folio, on parchment, 
of 90 leaves, >ATitten in a rounded character, of 
the latter half of the 14*'' century, in double co- 
liunns, but, unfortunately, it has, in places, been 
much altered ; it belonged to Pius VI. This is 
No 10. not of equal importance to No. 10, " Fonds de 
Reserve," which also belonged to the venerable 
Pontiff. Cod. in folio, of the 14**' century, on parch- 
ment, of 84 leaves, written in mezzo-gotic(h4owh^ 
in double columns with rubrics and coloured ini- 
tials, those to the lii'st canto of each cantica being 
ilhmiinated. At the end is a notice of Dante's 
death, with a pious wish that his soul may rest in 

No.4ir)0. ])eace. One of the oldest here is No. 41 50, a folio, 
on parchment, of 89 leaves, wi-itten-in double co- 
lunms, in mczzo-gotico-fonflo^ with initial letters to 
the cantos, red and blue, and minute postille. Na 

No. 1154. 4 If) J, Codice on paper, of 224 leaves, written in 
mezzo^otuh^ with arabesques, designs, and figured 

No. 7. >r)5. initials, is of the 15*'' centiu-y. No. 7255, of the 
beginning of the century, 1403, is a large folio 
on j)archment, of upwards of 247 leaves, written 
in a bold mezzo-godvo character, and very carefully, 
executed. There arc rubrics, and large illuminated 
initials; the text occupies the centre of the page 

wtth a. commentary arroiind it. This is a very 
esirellciit Codice. Inf. XXXIII., v. 2(i, here rends 
UKb Hftv yw", and the comment cxphiins 

Bf "Dice clie poi cho fu incarcerato piii di vide altrl et 
Hnlri Iw, per picciola finestrn" — 

ihts lit from Jacopo della Lana. The same reading 
*wcuni in Cod. III. In Cud. No. 7251 we have 
"Ai rote". In Cod. No. 72f)2 '■'• Piu liinc^^ has been 
alttrwl to "Piu /umc". In tliis Codice we read, 

"Cbc mi fii lolUi c'l inondu nnc^T m'offi'nilc". 


to the Library of the British Museum, tlieNn.ina. 
Egcitou Codice. No. 943 is a ftdin, on velhnn, of 
l&S leaves, written in a good bold Italinn-golhic 
*hiractcr, of tlie second half of the 14"' eentiirv, 
*nh iminerouH nuniaturcs rather coarsely done,aiul 
*diagniui of the circles of Hell on the reverse of 
He first Ie«f. Tlicre are nibrics and initiiil letters 
!•( the terxine ultcmatelv blue ;iud red. A latin 
omuncutary extends to the 1 1"" canto of llic I*a- 
ndi»e. Some pages are much worn, Don Pietro 
Hdf once keeper of the prints in the Royal Li- 
Hkf at Parma, ha» written his ctpinion of it — 
^B^it is one of the best Codici known — the date 
W Uiis judgement is I SI.'), probably when it be- 
Nnc the pru|)crtv of the Itamn Koller, of whom 
ilw«« pnrchiiscd in ls42. The readings arc those 
^nmnnidv met with in tlic oldest Codici; thus 
liiC XX.VIII., V. 2fi lm.i ''Piulirptgid". The Poem 
» /ollowcd bv the Capitohi of Jacopo di [>ante. 

No. lU, 5S7. ThisCtMlice is less bulky than the^o. iumt. 
irnKT, but the Italian -gothi*; character of the 
BlBig is Bomewluit larger, it is on parchment, 


of 1 74 leaves. There are rubrics, and small ilfah 
minated initials, and numerous pen and squk 
drawings mostly tinted, which witness to the se- 
cond half of the 15'** century, or perhaps the be- 
ginning of the 1 6'*", they are not very artistici huk 
show some talent for sketching. The Codice is 
not earlier than the close of the 1 4*** century, uw 
probably later. At the end is a list of birdii 
and deaths of certain members of the Montfiut 
family from 1449 to 1483. The original readinr 
of Inf.. XXXIII., V. 26 was "AVv^", since altenl 
to iume. The volume was purchased at the sale 
of Dr. Hawtrey's books in 1853. 
No. 3488. The Codice No. 3488 is a folio in the same 
style of writing, on parchment, but unfortunatelf 
it does not extend beyond v. 135 of the XX*** canto 
of the Purgatory. There are 77 leaves, and • 
commentary is written in the same page opposito 
to the text, in a corresponding column. There 
are rubrics and* initial letters in red. The date 
is about the second half of the 14*** century. Tlie 
reading of Inf. XXXIII., v. 26 is ''Piu iune gUT. 
No. 839. The Codice No. 839, of the Lansdown coUee* 
tion, is an elegant but narrow folio, or rather a 
quarto, very neatly written in the character of 
mezzo-iondo ^ on very beautiful vellum, of 269 
leaves. The title is in Roman letters, opvs dantDI 


an illuminated initial n with a three-quarter figmt 
of the Poet in the middle. An elegant border ol 
flowers and foliage surrounds the page, on eaA 
side of which is a portrait , probably intended fol 
Virgil and Dante, and below, Avithin a wreath^ ii 
a coat of arms, paly of six sable and gules, a fe* 
or. The titles of the cantos are in red ink| ai 
also the contents which are written in the mar 
gin. There are postille, apparently by two dil 
ferent hands , at different times. The readings ar 



very good. Inf. XXXIU., v. 26 has "A'i lune gid^\ 

The volume is of the 15*** century, and was bought 

ftk Dr. Askew's sale for seven guineas ! On a blank 

leaf at the beginning we read in pencil — "If my 

Lord does not approve of this piu'chase , Matthews 

will take it on his own account". He might have 

Wn right glad to do so, and it would be well 

kit Dantophilists , perhaps, if Codici had not since 

bicreased in value a thousand per cent. 

L Codice No. 10. 317 is a small octavo on parch- .q^?:- 
1^ ment somewhat discoloured, written in mezzo-tondo^ 
with a slight tendency to the gothic character, 
of the close of the 14*'\ or beginning of the 15'*' 
century, consists of 227 leaves, and has a few 
latin postille. It was procured in Florence by 
Lord Glenbervie in 1815, and was piu'chased for 
the Library at Richard Heber's sale in 1836. 
There are rubrics, and initial letters to the cantos 
* led and blue. There is a note by Ciampi at the 
end in which he states 

"L'ortografia e antica, e il dialetto h della vecchia 
lingua popolare fiorentina'\ 

At Inf. V. , v. 59 we read 

Che siige decte a Nino e fu sua sposa: 

with tins note, ^^mge decte — id est mammas vel 

ubera dedit filio cum quo deinde concubuit. Alii 

dicunt '^ su€cedeiie'\ videlicet successit Nino regi, 

filio nondiun ad regendum apto, sed prior sensus 

prevalet". (See a paper on this subject printed 

bv the Author in 1850.) On the reading of the 

102 verse of the canto, there is this posiiUa ^'fama 

kujus faciV\ which is an abbreviation of the note 

on this place in the Vatican Codice No. 367, where 

the text has ^^mondo^' and not vwdo. '*Fama mea 

offendit me, quia dicor mortua fuisse per adulte- 

rium et causa mei mortuum fuisse Paulum.'' (See 



an essay on Francesca da Rimini published by the 
Author in 1859.) 
2^^-80 Codice No. 22. 7 SO is that which formerly be- 
' longed to the Marquis Antaldo Antaldi of Pesaro, 
who obtained it fi-om Urbino in 1809; it was pur- 
chased for the Library, on the recommandation 
of the Author, at the sale of M. Libri's MSS. in 
1859, for £ 56. It is a quarto on paper of 202 
leaves, >vritten in a character of mezzo^-iondo^ with 
rubrics, and coloiu'ed initials to the cantos, red 
and blue. The volume, unfoiiunately , is some- 
what imperfect, and injured. The readings of this 
Codice have long been celebrated. The l^Iarqnis 
privately printed 203 of those from the Purgatoryt 
a copy of which, in four pages, is inserted at the 
end. Inf. XXXIIL, v. 26 has ^'piu liete gia" — 
and at Inf. V., v. 59 is tlie important and vay 
rare reading 

"Che suger dette a Kino e fu sua sposa." 

21^163 ^^* ^^' ^^^ '^^ ^ quarto, partly on parchmenti 
' of 1()4 leaves, of which the poem occupies 71. It 
is written in a crampt gothic hand, in double 
columns, not veiy easy to read. There are rubrica, 
and initial letters, and a few marginal notes. Int 
XXXIIL, V. 26 has '^/>/>/ lent gid'\ The volume 
was piu-chased at Paris, in 1S55. The poem is 
followed by the ''Liber acerbe vite", {sic) of Cecco 
d'Ascoli, in 24 capitoli, beginning 

Oltra pill non segue vera luce. 

No. 3513. After this we have the capitoli by Bosone da 
Gubbio, and Jacopo di Dante. Then a portion 
of tlie Paradise in a different hand. 

No. 3513 is an octavo on vellum of the 15* 
centiu-y, elegantly written in mezzo^tondo^ of 292 
leaves, with an introduction, and notes in a hand 
of the 16*'' centm-v, but these do not extend be- 
vond the 13"' leaf. The poem is followed bv the 


Etpitolo of Jaeopo di Dante, and the life of the 
^oet by Leonardo Aretino. Afker which are some 
losely written remarks in the tondo character of 
he 1 6^** century. A classification according to form, 
condition, and execution would place this volume 
after No. 839 and before No. 10. 317. 

No. 3460 is a small folio on paper of 86 leaves, No. 346o. 
written in a character of mezza-gotico-iondo^ and that 
might be regarded as mezzo-tondo^ only the initials 
are more gothic than roman. There are a few illu- 
minations, and some rude pen and ink drawings. 
It is in double columns, of the second half of the 
15*^ centur}^, and was finished on Friday, October 
20*, 1469. There is the capitolo by Bosone da 
Gubbio, and that by Jaeopo di Dante, after which 
follows a brief smnmary of the cantos. 

No. 932 is a folio on paper of large size, written No. 932. 
in three colimms to the page, in a mezzo^otico- 
bfndo character, it has 1 1 5 leaves, with a large fanci- 
fal, coloured initial on the first page, and smaller 
initials to the cantos. There is an abridged 
commentary. The volume formerly belonged to 
I)r.Xott,and contains his autograph. It is of the 
lo"' century, and is believed at one time to have 
been in the Colonna Library at Rome. It now 
belongs to the Egerton collection, and, together 
with No. 943, bears the Museum stamp of the 
EarFs arms. 

Xo. 3459 is a folio on paper of 138 leaves, no. 345Q. 
written in a /ondo character, of the second half of 
the !5"' century, and not very correctly. There is 
the capitolo by Jaeopo di Dante, and two capi- 
toli by Mino d'Arezzo , with a sonnet by Hindo 
Bonichi. (So Mazzinghi in Foreign Quarterly Re- 
n'ew. No. 5.) 

No. 3581 is a quarto on paper of 235 leaves, xo.358i. 
eritten in a /om/o character, and finished October 
'\ 1464. There is the capitolo by Bosone da 



Gubbio, and that by Jacopo di Dante. Also a 
composition, of 47 terzine, in reference to the 
poet; a sonnet by Cino da Pistoia to Bosone, and 
another in reply to it. 



There are in the Bodleian Library, fourteen 
Codici of the Divina Commedia, two of which 
are somewhat imperfect, and two contain only 
one cantiea. 

In the printed catalogue, however, these reckoi 
as sixteen, the first and most important eodiee 
being in three volumes, and numbered 105, 108, 

There ai'e also four commentaries, or portion! 
of commentaries, Nos. 100, 113, 449, and 567. 

The Codici of the poem may be arranged in 
three classes according to their merits, age, and 
other considerations. In this order the first cla« 
will consist of the Codici 

Nos. 105— lOG-107; 109; 108; 97; 
the second of — 

Nos. 103; 112; 95; 96; 98; 
the third of — 

Nos. 110; 111; 104; 115; 116. 
Nos. 105, The first three of these volumes were originally 
100, 107. pj^gg^ tQ {qyui l3ut one. They are large folios 

written, on parchment, in a good bold Italian 
gothic hand, of the first half of the 15'** centorj, 
with an Italian version, iu a smaller character, of 
the conunentarv bv Benvenuto da Imola, but which 
is somewhat different in places to the printed efr 
tion. The volumes have respectively 170, 134, 
and 121 leaves. On the first leaf v. is a list of 
the cantos, and the first verse of each. There are 


brics, and illuminations to the first verse of each 
mtica, also coloured initials of elegant form, blue 
p red, with red or pink tracery, to those of the 
ther x^antos. The volumes are somewhat injured, 
ind in places the commentary is scarcely legible. 

In the first volume of the series, the second leaf No. 105. 
ift headed " Proemium et comendatio Dantis Adi- 
gerij". Twenty-six latin hexameters follow, and 
the initial of the first verse — 

Kescio qua tenui sacrum modo carmine Dantem; 

has a figure of Dante, seated at a disk, meditat- 
ing his poem, an account of which succeeds. The 
poem itself commences fol. 3 , v. where there is 
» second illumination representing Virgil and 
Dante in the selva before the tre fiere. Next 
comes the rubric — 

In qnesto jpmo chato dante ppone eh essedo luy de 
*nj. XXXV. seatrovo (sic) essere ne la via de vitij 
e pechati. E voiedo ussire di qlla gli vena contra 
tre gradi ostachuli. Ma I sue susidio gli aparve l6- 
hra d' Virgilio ch gli pmise di condi'do p lo Ifeno c 
p^atolo fin a la pdta del paradiso dove el lassera. 
E chon laltniy alturio {sic) vi potra entrare: 

At the end we read — 

Qui tiniscie el primo libro de la comedia de dante 
atiiiriori Ititulato Ifemo. 

Deo grils Amen. 

And at the end of the commentarv — 


Qm finisce la expositione del primo libro de Dante 
900 de llfemo composta per maistro Benvenuto da 
jmola. (sic) 

The Purgatory has a large illuminated P in nc I0(i. 
B'hich Dante is represented holding in his hand 
a ship. Ten latin hexameters follow at the con- 
clusion of the commentary, beginning 

Ilaetenus Ipe suas vidi tollerantia penas, 
nd ending 

Me nuc astra vocant sedes et regna beatum. 


No. 107. The illuminated initial t<^) the proemio of Para- 
dise represents Dante kneeling before an angd 
and receiving at his hand the food of eternal life 
The initial to the poem contains God the Fathflr 
seated on his throne holding the orb and sceptre, 
the sun and moon being beneath his feet The 
commentary to the Paradise concludes thus — A 
reference to v. 144 — 

si chome rota che uquelmete e mossa — cae per che 
congione el fine al principio. Perche dal prindpio 
fina a la fine preteso de venire a la fine de tute chose, j 
A la visione oeatificha de la qual fine ne perdacha 
quelle el Quale qucsto autorc beatissimo si degno di 
produre nela vita beata nella quale e (a) honore e glo- 
ria ppetua I secula seculorum amen. Deo gracias. 

A similar version to this , according to th» 
Count Mortara, exists in the Imperial Library at 
Paris, fonds de reserve. No. 7002. The readings 
are for the most part good, and the text has c?i- 
dently been derived from a genuine source. The 
following may be taken as examples, 

Inf. I., 4. Ay (i) quanto a dire qual era e cosa dnJ*- 
I., 32. Una lion^a le5iera e presto molto. 
L, 42. Di quella fcrra (sic) a la gaeta pelle. 
IL, 60. E durera quatol mondo lontana. 
III., 114. Vede a la terra tutte le sue spoglie. 
IV., 36. Ch'e parte della fede che tu credi. 
IV., 75. Ch' dal modo di altri gli diparte. 
v., 102. Ch' mi fu tolta el modo anchor mofedc 
VII., 90. Si tosto vien che vicenda consiegne. 
XXXIII.,26. Piu lume gik quad io fc^il mal sono. 
Purg. II., 131. Lassiar lo chanto e dir in ver la chosta* 
v., 36. Diaponsata mavia chola sua gienia. 
XIII., 2. Dove secondamente si rilegha. 
XIII., 154. Ma pill vi meterano gli armiragli. 
XIV., 57. Dove mistier di consorte divieto. 
XIV., 126. Si ma nostra ragion la mete streta. 
XXI., 19. Chome dissegli e pur andava forte. 
Pard. I., 44. Tal focie e quasi tuto era biancho, 
II., 9. E novo muse mi dimostrar lorse. 
VII., 114. O per Tuna o per Taltra fu o fie. 


The next Codice in the above order is No. 109, No. 109. 
a folio on parchment, of 226 leaves, of the se- 
cond half of the 14'** cent., written in a good bold 
Italian-gothie hand, with rubrics, and illuminations 
at the beginning of each cantica, and also an il- 
luminated initial. The other cantos have initial 
letters blue and red, with ornamental tracery in 
red and pink. The capitals tp the terzine are 
ahernately blue and red. There is no commen- 
tarj% nor are there postille. On the first leaf r. 
we have the rubric — 

Incomincia lo primo canto della prima cantica dclla 
coiuedia di Dante. Nel mial canto lautore prohemiza 
ad tiicta quanta la comeoia. 

After the poem comes the capitolo of Jacopo di 
i^ante, in 51 terzine and one verse. A Proemio, 
l>y the same, follows, beginning — 

Accio chc del fructo univcrsalo novellamtc dato al 
tnondo p lo illustro phylosofo o poeta Dante Alleghieri 
«••* pin afr<^vilozza si posKa gustaro p coloro in cui 
luHH* naturals alqto risplende senza sciontitica appn'*- 
sjoiK'. io .Iac<an<> suo filliolo p materijile prosa aimo- 
>tran* itendo parte del suo profondo et autentico iten- 

diiiitn (etc. etc.) la quale j)er piii chiarizza 

^imijrlianteinte si cnvi(»ne seguitare, dicniarando ov(», 
l»i-«*;:na qiiella parte al libro pdicto p titulo che a cio 
•i invif.-ne nella quale comiciando cosi pn*nde. Nel 
in»zo del cam i no ec.* 

This <MKlice is ])etter written than tlie former, 
and ill better c<mditi<)n, but the readings are in 
;:Liieral not sr» good. In tlie 4s'^ v. of Inf T. we 
find fnmisst' — 

Si chc parea che laire ne tVeniisse; 

and in the Ifi'' v. irnissc. so tliat the 14'*' v. does 
not I'orni with these a perfeet rliynie. In Inf. 
II , fi<*. we have "* mofo^' for nwntlo, tlioiigh tlie lat- 

■ A IVc>enu() found also in Cod. TTOf) in the lnij». Lib. 
at I'ari*», followed by the chiose of Jacopo. 


ter was the original word. At Canto IV-, 75, the 
original reading was "'mondo'^ "dal mondo degli 
altri", since altered to modo'^ but at C. V., 102, 
""modo^' occurs for mondo. 

Che mi fu tolta el modo anchor moffende. 

That the reading of this verse should be "»^«/<?'' 
and not modo , is shown by the majoritj- of the 
Codici in this callection being found to have it 
Out of thirteen Codici containing, this passage of 
the Inferno, in one other (Xo. 112) it is wanting, 
we find it in seven. These Codici are Nos. I'lS, 
108, 97, 95, 111, 104, 116. The reading of Ini. 
XXXni., 26. is -piu lieir\ Pard. VIL, 114 ha& 

O per I'uno o per Taltro fu o fie. 

which is not the best reading. 

No. UI8. The third Codice is No. 108, a folio on parch 
ment, of 94 leaves, A>Titten in double columns i-^ 
a mezzo -gotico character, of the beginning of tb^* 
15*** cent., or latter part of the 14'\ It hasrufcJ^' 
rics, with an illuminated initial to the first ver^^ 
of each cantica, coloiu-ed initials in blue, with 
red tracer V, to those of the other cantos, and ^ 
capital to each terzina, with red bands drawn 
across. There are numerous pen-and-ink sketches 
in the stvle of the 15"' cent, now turned brown; 
also a few postille. At the beginning we red — 

Ineipit prima pars comedio exrellentissimi poete dan- 
tis alligeri, et dicitur infernus, cantiis primus in quo 
praemizatur ad totum opus. 

At the end we have - 

Compiuto e il paradiso di Dante Alleghieri di firenze 
deo gratias — Amen. Amen. Amen. 

The readings are not in general equal to those 
of Cod. No. 1(15. Inf. I., 4, has ^^Ha quanto^\ 
V. 42, ''Di quesia fiera la gaeta pelle". Infc 11., 
60, had ^^mo(o lontana\ since altered to 'V/ madfo". 


We also read " Vede a la terra " — ''^ parte delta 
fede^^ — and at Inf. IV., 75, ^''chc dal mondo dei- 
9Uri'' (sic). The reading of Canto V., 102 is 

Che mi fu tolta el mondo ancor mofende. 

It is very remarkable tliat this reading should 

liave lain dormant since the invention of printing, 

though in every respect so much better than the 

other, and that the Academicians should have 

ignored it. (See my " JVancesca da Rimini etc." 

London (Nutt) 1859.) 

The fourth Codice is No. 97. A small quarto, No. 97. 
, on parchment, of 194 leaves, neatly written in a 
! character of mezza-gotico-tondo^ of the first half of 
the 15'** cent., with illuminated floral initials to 
the first verse of each cantica, and coloured ini- 
tials to those of the other cantos. The readings 
are good. At the end of the volume is the epi- 
taph on Dante's tomb at Ravenna, with this no- 
tice — 

Epitaffinm ad sepulcmm dantis in Ravenna iirbe fac- 
tum j> dnm Bemardiim de Canatro. 

The last verse but one here reads — 

Hie claudor dante« patriis eieetiis ab oris. 

From the sonnet which follows to dom. Bemar- 
diim, and another in reply to it, it would seem 
that this Bernardum was Bernardo Bembo avIio 
erected the mommient, and not the supposed author 
of the verses as believed by the Count Mortarn, 
from whose manuscripts the present catalogue has 
been compiled. 

Codice in folio on paper, of 88 leaves, care- No. 103. 
fully written in double columns in a mezzo-tondo 
character, of the middle of the 15"' cent. It has 
rubrics, with gothic initials to the terzinc, and 
coloured initials to the first verse of each canto. 
The readings are good. There are postille to the 


2, 3, 4, and 5*^ cantos of the Inf. and to the IJ 
14, and 15*\ The paper is soft and has been in 
jured in places. At fol. 41 a portion of Puij 
C. Xni. has been torn off. At fol. 1. r. is tb 
rubric — 

Incomincia la comedia di dante Allegieri di fiorenzA 
ncla (][ual tracta dele pane et punimenti de vicij et de 
meriti et premij de le virtu. Canto primo de la prima 
parte la quale si chiama inferno nel quale lauctore fa 
preheTo a tutta Popera. 

In this Codice we have the reading Inf. V., 59 
Che suger dete (sic) a ninio e fu sua sposa. 

over this, the chiosatore has written in small 
letters ^^donavit lacicm filio b€lV\ 

No. 112. Codice in folio on paper, of 83 leaves, writtea 
in double columns, in a mezzo^iondo character, of 
the 1 5*** cent., with rubrics and red initials to the 
first verse of each cantica. At the beginning foL 
1. r. we read — 

Incomincia illibro di dant^ Alligbieri poeta fioretiDO 
prima parte dello inferno. 

At the end — 

Dantis aligere de florentia poete illustrissimi ultima 
pars comedie. i. paradisus. explicit deo gratias. 

A laude de xpo e della madre disse 
quando don Luca dalla scarperia 
di valembrosa monarco miscripse.* 

No. 95. Codice in folio on paper, of 272 leaves, writtea 
in mezzo-iondo of an open character, with rubric! 
— the initial letters wanting — 

Incomincia il primo canto della prima cantica della 
comedia di dante allighieri da firenza la quale e detta 
inferno nella quale sitratta delli peccaton dannati in 
essa et dellc lor pene distinguendo ordinatamente fi 

* Don Luca dalla Scarperia lived in the second half ^ 
the 15*** cent. 


luoghi et le pcne delli pcccatori sccondo li colpi p 
lon> coinniesse pocmio a tutto lo libro caplo. I". 

The volume bears the name of Pier del Nero, 
1591, and was one of the Codici belonging to 
liini -which the ^'Acadcmici della Criisca" con- 
sulted for their edition of 1 595. It has the read- 
ing of Inf. v., 102 

Che mi fu tolta el mondo anchor moflfende, 

vet these learned men took no notice of it. 


Codice in folio, on paper, of 192 leaves, writ- No. 06. 

teu in a mezzo-tondo character, with rubrics and 

Italian gothic initials to the terzine also a few 

post ill e. 

Inconiincia la eomcdia di danto Allcghieri di fircnzc 
nolla quale tracta delle pene e punimenti do vi^ij e 
demeritj e premij dello virtu. Canto primo della 
prima parte la quale Hieliiama inferno nel qual Tau- 
tore fa probemio a tutta I'opcra. 

Tin's volume also belonged once to Pier del Nero. 
I'Ik- readings are not in all cases equal to those 
*»f till' former codice; thus we have "'moio'^ for 
mrtufio — 'Njuantol moto lontana'' — ^^modo^' for 
^nn/io •*cl modo ancor etc." — ^^ licve'^ for lume 
*'|nu lieve gia ' — but in both we read ''parte 
<lfHa fede" — ''vedc a la terra'' — and in the 
tanner at Inf. IV., 75 there is ^'^ montl<r ''clic dal 
nioiido dr gli altri li di|)ante'\ in the latter *'///<?//<;". 
Uotli have the <*orrect reading of Pard. Vll., I I 4 

< ) piT Tuna o j)c»r I'altra fu o lie. 

Codif'e in quarto, on |)a])er, of 232 leaves, Avrit- No. ih. 
fen in a mczza-tondo cliaracter with remarkable pro- 
longations of the lower parts of the g's and y's, 
probably about tin* end of the 15"' or beginning 
r»f the l^V' cent. The ])ocm is followed by the 
f-reed <if I>antc'. In this codice we have the cor- 
rect reading <»f Pnrg. V., .'<S 

Di mozza-nuttc. mai tender, sereno. 


and it is the only codice in the collection in wl 
it occurs. The other readings are, in gene 
good ones. 

No. 110. Codice in folio, on paper, of 357 leaves, v 
neatly and plainly wTitten in a comparatively 
cent tondo character, with punctuation as if for 
press : but neither the readings nor the stops me 
particular notice. 

No. 111. Codice in folio, on parchment, of 158 leav 
containing numerous sonnets and canzoni a 
other rhymes, and only a portion of the Divi 
Commedia, which begins fol. 2(1. v. It is in doul 
columns, written in a mezzo-tondo character, w 
rubrics and Italian gothic initials to the terzii 
as far as the end of the Purgatory fol. 141. 
of the general enumeration of the leaves, but f 
121. r. of the Poem. Here we read, along wi 
the date — MCCCCXXXXV. die septima navebr 
the following notice — 

Explicit purgatorius liber p blasium raguxen qiii steti 
in domo dm pauli laureoano ad laude dei scriptoi 
scripsisset et melius si voluisset: certe. 

The portion of the paradise which follows, as I 
as C. XL, 123, is in a different hand, and wii 
out rubrics. The volume concludes with a tn 
tise on the moral virtues. 

No. 104. Codice in folio, on paper, of 66 leaves, bac 
written in a mezzo-tondo character, .in double < 
lumns, of the 16^'* cent, or end of 15*\ It t 
minates at Pard. XL, 120, and also wants I 
18'*" canto of the Inferno. The first few lea^ 
are much worn. This volume also belonged oi 
to Pier del Nero, 1591. 

No. 115. Codice in ^lio, on paper, of 125 leaves, w: 
ten in a character of mezzo-tondo^ of the 1 5^^* c( 


ad contains the Inferno, with a commentary, and 
arious preliminary matters. There are also a 
3w pen-and-ink sketches. On the first leaf r. 
re have — 

Dno mengino me99ano* super Infernum. 
Nel mezzo del camin si trova dante 
smarito fuor de via per selva scura 
et le bramose fiere starse avante etc. 

consisting of thirty-five terzine and one verse, and 
ending — 

De glinfemo el camin quivi e compiuto 
el centre passa andando per le pelle 
tra el pel del vermo et donde el fue caduto 

Quindi ussio dante a riveder le stelle. 

It is followed by the Capitolo of Jacopo di Dante, 
as far as the twenty-fifth terzina inclusive; and 
by that on the Inferno ascribed to Boccaccio. The 
poem begins at fol. 1 2. r. 

Incomincia la comedia di dante alegieri di firenze nel 
quale tracta de la penne (sic) et punimenti di vicij 
et meriti et premij de le virtute. Canto prime din- 
femo. £ fa a tiitta lopera proemio. 

The text is accompanied with glosse from the 
commentary of Jacopo della Lana. 

Codice in folio, on paper, of 159 leaves, writ- Xo. iin. 
ten in a character of mezzo-tondo, of the first half 
of the 1 5'^ cent. , and containing the Paradise, 
^tli notes, and a commentary, essentially the 
^anie as that of Jacopo della Lana. It has ru- 
brics, and red initials to the first verse of each 
cauto. The commentary precedes the poem, and 
is followed by the last fifteen terzine of the ca- 
pitolo of Jacopo di Dante, and by the third ca- 
pitolo of Boccaccio. The j)ocm, with the notes, 
begins fol. 73. r. 

Minghino da Mezzana lived in the first ]»alf of the 
U''^ centur}-. 


Incomincia la terza parte di la Comedia di dante al- 
gieri di firenze chiamato paradiso, et dividiri in ▼iiij* 
parti principali si come sono. yii. pianeti, et due m- 
timi cieli; 910 cielo empireo et cielo cristallino poi si 
divide in xxxiij. canti. 

Inquestorprimo capitolo prima invoca Idio a polo in- 
terpretato di sapicntia et beatrice gli asolve on dnb- 
bio. eso in salimento dil foco. et proemiga al canto 

At the end we read — 

Explicit liber comedie dantis alegerij florentini poete. 

The notes conclude with the date and the name 
of the writer. 

Exemplatum. et in ultimo finitum. die. viij. febriarij 
MoCCCC^XXIP p me Marinum Sanutto Venetum. 

The four commentaries are Nos. 1 00, 113, 449, 
and 567. 

No. 100. Codice in quarto, on paper, of 502 leaves, writ 
ten in a character of mezzo -iando^ inclining to 
tondo^ end of 15'** cent, and including a latin 
commentary on the first fourteen cantos of tte 
Inf ; Chiose, in Italian, on the Inf. and Purg.; 
and a latin commentary on the Paradise. Th® ! 
volume is in a bad state. 

No. 113. Codice in folio, on paper, of 74 leaves, vnrit* 
ten in a character of Italian gothic, in double 
columns, probably about the beginning of the 
15^** cent, and containing the last portion of the 
conunentary on the Inferno by Jacopo della Lanftf 
•with that on the Purgatory as far as the thirty 
first canto, and part of the thirty-second. 

No 449. Latin Codex, on parchment, of 192 leaves, of 
14"" cent, written in a character of mezzo ''ffoik9^ 
with coloured initials, but no illuminations, and 
containing a version of the commentary of Ja- 



[>o della Lana; that on the Inferno "per Gu- 
Imum de Bemardis", that on the Purgatory 
d Paradise by Alberico de Rosata. 

A general description of the poem, its subject 
nd divisions, with a special account of the In- 
imo and it« cantos, a notice of Dante, and the 
apitoli of Bosone da Gubbio and Jacopo di Dante, 
)recede the commentary on the Inferno, which 
mds at fol. 91. V. 

Hie finit tractatus Infemi Dantis Adhigherii cum glosa 
secundum Jacobiun de la Lana, quam siquidem glosam 
ego don Guilliellmus de Bemardis reduxi de lingua 
^'lllgari in literratam prout superius continetur, curente 
anno Domini M. CCC. xLviiij. indictione secunda. 

Est liber expletus sum Christi munere letus. 
Grates sint Danti, devotio magna paranti. 
Propter opus scriptum Yhesum lauao benedictum. 


The latin version of the Commentary on the 
Purgatory is continued as far as Canto XVIIL, 
fol. 110. V. Then follows that on the Paradise, 
with preliminary remarks , at fol. til, but num- 
bered 122. The character of the writing now be- 
comes more iondo^ approaching to a running hand, 
as far as fol. 131, where the original style reap- 
pears, and is continued to fol. 191. v., here we 
read — 

Ex])licit liber comedie Dantis AUigerii de Florentia 

fer eum editlis sub anno Dominiee Incamationis 
I. CCC. de mense Marcii. Sol in ariete. Luna nova. 
in libra. Qui obiit in civitate Ravene die festo Sancte 
cnieis de mense Septerabri. Anni Dominiee Incama- 
tionis M. CCC. XXI. cujus anima in rosa Paradissi 
de qua cum tanto afFectu loquutus est collocetur. 

After this comes a very important confession of 
fhe translator — 

lo credo, hoc comnientum totius hujus cliomodie com- 
nosuit quidam (here the original name Jacobi de la ' 
Lana has been erased, and that of Magist. Benvenutus 


inserted instead) Bononiensis licentiatufi in artibns ei 
theologia; filius fratris Filipi de la Lana, ordinis Gan* 
dontii, quod fecit in sermone vulgari Tusco, et quia 
talle ydioma non erit omnibus notum^ idio ad utilita- 
tern volentium studere in ipsa chomedia transtoli de 
vulgari tuscho in grammaticam literaturam ego Albri- 
cus de Roxata^ dictus in utroque jure peritus pei^ 
mensis: etc. etc. 

The translator knew better the name of the 
party who first dictated this commentary than did^ 
the possessor of the volume who altered it But 
this only shows the then uncertainty that pre^; 
vailed on the subject of the original author, ani 
tends to confirm the conjecture, that from the 
University of Bologna, then the quasi Athens oil 
Italy, first proceeded that exposition of the K*^ 
vina Commedia, the substance of which found it»' 
way into various succeeding commentaries under 
different names , and thus caused a puzzling con- 
fusion of persons. 

On the last leaf are certain philosophical re- 
flections on death, with the name of Ajitonio d» 
Ferrara, and a date of Sunday XX of August, 
but not the year. An address to the emperor 
Charles (V'*') ''mio bello protettore" follows, and 
a sonnet concludes the whole, the last two verses 
of which are in no way complimentary'' — 

Et atradito ognuno che lui operava, 
Et perduto a fatto ytalia schiava. 

Cod. 567. A folio, on paper, of 174 leaves, containing 
the comm. of Ben. da Imola on the Purgatory, 
written in double columns, in a character of «r^z2»- 
iondo^ with the name and date, p mi Ant. V. 1491 
ad 16 otubrio. 

An account of the Codici at Oxford would be 
incomplete without a notice of that very remark- 
able voliune i)ossessed by the Rev. Dr. Wellesleyi 
Principal of New-Inn Hall, which for the singu- 


^rrectness of many of its readings , and the 
ty of some others, is deserving of especial 


small quarto, on paper, of 160 leaves, written 
character of mezzo ^tondo passing into tondo^ 
►ably not earlier than the middle of the 15^*" 
dry. Unfortunately it ends at Purg. XXXII., 
41. It was formerly in the possession of Dr. 
t, of Winchester, whose name it bears, with 
date 1827. A note, in an old hand, asserts 
reputation as "«» Rarissimo Manoscritto^^ \ and 
in pencil informs us "II carattere somiglia 
Ito a quello del Codice Trivulziano scritto nel 
\r\ (?) There is a rubric — 

homincia la prima parte overo chanticha chiamata 
ifemo della chomedia del venerabile poeta dante 
iighieri nobile cittadino fiorentino chapitolo p^. In- 

I read "^. quanta, a dirr — ^^delt dire chose^^ — 
quella, fera. alia ghaeita pelle^^ — ^^ quantolmondo, 
ana'^ — ^^Vede alia (erra^^ — ^^ parte della fede^^ 
''che dal mondo degli altrC\ — At Inf. V., 102 
re is the reading found in the majority of Co- 
\ at Oxford — 

Che mi. fu tolta. elmondo. ancor. mofcnde. 

lis adding one more convincing evidence that 
s is the correct one. At Inf XVI., 94 — 5, we 


Chome quel fiume chapocho chamino 
Prima da monte feltro ver levante — 

have also the rare, but correct, reading of 
g. V, 38 

Di mezza. notte mai. fender, sereno. 

in occasional blanks in the verses, it would 
1 that this Codice had been copied from one 



in which , probably from age , those passages had 
become obliterated. 



The three Codici of the Divina Commedia in 
this Library were once in the collection of the 
celebrated Numismatist, Jean Baptiste Haaltin, 
who died in 1640; subsequently they belonged 
to John Moore who died Bishop of Ely in 1714, 
of whose executors they were purchased by Geoigc 
the I *\ and presented to the University. Two of 
these Codici are, at present, in one volume marked 
Jim. 2. 3; the third is marked Gg. 3. 6. The^ 
first of these I shall call Mm. 2. 3. ^, the secondi 
as it is the most important, Aim. 2. 3. a.* 
Cod.Hm. ^ Codice in folio, 14^** Cent, on parchment, 
of 258 leaves, written in double columns of 33 
verses each, in a bold Italian Gothic hand, wifli 
rubrics and illuminated initials ; each canto is fol- 
lowed by the commentary, in smaller characters, 
of Jacopo dalla Lana. Coarse arabesque borders, 
and large initials to the first canto of each can- 
tica. A coat of arms, three red roses on a white 
field, occurs in two of these borders. Rubric 

Qui comincia la Comedia di Dante AUeghieri di R- 
renze. Capitolo primo dillo (sic) Inferno. 

Initial N, the Poet seated at a desk writing. At 
the end of the Commentary on the Inferno, 

Qui finisce la prima parte di qiiesta comedia di 
Dante Aldigliieri de lirenze. sit laiis et gloria xpo. 

* Only after the first three sheets were printed off did 
I become acmiaiuted with these Codici, through the kind- 
ness of the liev. John Glover, M. A. Librarian of Tri- 
nity College. 

The Purgatory begins — 

Incipit primus cantus purgatorii Dantis Allegherij de 
Florentia • . • 

InitiaL The Poet with two other figures in a ship 
The Conunentary ends with — 

Qui finisce la se^onda cantica della presente opera 
chiamata porgatono. Deo gratias. 

^ The Paradise has a longer rubric 

f Comincia la ter9a cantica di la Comedia di Dante 

[ Aldighieri de firenze. chiamato paradiso. nella quale 

tracta dei beati e dilla (sic) celestiale glia (glona) e 

dei meriti e praemij dei sancti. E dividise in nove 

firti sicome to inferno. Canto primo nello cui prin- 

S' io I'autore phemicca alia sequente cantica. e sono 
lo alimento (sic) dillo (sic) fuogo. £ Beatrice solve 
lUo autore ima questione. nello quale canto Tautore 
promecte di tractare le cose divine, invocando la 
sdentia poetica. cio6 Apollo idio dilla (sic) sapientia. 

InitiaL A group of saints and praying souls, 
■ with the Divinity above. 

After the Commentary there is a partial pro- 
fession of faith, in eleven terzini and one verse, 
beginning — 

Credo in una sancta trinitatC; 

and ending — 

Poscia la vita dil (sic) seculo future. 

Manus scriptoris. benedicantur omibs horis. 

The readings are, for the most part, those 

usually met with. Such as, E quanto a dir — 

diro del altre cose — di ([uella fiera la gaecta 

pelle - quantol mondo lontana — vede per terra 

tucte le sue spoglie — parte della fede — che dal 

9odo degli altri — che sorciedecfe a nino e fu sua 

sposa — che mi fu tolta al mondo ancor moffende 

— on which the commentary remarks — "E dice 

che ancora il mondo lo (sic) offende — ciofe il 

mondo e fama " — Prima da monte insu inver le- 



vante. This word insu was probably meant for 
visu, which in the Italian-gothic letter it much re- 
sembles. Piu lieve gia — Perche la foga Tun del 
altro insoUa — di prima nocte — per fwui o per 
fahra fu o fie. 
Cod.Mm. A folio on parchment of 89 leaves, 15*** cent 
written in double columns, in a character of 
mezzo-gotico-tondo, with short rubrics, and coloured 
initials. First leaf, recto — 

Incipit Comedia Dantis de AUegherius Poete Fioren- 
tini. Capitulum primiim et que prohemizat ad totd 

At the end of the Paradise — 

Explicit Comedia Dantis de AUegherija de FlorentU. 
Poete nobilissimi. 

There are no notes. The readings differ some- 
what from those of the former codice, thus we 
have — moto lontana — vede a la terra — vMni^ ; 
degli altri (since altered) — succedetle a nino — \ 
el modo ancor m'offende — Prima da monte ^ 
— piu lune gia. 
Cod. Gg. A folio of 15'" cent, on parchment, of 250 
leaves, smaller than the two former, and written 
partly in Italian - gotliic , partly in mezzo -gc^ 
Has rubrics: illuminated initials, and rude ara- 
besque borders to the first canto of each cantica; 
latin postille and notes. No rubric to the first 
canto of the Inferno. At the end — 

Explicit. Tertia. et ultima Cantica. Comedia. Dantis. 


This is followed by the Epitaph "Jura monar- 
chia etc."; the capitoli of Jacopo di Dante, and 
Bosone da Gubbio; three poor sonnets ascrib- 
ed to Pietro di Dante, "clie sono come argomento 
di tutte le tre parti della sua comedia", and 
finally by a later prescription of a spiritual kind 
with the date January 14. 1447. The readings 
difi^er but little from those of the former codici^ 


it we have Hd quanto a dir — prima dal monte 
so inver levante — (to the word visa a g has 
>een prefixed, thus causing it to read like giuso). 
Piu lume gia — per funo o per taltro fu o fie. 


The Codice at Vienna^ No. 2600, is a folio onNo. 2eyoo. 
parchment, of 179 leaves, in a good Italian cha- 
racter [mezzo-tondo)^ of the latter half of the 14^*" 
century ; with a few designs, and initial letters also 
thus ornamented. This Codice is now named the 
"Eugeniano ". The miniature Codice has already- 
been noticed. 

The Codice in the National Library at Berlin^ No. 136. 
is Cod. Ital. No. 136, a quarto on paper, of 206 
leaves, written in a character of mezzo-iando^ with 
rubrics, and apparently of the early part of the 
15"* century ; it would appear to have been copied 
from a good text but carelessly — it is not perfect. 
It \\ras purchased by Dr. Pertz, at the sale of Dr. 
Xott's books. 

The Codice at Dresden^ a small folio on paper, 
^ntli a few parchment leaves, of the end of the 
14'\ or beginning of the 15^'' century, in mezzo- 
gotico~(ondo, is also imperfect. The reading of Inf. 
v., 102 is ^^mondo", but the n has since been crossed 
over with a pen. Inf. XXXIIL, 26 has "jP/w levic 
gid'\ There is a loose engraving in the volume 
of the ^^ Torre delta fame^^ as it appeared in 1556, be- 
fore Vasari included it in the Palazzo since called 
^'delt Orologio". This ^''Vedufa^^ is the same as that 
oublished in the Ottimo. We read the following 
lotice.of the interior: 

'^ell intemo si vede aneora il pozzo da ciii si traeva 
Tacqna per abbeverare le aquile della Repubblica che 


vi si conseryavano^ e che nei giomi di festa coronate 
d'oro si ricavano innanzi alia signoria. Bastano al- 
cuni degli alti scalini che mostrano chiaramente Tuso 
della ySidsJ\ 

The Codice at Frankfort (Stadt-Bibliothek) is 
a folio on parchment probably of the second haii 
of the 14^** century, written in a character of «wzz»- 
ffofico^fondo^ and has a few illuminations ; there is 
a comment which Prof Witte states to be that d 
Jacopo della Lana. 
No. 411. There are two Codici in the public Library at 
Copenhagen. The most important of these is Na 
411, a folio on parchment of the latter part of 
the 14'**, or beginning of the 15^** century, written 
in mezzo-gotico on 245 leaves, the text occupyiDf 
the centre of the page, with a commentsuy, wlud 
appears to be that of Jacopo delta Lana, in smaller 
characters around it. There are rubrics and several 
illuminated initials ; the illuminated designs, onea 
intended , have in many places been omitted, aad • 
free and easy sketches, with pen and ink in t 
scrawling sort of way, occupy the spaces whick 
had been left for them. The volume begins 

''In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Amen''. 

And finishes with a grateful expression of thanks 
to Christ, (gratias xpo. Amen.) 

The book, however, has not been treated wHfc 
due respect by all its possessors. There is mack 
irreverent scribbling at the end, and among other 
notices, that of a favourite bitch which had brougbt 
forth thi-ee cagnoleiH^ with the date 1590. In 
general the readings are good, and the Codice 
merits more regard than has been shown to it ' 
No. 436. The second Codice is No. 436, a small folio on 
paper, with a few notes, and, in places, very inr 
correctly written. The letter m frequently occurs for 
n. In a note to Inf. V., 59, in reference to SemirSr 
mis taking her son for husband, the Chiosatore says 


''dice che tuggtrdeiie^ cio& gli diede la poppa '\ 

Tbe Codice at Altona^ in the Library of the 
jlymnasium. is a folio on parchment, written in 
1otic(Hiialiano^ inclining to mezzo-gotico^ in double co- 
lumnSf with rubrics , about the end of the 1 4*'' cen- 
tury. The readings are good ; there are no notes 
nor postille, but there is an introduction which 
begins thus — 

''Dante poeta Bovrano, corona et gloria della lingua 
laUna, di natione no di costumi Fiorentino/' 

and occupies four pages. There are numerous 
illustrations showing more originality than taste. 
The Paradise, however, is without them. There 
w a large diagram to the Inferno, with Lucifer 
niasticating Judas Iscariot and his companions in 
treacherj', Brutus and Cassius. On the reverse 
of this, m golden majusculi, on a blue ground, is 
4e title '^L'alta commedia del sommo poeta Dante'', 
't is surrounded va\\\ allegorical figures, saints 
ftnd clienibs. 

The Codice in the Public Library at Brussels 
J'* a small folio on parchment, of 105 leaves, written 
^JJ an Italian mezzo-yofico character, with rubrics 
ami a few marjifinal notes. It is of the latter part 
^•ftlio 14"', or begiiininji^of the 1 5"' centurv. Dante's 
'Vato is spelled '^Allaghicri" — there is the Ca- 
pitolo by Jacono di Dante, and that by liosonc 
(lubliio, followed by the '^Fesoretto of lira- 


J»etiii Latini. The MS. is in tolerably <n)od con- 
Jition, but in places is not written very correctly. 
The Codice in the Library of the School of 
Medicine at Mon4pellier, No. II. 197, is a quarto 
'»n vellum, of 257 leaves, written in mezzo-iontlo^ 
^nin- latter part of the 14 "' centiu^y, with rubrics, 
*Jid illuminated initials to the first verse of each 
^autica, also a capital letter in red to each tcr- 
2iua. The text is very good , and it is remarkable 


that a Codice of so much importance should have 
no history attached to it : M. Kiinolhs, the Libra- 
rian, could give no information whatever about it, 
and the voliune had nothing to say for itself. 



A Codice in small folio, on parchment, of 
220 leaves, written in mezzo-gotico , of the lattor 
part of the 1 4^'' century, with illuminated initials, 
designs and arabesques. Each canto has a brief 
smumary of the contents, and there are a few 
marginal notes. On the first page is a figure of 
Christ rising from the Tomb; the Capitolo of 
Jacopo di Dante follows. At the commencement 
of the poem is a design, apparently of the lattff 
part of the above named ceritm-y, representing 
Dante beset by the ire fieri ^ in the back ground 
the sun shining on a mountain, and Virgil coming 
forward with a book in his hand. In the ara- 
besque on the margin are introduced the figures 
of the Madonna and St. Bernard. Prefixed to the 
first canto is the declaration 

Al nome di Christo comincia la prima parte dela 
Comedia di Dante Allegieri daFiorenza. Capitolo prime 
del inferno. 

At the end of the poem is a form of thanks- 
giving, beginning 

Gloria tibi Domine qui natus es de Virgine cu Patre 
et Sato Spro in sempitcma secula Amen.— Ave Maria 
del signor nostro madre etc. etc. 

The following notice is attached to the volume 

Questo codice merita considerazione per le voci pro- 
vinciali che se trovano in esso : il che fa credere esaere 


state in quei contomi trascritto, awalorendo la con- 
gettora coU' allegato documento della dimora della 
Famiglia AUighieri in Treviso dalP anno 1326." 

The readings are, for the most part, such as 
are found in the oldest Codici. 

hif. 11. 1 60. E durerk quanto 1 mondo lontana: 

in which mando has subsequently been altered to 
the more modem reading moto. 

Inf. lU.; 36. Che visser sanza fama e sanza lodo. 
— 114 Vede a la terra tutte le sue spoglie. 

Pard.VII.114 O per Tuna o per \ altra fue o fie. 

The volume once belonged to Monsig. Canonico 
Kossi, who obtained it at Venice, and, with other 
manuscripts, left it, at his death, to the Library of 
the Duomo, from whence it was transferred to the 
Library of the Commune. Don Giuseppe Polan- 
lani, the librarian of the Duomo, informed me that 
he had found in it most excellent readings. 

There is a foolish notion prevalent in Treviso, that this 
eodice belonged to Pietro AUighieri, who ife believed to 
have settled here, and to have received the honour of 
attadinanza. The decree to this eflfect is said to exist, 
but no one knew where, nor could I ascertain satisfacto- 
rily that any one had ever seen it. I was told it had been 
consigned to the Librar}^ of the Commune, but Dr. Andrea 
Botanni, the librarian, assured me that he was utterly un- 
coiLscious of this circumstance, and quite incapable of af- 
fording any information about it. 

The Sig. Canonico Tempesta, however, was very posi- 
tive in the matter, as Bonifazio and other chroniclers men- 
tion that Pietro the son of Dante was made a Citizen of 
Treviso, and that he died here. (See "Delle Memorie Tre- 
^igiane che trovansi nellaDivinaCommedia' Treviso 1841.) 
In the cloister of the Duomo is a monument from the 
church of Santa Margherita, on which, in gothic charac- 
ters, is a latin inscription in Leonine verse, without diph- 
thongs, believed to be to the memorj^ of Peter, beginning 

Clauditur. hie. petrus. tumulatus. corpore. tetrus. 

put Monsig. Dionisi assures us that Pietro di Dante died 
^n 1364 at Verona aged 71, and was buried in the church 
of San Michele in campagna, beyond the city walls, but 


near to them. From the style of the inBcription which is 
that of the 15^ century, and the description given in the 
third verse, 

Nam piiis et Justus juvenis fuit atque vennstus, 
it is probable that it ma^ refer to a grandson or great- 
grandson of the Poet. (I was shown this monument in 
1850; and copied the inscription.) 


A Codice in folio, on paper, of 83 leaves, written 
in a character of mczzo-tondo^ in double columns, 
with rubrics, probably of the first half of the 15*^ 
century. It has some few latinisms, but the text 
diflfers little from that * of the Crusca ; some por- 
tions of the Purgatory are wanting. At the end 
are the six lines beofinninof 

Inclita fama ciijus universimi penetrat orbem, 

similar to what is found in the Minerva Codio^^ 
at Rome, d. IV. 2, and there called the first Epi- 
taph on Dante's tomb, the second being the on( 
usually ascribed to himself, beginning ^'JuraM^ 
narchite etc." * Among the readings of this Codi^ 
we have Hai quanto a dir — diro dell' altre cosi 
Di quella fera la gaetta pellc— ^quanto el mondo lon^ 
tana— quando ^'Z turbo 8pira—rf'^r<?r^ la testa cinta- 

* Both of these are given in the edition of Boccacio'i 
Works (Firenze, 1723) as the production of Giovanni 
Virgilio, Bolognese; the first is as follows 

Theologus Dantes nullius doginatis expers, 
Inclita fama cujus uiiiversiun penetrat orbem, 
Dantes Alegheni, florenti genitus urbe, 
Conditor cloquii lumen, decusoue Musanim, 
Vulnere ssevse necis stratus, aa sydera tendons 
Dominicis annis ter septem mille trecentis 
Septembris idibus prsesenti clauditur aula. 
I have rarely seen it in Codici. With the exception c^"* 
the first verse, this is what occurs in the Codice at Pavii 
The genuine epitaph ascribed to Giovanni del Virgilio hi 
only the first of these verses ; in Pelle ( Vita etc.) p. 141 
we may see some curious varianii of it as found in 
ous codici. 


nza fama " — t>ede alia terra —parte della fede — 
L qua dal stnmo — Quando vedra la nemica po- 
esta — Prima da monte verso i ver levante — piu 
tmf gik — Tal che faria beato pur descripto—o per 
^WM> o per Faltro fii o fie. 


(Now in the possession of Mr. Pamzzi.J 

A Codice in folio, of the second half of the 
XIV*** century, on paper {carta bambaginaj of 148 
leaves, the text of the Poem in mezzo-iondoy with 
short rubrics, numerous Latin postille, and other 
notes in a later corsivo character. The first can- 
tica is better written than the other two. The vol- 
ume is very much worn, especially at the be- 
ginning , and part of the coloiu'ed initial to the 
first canto of the Inferno, as also the rubric is 
wanting. At the commencement of the Purga- 
tory we read 

Dwitis Aldigherij poete floretinj secondus liber Icipit. 

at the end 

Explicit seconda Cantica Dantis AlHgherij. 

Deo gras Amen. 

Before the Paradise — 

Dantis Aldigherij poete clarissimi Paradisi liber Icipit. 

After it 

Deo gras. 
Millessimo CCCLXXIX. feraie. 27. februarij. 

This venerable Codice, which once belonged to 
^%^ Foscolo , is among the very best I have seen 
^^^ the correctness of its orthography , and the 
^Jcellence of its readings. We have in the Inferno 

Hoi quanto a dir qiial era e cosa dura. 

E durera quantol mondo Ion tana. 

Se non eteme e io eterno diiro. 

Ed io eh' avea d error la testa cinta. 

Che vissaro (sic) senza fama e senza lodo. 

Vede ft la tefa tntte le auo spoglie. 
Cha k parte di la fede che ta credi. 
TuUio lino e eeneca morale 
Che mi fu tolta el nwdo ancor mctfede. 
Diverse pene giu li grava al fondo. 
Over la raente tua dov allro mira. 
Tanto chine {idei i sottni e polsi. 
Prima da monte veso ver levante. 
E chinado la mono alia sua faccia. 
Che diede al re giovane mai coforti. 
Piii lume gik quando fecil mal boddo. 

An important Codice of the Divina Commedia, fromtl 
collection of M. Libri, was sold July 25- 1862 (lot IIT^ 
by Messrs. Sotheby and Wilkinson. I do not know iido| 
whose hands it passed, but during its transit I took tl 
following note of it. 

A Codice in mediiun folio, on parchment, 
250 leaves, written in a neat mezzo-timdo oharact 
15"' century, with elegant illuminated initials, a 
floral borders to the first canto of each Cantic* 
rubrics and smaller initials to the flrat verses t 
the other cantos. 

An elaborate arabesque border to the title ]}a{ 
of the Inferno, of flowers, fruit, candelabra, 
angels ; in the upper part a figure of the P« 
seated on the ground before an enclosed seha, i 
in the lower part two angels supporting a coat^ 
of arms within a wreath of olive leaves , and a 1 
series of half circles disposed like the petals of | 
a rose; the shield parted per fess, gules and argent, 
a double headed spread-eagle or, and below \ 
it a greek cross gules, in the first and fourth 
quarters a star of eight rays azure. 

To each Cantica is prefixed the raccoglimenio of i 

Brieve racchoglimcnto di cio cbe in se snperficial- 

monte conttene la lectura della prima parte della cao- 

tics ovvero comcdia di dante Aughieri difirenze chia- 

mata Inferno. 


On the fifth leaf^ recto, we read 

Comincia la prima parte della cantica — overo come- 
dia. chiamata Inferno, del cbiarissimo Poeta Dante. 
Alighieri. di firenze. e di quella prima parte il canto 
primo. Videlicet. 

At the end of the Inferno, 

. Qui finisce la prima parte della cantica overo co- 
media di dante aiigbieri chiamata Inferno. 

A similar notice to that on the Inferno pre- 
cedes the Purgatory and Paradise. The initial 
letter of the former represents Dante in a ship 
sailing over the waves. At the end of the poem 
is the usual formula Deo. gras. Amen. Finis. 

The readings of this Codice are, for the most 
part, good; some modern punctuation has more 
recently been added. In the Inferno we have 
firquanto a dire — alia gaetta pelle — mondo Ion- 
tana — Vede alia terra —parte della fede — dal mondo 
degli altri — Prima da monte verso in ver levante — 
piu lume giJL — In the Purgatory — Dal mezzo puro 
infino al primo giro — Luccel di Dio — Di mezza 
node mai fender serene — lo stremo della luna — 
Che ritraesse lombre, et tracH chivi — Mirar farieno 
i^iw^ingegno sottile — Dove secondamente si rilega — 
Cosi al ombre la vio parlava ova. — In the Pa- 
radise — Et nuove muse ne dimostran lorse — 
per runa, o per tallra fue o fie; etc. etc. 

Brief Analysis of the Lists of Codici in the Library 
»f the Vatican at Rome, and in the National Li- 
brary at Paris, from Batines' ^'Bibliografia 


Eight Codici: Nos. 3197; (in the hand of Bembo) 


3199; 3200; 3201; 4776; 4777; 7566— 7— 8, with 
annotations by Bartolomeo di CoUe; 8376, the 
Paradise only. 



Seven Codici: Nos. 2358, with the comment of 
Jacopo della Lana; 2373; 2863, also with tRe 
comment of Jacopo della Lana; 2864 ; 2865 ; 2866; 
3316, the last two of which are imperfect. 

Four Codici: Nos. 365; 366; 367; 368. 


Two Codici: Nos. 263; 266. TheCodice No. I, 
not here described by Batines, being rather a 
commentary, contains the latin prose version by 
Giovanni di Serravalle, Bishop and Prince ci 
Fermo. The other two Codici noticed are the Cb- 
dice Palalino^ No. 1728, with the comment of Buti; 
and the Codice delta Regina di Svezta^ No. 896. 


Fonds de Reserve. 

Twelve Codici : Nos. 2 ; 3 ; 4, with the comment 
of Pietro di Dante; 5 (now 4150); 7; 8; 10; 7002; 
7002.2; 7002.3; 7002.5; 7252. 

Fonds de Saint Germain. 
One Codice: No. 1682. 

General Codici of the Library. 

Fifteen Codici: Nos. 2753; 6874; 7001; 7001. 
bis, (formerly 746. 750); 7002; 7002. 4; 7251; 
7251.2; 7252. 5; 7254; 7255, with the comment 
of Jacopo della Lana; 7256; 7258; 7764; 7765, 


Inferno only, with the commentary of Jacopo di 

Supplement Franfais. 

Two Codici: No. 2679, containing the comment 
called the " Falso Boccaccio ", and No. 2757. Other 
'^Supplemenf\ CodiceL. V. 19, contains the Inferno 
only with the conunent of Guiniforto delli Bar- 
gigi. The ^^ Supplement Navarre^^ contains one Co- 
dice No. 42, but externally is marked 226. 

The Codici in tlie Library of the Arsenal are 
Aoa. 29; 30, and 30 bis. 







Canto I., 

verse 4. 

Canto IX., 

verse 112. 

Canto I., 

verse 9. 

Canto XI., 

verse 8. 

Canto I., 

verse 42. 

Canto XI., 

verse 78. 

Canto I., 

verse 48. 

Canto XII., 

verse 9. 

Canto I., 

verse 69. 

Canto XII., 

verses 119 — 20. 

. Canto II., 

verse 60. 

Canto Xm., 

verse 63. 

Canto IT., 

verse 139. 

Canto XIII., 

verses 143- 


Canto III., 

verse 8. 

Canto XrV., 

verses 79- 


Canto iU., 

verse 30. 

Canto XV., 

verse 29. 

[ Canto III., 

verse 31. 

Canto XVI., 

verses 94 — 9. 

Canto III., 

verse 36. 

Canto XVUL, 

verse 12. 

Canto III., 

verse 42. 

Canto XVin., 

verse 33. 

Canto III., 

verses 58— 

-60. Canto XTX., 

verse 9. 

1 Canto III., 

verse 114. 

Canto XIX., 

verses 79— 


Canto IV., 

verse 36. 

Canto XX., 

verse 65. 

Canto IV., 

verse 68. 

Canto XXIII., 

verse 148. 

Canto IV., 

verse 75. 

Canto XXIV., 

verses 85— 


Canto IV., 

verse 141. 

Canto XXV., 

verse 144. 

Canto v., 

verse 59. 

Canto XXVI., 

verse 14. 

Canto v., 

verse 69. 

Canto XXVII., 

verses 46- 


Canto v., 

verse 80. 

Canto XXVIII., 

vcrse 135. 

Canto v.. 

verse 102. 

Canto XXX., 

verse 78. 

Canto v.. 

verse 104. 

Canto XXX., 

verse 87. 

Canto VI., 

verse 86. 

Canto XXXII., 

verse 47. 

Canto VI., 

verse 96. 

Canto XXXIII., 

verses 22— 


Canto VII., 

verse 90. 

Canto XXXIII., 

verse 26. 

Canto IX., 

verse 54. 

Canto XXXriL, 

verse 50. 

Canto IX., 

verse 70. 

Canto XXXTV., 

verses 110- 





These relate to the Codici already noticed , and to printed 
EiHtions consulted, which were chiefly — The Editio prin- 
ceps of Foligno. (1472) the Edition of Jesi, (1472) of 
Mantua, (1472) of Naples, (1475). The Vendeliniana, (1477). 
The Nidobeatina, (1478). Landino, (1481). Aldus, (1502) 
(1515). Ycllutello, ^1544). Danielle, (1568). The Crusca, 
or Edition of the Horcntine Academy, (1595). Venturi, 
(1732). Lomhardi, (1791) (1820). Dionisi, (1796). Costa, 
(lb30). The Edition of the four Florentine Editors, Nic- 
colini, Bechi, etc., (1837). Edition of Professor Witte, 
flS'*>2). The Commentaries of Boccaccio, Benvcnuta da 
Iniola, and Buti, from the printed texts. 

Acud.^ Jcadi.y ACy Aci.^ Academy and Academicians of 

the Crusca. Ald.j Aldus and Aldiiio. Alt.^ Altona. 

Amb.y Ambrogiana Library at Milan and Codici. Ang,f 

Angf'lica Library and Codici at Home. 

IJarh., and Da,, Barbcrini Library at Rome, and Codici. 

lienv., Benvenuto da Imola. Ber,, Berlin. />//>., and 

//., Bibliotcca and Bibliothcque. BfKC,^ Boccaccio. 

/>*r//., or Br. 31., British Museum Library and ('odici. 

Citct.^ and r^., Caetani. Cam,, Cambridge. Ch(/„ Cliigiana 

Lib. and Codici. Cod,, and Cudi., (\, Ci., C\)dice and 

Codici. Com., Comm,, Commentary and ( •ommentaries. 

Cop.. Copenhagen. Cars,, ('orsini Library and Codici. 

Dan., Danielle. Dion,, Dionisi (Monsignor Canonico). 

/A (\, Divina Connnc^dia. 
Ed,. Kdi.j E., Ei.y Edition and Editions. The Numbers 
I. 2. 3. 4 refer to the first four above mentioned. E. 
fififf.^ Fnligno Edition, or prhicrps. 
Fl. Eds.j The four Florentine Editors of the Edition of 
1837, or ^^The Four^K Flor., Florence. 


Gad.y Gaddiano Codice. Frag, or /"., the Fragment, * 

/5., Jesi. The place where the Edition No. J was pub- 

Land,, or Lan., or Z/t., Landino. Lomb.y Lombardi. Laur,, 
or Lau., Laurenziana Library at Florence. 

Maff.y Magliabechiana Library at Florence. JfanL, or 
Ma.^ or 3; Mantua Edition. Marc, Marciana Libraiy 
at Venice and Codici. iViw., Minerva Library at Kome 
and Codici. 

iV., North, as North of Italy. Nap., Naples , the fourth 
printed Edition at, or 4. iVfl/., or iV., National. Mdob,j 
or iV/., Nidobeatina Edition. ] 

Oif.y Ottinio Codice in the Laurenziana. Ox.^ Oxoniensis* 

Pad., Padovano. Par., or /V., Paris. Pav., Pavia, Co- 
dice at. prn., princeps. 

Bice, Riccardiaua Library at Florence, and Codici. 

Temp., or Tmp., or Tm., Tempiano Codice; the ") 
ffiore" mg.\ "minore" mn., or m. Tre., Treviso 
Codice Trevigiano. 

Veli., Vellutello. Vend,, Vendeliniana. ViU., VillaJai. 
Voig., Volgata (the reading of the Crusca). 

Urb., Urbinato, and Urbinati Codici, a class of MSS. ^ 
the Vatican Librarj-. 

^Feii., Wellcsley — in reference to the Codice so call^^ 

* The Codice Gaddiano befpns at v. 10 , canto XII. , of the l*" 
fcrno ; but there are live preliminary parclimont leaves of a sm&H^ 
form, which contain in a hand very similar to that of the Codmce, 
the tirst two cantos, and other portions of the poem. The earl]r ^^ 
fercuccs arc to this fragment. 



E quanto a dir qual era e cosa dura. 

One hundred Codici examined on this verse 

gave for the conjunctive form 73 examples, for 

ihe interjectional 27. Of the former, 59 Codici had 

Et quan/Oj li F quanio. Of the latter there were 

eleven varieties, 

Ha! 5; Ahi! 4; Hai! 3; Ai! 3; Ah! 3; A! 3; 
Ay!(i) 2; Aij! 1; Haij! 1; H! 1; O! 1. 

These Codici comprised the most important ones 
i^ the public libraries of Rome and Florence, the 
North of Italy, Paris , London, and Oxford , and 
were selected on account of their general merits 
without any special reference to this passage. 

Codici consulted. Rome 22; Florence 33; Nor- 
thern Italy 16; Paris and London 15; Oxford 10; 
• Montpellier 1; Copenhagen 2; Altona 1. 

Roman Codici. Et quanto 17. Hai qmnto'l^ (Cod. 
Vat. 365; Cod. Barb. 2840), both 15^' cent. Aij 
quanto 1 (C. Cors. 56). Ah quanto 1 (C. Vat. 1728). 
A quanto 1 (C. dig. 212). 

Florentine Codici. Magliabechiana 16. Et 
quanta 12, including Cod. XXIX. Riccardiana 9. 


Ei quanta S, including Ci. 1005, 1025. E quanio 1. 
Laiircnziana 8. Ei quanio 3, (Cod. Vill.; Ottm.; 
C. Gadd. f.) E quatUo 3, (C. Tmp. mg.; C. Tmp. nin.; 
C. Plut. XL. 2.) Cod. Vise, Haij quanta. C. della 
Badia, A quanta, 

NoKTHEKN Italy. The C. Marciano LIV., !4* 
century. E quanta altered to A quanta. Cod. at Pavia. 
Hai quanta. Cod. Ambrogiano CCXC, Aki quario. 
C. Ambr. No. 539, Ha quanta. Cod. Estense, M 
quatito. Cod. Landi, E quanta. 

Codici in the Library of the Seminary at Padua, 
2. Mi quanta; 1. E quanta. Codici Bolognesi, \.E 
quanta; 1 . Ai quanta, 

Paris, IjOndon and North of Europe. Paris, 
Bib. Nat. 4153 yi/// quanta. 1 Ai quanta; 1 AAqmtnio; 
1 //a quanta. Cod. at Montpellier, Ha quanta. Co- 
penhagen, Et quanta 2. Altona, E quanta 1. 

Oxford. Codici Nos. 105, 103, Ay (i) qu$iit0l 
No. 108 Ha quanta; No. 112 quanta; Nos. 109, 
95, 96, 104, 110 Et quanta; No. Ill A' quanio. 

Among the printed editions and commentaries 
there is less variety. 

E quanta was followed by Boccaccio, Buti, the 
Academicians, Vcllutello, Venturi, Biagioli, Ro- 
setti , and others. Et quanta is the reading of the 
Edit. Prineeps, the Jcsi, and Naples; Vendelin^ 
Aldus and Danicllo. Bcnvenuto da Imola preferred 
Hay, or Ala quanta^ and so also Lombardi, Costai 
and the Florentine Editors of 1 837. The Maiitua 
Ed. has Ati quanta, Tlie Nidob. Hai quanta. Lan- 
dino, M quanta^ in Com., in text Et. The Ed. of 
1497, He quanta\ Sansovino's, 1 564, has in the Coin: 
Ha^ in the text Et. Mons. Dionisi printed Eti quaido. 
Tliis has recently been reproduced by Prof. Witte, 
The reason assigned by Fruttuoso IJecchi for the 
reading of the Ed. 1837 is that Dante used AW 
as an exclamation of horror in other places. 



Dir6 deir alire cose ch' lo v' ho scorte. 
Diro dell' alie cose ch' io v' ho scorte. 

One hundred and nine Codici gave 93 ex- 
amples of the first reading , 1 6 of the second. 

Codici consulted. Rome 43 ; Florence and Siena 
32; Bologna, Padua, Venice, Alilan, and Pavia 15; 
Piacenza 1; London and Paris 16; Denmark 2. 

Roman Codici. Alire cose 37. AUe cose 5. (C. 
Vat 2373; Ang. 9g; Barb. 1534; Chig. 294, and 
C. Caet. where it occurs on the restored leaf.) The 
C. Vat. 367 has '^Diro dalf quante cose ch' io v' o 
scorte". And the C. Vat. 1728 has ^^di qumUe cose'' 
as a variante. 

Florentine Codici. Magliabechiana !7. Alie 
cose 2. In one of these, Cod. XXXII, alie had been 
altered to alire as read in C. XXIX. Laurenziana 
S, AUe cose 2. (Ci. VilL, and Ottimo.) Rice. 4 (alire). 

Northern Italy. Cod. Amb. 539, and Cod. Mar- 
ciano L., alie cose. All the others Alire cose. 

London and Paris. Alie cose. ]ir. Mm., Ci. 839, 
9:f2. Par., Bib. N., Ci. 7251, 7002\ In the Par. 
Cod. 4154, alie^ the original reading, had been al- 
tered to alire. 

Of all the early editions only the Vcndcliniana 
lias alie cose. This was printed by Mons. Dionisi, 
J»fter the C. Villani, also by the four Fl. Eds., but 
not by Witte. The Edi. 1 and 4 liave dcllaivc cose. 
Alte cose would seem to be more in harmony Avith 
tlie h)fty subject of the poem, than the tame and al- 
most irrelevant alire. By Alire cose w^e are required 
to understand oiher things than those, the remem- 
brance of which was nearly as bitter to the Poet 
IS death itself. But as these alire cose were also 
r//r rosc^ and as the latter imply the former, being 
lift'erent to those l)ef()re alluded to, alie and not 
fire shouhl, probably, be preferred. 



Di quella fcra la gaietta pelle. 
Di quclla fcra alia gaietta pelle. 

One hundred and eighteen Codici gave 91 ex- 
amples of the first reading , 2 i of the second; 3 
Codici had ^^della gaietta pelle"; 1 had daUa; the 
C. Par. 7002' had da; and the Siena C. 21 e k. 

Codici Consulted. Rome 43; Florence 25; SieM 
2 ; Milan and North of Italy 1 1 ; London and Paris 
18; Oxford and Cambridge 15; Denmark 3; Berlin 1. 

Roman Codici. ^^AUa gaietta pelle^^ 6. (Ci. Vat 
1728, 366; C. Barb. 1535; C. Ang. 9g; Ci. ChgL 
213, 253). Delta gaietta petle 3. (Ci. Corsi. 1365, 
368, 607.) 

Florentine Codici. Magliabechiana 9. Laa- 
reuziana 8, alta gaietta pelte 4 (C. Vill; C. Vis; G 
Temp, nm.; Ott.). Riccardiana 8, one only wi4 
second reading, all the others with the first, ex- 
cept C. Rice. 1027 in which at had been writtea 
over the original ta. In the Cod. Pad. del Seni 
CCCXVI, in which alia was the original reading, 
the at had been in part erased. In the C. Mard 
LIII. da had been written over the la. The d 
Landi , the C. at Pa via , and 5 Ci. at Milan h«i 
the first reading. 

London and Paris etc. ^^Atla gaetta pelk^^ 9- 
(C. Brit. 839; Ci. Ox. 105, 109, 104, 115, 97i 
and C. Well.; C. Cop. 436; and C. Berl.) 

The four early editions, with the Vend., anj 
Nidob. have "/«". Moiis. Dionisi, the four Flor. Edi 
tors, andWitte have'W/«". Boccaccio explains bod) 
Benvenuto and Buti notice only la. So also Landinc 
Aldus, Veil., Dan., the Crusca, and Lombard! 
There is here all the difference between the Loniaf 
popolo FiorentinOy and its speckled skin, the leada 
of the opposing factions, the Bianchi and Neri. 

We must bear in mind the history of the even 


► whict the Poet refers. In Canto XVT., v. t08, 
>ante alludes to an endeavour, or intention, to 
;ain over the Florentines to his purpose, by a 
popular appeal; but here, I rather think, he re- 
fers io the factions which he sought to extinguish 
by removing the differences between them. This he 
attempted during his priorato. Years after, when 
almost a hopeless exile, he addressed the people 
themselves in a pacific manner, seeking to be re- 
called. Leonardo Aretino mentions a letter be- 
ginning ^^ Papule mec^ quid feci iibf\ On the approach 
of the Emperor, however, the Poet altered his 
tone. All this is well known. Possibly the ^^corda 
i^kmo cifUd" with which he once hoped to take 
the Lonza, may allude to a previous notion of 
nsing his oratorical powers as a preaching friar 
for the purpose of inculcating those principles of 
patriotic union, and probably also of religious re- 
form in reference to the unwarrantable assump- 
tions of the papacy, which he knew to be essential 
to the welfare of his country. Happily for Italy, 
and the world , Virgil led him by a surer path to 
the attainment of his purposes. It should be re- 
membered also, that until a political meaning was 
discovered in the Lonza , it was not possible for 
commentators to conceive how the external cha- 
racteristic of this animal, la yaicUn pclle , could in- 
spire Dante with the hope of taking it. All the 
wly commentators including Boccaccio, Benve- 
nato da Imola, and Buti; Landino, Vellutello, 
and Daniello, and many among the moderns, as 
Venturi, Lombardi, Cesari, Biagioli and others, 
make ''la gaietta pelle" to be the object of the 
verb, and not a nominative; the nominatives are 
most precisely indicated by Dante as ^^Lora del 
Impo e la dolce siagione^\ following the time and 
season described, v. 37—40, which show what the 
urcumstances were that led him to hope to over- 


come tlie animal. ^^Lhora del tempo^^ as Daniell 
justly observes, correspomls to v. H7, and " 
doUc sOigionc^ to v. 38 — 40. In reference to tl 
meaning "Lussuria" given by the old Commei 
tators to the Lonza, pellcm deiraherc (Horace I. ij 
sat. I., V. 62) as suggested by Cesari, inaj 
signify not only to expose the slmme, but ak 
to pluck oft' the vice itself. The j)assage in Pa- 
radise VI., HIS "Ch' a pill alto leon trasser Ic 
vello", shows the Poet's meaning. Portirelirs noh 
on this passage reads to me as if he had quite mis- 
taken it (see the Ed. Milan 1 S04). The Lonza, fol- 
lowing the exju'ession of Virgil (^E. I., 323) "jw- 
culosae tvgm'mc hjnns\ would be the Felis Lynjc ruljOr 
ris maculafits of Liniia?iis. But the Panfhera of Pliny 
is probably meant, though whether this was the 
Leopard, or the Fclis pardus of the |)resent day, is 
a (piestion. Pliny's description (lib. VIII., 23), 
^^ Pan f her is in eandido breves macula rum oculf\ would suii 
both. Tlic Panther has six or seven rows of these 
*^rose formed spots" of our English naturalists, on 
its flanks, the Leopard has nine or ten; and in 
the former the spaces witliin the spots arc ol 
a deeper colour than the suiTOunding skin, sc 
that they have more the ap|)earance of eyes. The 
ancients made no distinction between these ani- 
mals. Brunetto Latini, in his Tesoro, describes 
onlv the Pantheru. Ciivier thou^fht that the 7V/r- 
thern of Plinv was the Leo])ard of modem na- 
turalists, and Benvenuto da Imola, who i}fave tm 
subject some consideration, declared for the lat- 
ter, // /V//vA>^ wliich. on tlie authoritv of his friend 
Boccaccio, he tells us the Florentines called Lonza 
Tliis luinie however, would seem to have inort 
affinity to the Velis uneia^ the Ounce, tlie light parts 
of whose skill are whiter than in either the Leo- 
pard or Panther. I/oncia with a Venetian acceni 
would, by syncope, become Lonsa or Lonza. 


Si, che parea che Taer ne lemesse. 

Sixty Eight Codici gave 63 examples of this 
reading, 3 of ircmesses 1 of tremisse, and 1 oitre- 
Msse (C. Par. 7256). 

Codici Consulted. Rome 32; Florence 16; Lon- 
don and Paris 17; Denmark 3. 

The only Roman Codice with iremesse was C. 
Vat. 366. As a marginal variante it occurs also 
C.Vat. 1728. In the eight principal Codici in the 
Laurcnziana it was found only in the Cod. Vis 
conti, but as a variante in the Cod. Villani. In 
the London, Paris and Danish Codici examined, 
one had iremesse (C. Brit. 10,317). The C. at 
Altona had tremisse. In the Paris Codice 4150 
the original reading iemesse had been altered to 
trmcsse; and in the C. Brit. 83i) , al t7^e had been 
written above the ordinary reading. 

Printed Editions. The Ed. prin. (Foligno) has 
^frmasse"^ the Js. and Miit. fcmessc^ the Napl. 
irancasr. The ordinary reading is preferable, it 
is tlmt of the Vend, and Nidob. , Land. , [tcrnessi) 
^elL, and Daniello, also of Boccaccio and Ben- 
venuto da Iniola, but Buti has /?rmrssr. Dio- 
nij'i and Wittc, following Aldus and the Crusca, 
have fewesse. ' • 


E Mantovani per j)atria amhidui. 

Forty Codici (Rome 21; Florence 11; Pavia, 
f iaconza &c. 7 ; Copenhagen 1 ) gave 1 5 exam- 
ples only of this reading, 8 of amhcdui; 8 of amen- 
^Hi: G of nmhodni: 2 of amhendni , and 1 of ambo i 
dm. (0. Vat. 2865.) 

Ten Codici out of fourteen in the Vatican Lib. 
ncluding Ci. 3179, 3199, 365, 366 and 4776 had 


amhidvi. Also the C. Barb. 1535; the C. Caet; 
the C. Ang. tO|; and the C. Min., d. IV. d. In 
the Laurenziana, ambedui 3 (Ci. Vise; Ott,; and 
C. Plut. XL. 2.) amendui 2 (C. Tmp. mg.; C. GadA 
Plut. XC. Supp. 1 25 f.) ambendm 2 (C. della Badii, 
and C. Tmp. mn. ) Cod. Vill. ambodm. The a j 
Landi ambedui. Amendui was found in 3 Roman j 
Codici, (C. Ang. 9|; C. Min., d. IV. i, and C. Vit \ 
266;) in 2 at Milan, and in C. Cop. 411. TWi j 
is the reading of the printed text of Boccaecio'f ^ 

Printed Editions. The Ed. pr. and the Ni^ , 
have ambenduij the Jesi has ambe dui; the Mantoa 
amendui. Benvenuto , Buti , the Vend. Aldus and ; 
Dan. have ambidui. The Nidob. and the Ac. amair 
dui; Land, has ambo dui; Veil, ambedui; M. Dio- 
nisi ambo e dui^ which is followed by Prof. Witte^ J 
thus adding one variante more to a list alread? 
too long, (see Canto If., v. 139) the Four. H 
Editors printed ambedui. 


E durera quanto il mondo lontana. 
E durera quanto U moto lontana. 

One hundred and thirty -eight Codici gave 
for the first reading 79 examples, for the second 59. 

Codici Consulted. Rome 42; Florence 34; Siena 
and North of Italy 26; London .ind Paris 17; Oxford 
and Cambridge 15; Dresden 1; Denmark 3. 

Roman Codici. Mondo 25, including Ci. Vat- 
365,366, andC. Barb. 1535. Moio 17, includmg 
C. Vat. 3197, in the hand writing of Pietro Bembot 
afterwards Cardinal, and from which Aldus printed 
his edition of 1502. Also C. Vat. 3199, the copy 
ascribed to Boccaccio, in whose printed Com. w^ 
read mondo. Boccaccio was so scrupulous in ex* 
plaining the different readings of Dante which he 


id met withy that by his not noticing this we 
lay conclude that he had not seen it. Between 
lese two codici there are so many corresponden- 
ies, that it would appear Bembo took his copy 
3197) chiefly from the latter (3199). Moio is also 
•oundin C. Vat 4776; in C. Barb. 1536; C. Caet., 
and Ci. Ang. 'Al\ 10|. 

Florentine Codici. Magliabechiana 17. Mondo 
9, including C, XXIX. Moto 8. One of the former 
(XXXIV) had been altered to moio^ one of the 
latter (XXXVI) to mondo. In Cod. XXXII, moio 
liad been written above mondo. 

Riccardiana \\\ moto 6, mondo 3. 

Laurenziana 8 ; mondo 4 (C. della Badia, C. Vise, 
Tm. mg., Tm. mn.), Mi^o 4. (C. VilL, C. Plut. XL. 
Ko. 2, Ottm., C. Gadd. f.), in the second of these 
Wo had been altered to mondo. 

Siena and North of Italy. Mondo 1 6 ; Moto 1 (L 
At Venice the C. Marciano CCLXXVI had mondo^ 
in C, LIII mondo had been altered to moto, as also 
in the C. Trev. At Padua, Ci. II and IX had mondo^ 
C.CCCVI moto. The C. Landi at Piacenza 7noto. 

London, Paris, etc. Mondo 20, Moto 12. In Ci. 
Brit S39 and 3513 moto has been written above 
mwlo; in C. Par. 70(I2^ and C. Brit. 10.317 moto 
has been altered to moiulo; in Ci. Ox. 109, 111, 
^^0 to moto. C. at Dresden mondo. Ci. Cop. 436 
mdo, 411 moto. C. Alt. moto. In C. Vat. 2804 
Reread as in Boccaccio's printed commentary, 

E durera mentre il mondo iontana. 

Inc. Barb. 1526 we have 

E durera fin che ^1 mondo Iontana. 

Printed Editions. Ed. prin. and Vendelin moto, 
*lso Aldus, Vellut., Dan., Criisca. Dionisi, Br. 
Bianchi, and Witte, in text. Mondo, Edi. Js., Mant., 
^ap., Nidob., Land., Lomb., Costa, Flor. Editors 
637, &c. Foscolo was of opinion that Dante 


wrote moto; in his time it would have been m 
applicable than now. Benvenuto and Buti foUoi 
Boccaccio's reading, which is, I think, to be p 
ferred, having a complete sense in itself, a 
meaning " as long as the world endnreth." 


Or va, che un sol volere fe d'atnbedne. 

In this verse, eighteen Roman Codici gave 7 1 
ambedue. (Ci. Vat. 365, 366, 367, 378 and 471 
0. Barb. 1535; and C. Ang. H'§;) 4 for amendveil 
Vat. 3197, 3200, 1728; andC.Ang.9|. TheVat.0 
3199 had "Or via, chi^ un sol volere fe (famenii 

The Cod. Vat. 2358 has been altered to »i< 
bedue. There were 2 for amhodne (C. Caet., and 
Cors. 1354) and 1 for ambenduc (C. Min., d. IV. 
Two other varianti were also found. C. Vat. 2J 
"Ora ch'un sol volere h damboduc\ and C. \ 
2865 "Ora muovi con valor e et amendue\ 

Printed Editions. Boccaccio's commentary h 
has d'amendue for (fambedue, tlie most correct foi 
Benvenuto has d'ambedtie. Buti d'amendue. This 1 
ter is the reading of the Edi. Mant. and Ni 
Landino, Aldus, Dan., the Crusca, and Lombai 
The Ed. prin. has demnidue. The Ed. Jesi, 
Vend., Nidob., and Veil., have d'ambvduc^ whicl 
that of the foiu' Flor. Editors. Dionisi has da 
e due and is followed by Wittc. 


Se non eteme, ed io eterna duro. 
Se non etcmc, od io elerno duro. 

Thirty-eight Codici consulted (Uiccardiana 
Laurenziana 4; Pinccnza, Boloji^na &c. 5; Lon 
and' Paris IG; Vienna 1; Copenhagen 2) gav< 
for the first reading, 13 for the second. In 


Lice. 9 had the first reading; C. 1033 the second, 
n the Laurenziana, the C. Vill., the Badia Co- 
iice with Buti's comm. , and C. Plut. XL. 2had 
itema. The C. Tmp. mg. had eierno. The C. Landi., 
C. Marc. , C. Trev., and two Ci. at Bologna had 
titrm. The C. Vien. , (2600) and the two at Co- 
penhagen had eierno. The London and Paris co- 
dici consulted gave 8 for each. The C. Brit. 932 
has "Se non eterne, e cost eierno duro." 

Printed Editions. 1 and 4, with the Nidob. have 
tkno, 2 and 3, with the Vend, eierna. Bocc. has 
(Comm.) eierna, so also has Buti. Benvenuto has 
etmio, so have Land., Aldus, Veil., Dan., the 
Crugca, Lombardi and the Fl. Editors. Dionisi 
and Witte have etema. As the meaning of the Poet 
ia essentially the same in both readings, little im- 
portance can attach to the difference. Eierno, in 
good Tuscan, is an adverb as well as adjective. 
Boccaccio's explanation tells both ways. "Ed io 
^m duro , siccome opera creata da Dio , senza 
alcun mezzo : perciocch^ per li dottori si tiene ci6 
che immediatamente fu o sarJi creato da Dio h 
etemo". Though, as he previously observes, no- 
thing can properly be called eternal that ever had 
a beginning, but only perpetual. I prefer the 
adverb eierno as having more force than the ad- 
jective eierna. 


Come la rena qiiando a iurho spira. 
Corae la rena ([iiando iurho spira. 

Sixty Codici (Florence 35, Bologna and N. 
of Italy 8 , London and Paris 1 4 , Denmark 3) 
grave for the first reading 37 examples; for the 
second, which is the reading of Boccaccio, 1 1 cx- 
imples; for a third reading 

Come la rena quando 7 iurho spira. 


98 INF8BM0. 

6; 1 (C. Brit 3513) had V tempo; and 5 for 
Come la i*ena quando al turbo spinu 

As in C. Marc. CCLXXVI; C. Brit 3459; Ci 
Mag. XXIX, XXX and XXXVI, which last had 
been altered to this. Codici with the first reading: 
Ten out of sixteen in the Magliab. Five out of 
eight in the Lau. (Ci. Vill. ; della Badia ; Tmp. mg^' 
Ott.; Gadd. PI. XC. sup. 125f.) the other three 
had the second reading. Seven out of nine in the 
Riccard. Also C. Landi; C. Pad. CCCXVI.; 2 tt 
Bolog.: C. Alt; 2 Ci. in Lib. of Seymour Kirknp. 
Also eight out of fifteen in London and Paris. 
Among Codici with the second reading: 3 Ci.Mag.; 
C. Brit 932; C. Par. 7251; C. Pad. IX.; C. Trev.; 
C. Rice. 43 (which had been altered to it). With 
the third reading: C. Pav.; 2 Ci. Cop.; C. Rice. 
1033; C. Par. 7255; C. Brit 3581. 

Printed Editions. Except the Mantua EditioOf 
which has the second reading, all the six earlf 
editions, as also Aldus, Veil., and Dan. haved^ 
first reading. The Crusca has the third, so also 
have the i'our Fl. Eds. who think "quando 7 twri^ 
spira" to be ''piii limpido", and more correct, which 
it certainly is. Buti and Land, have the fourth. 
M. Dionisi and Witte follow the C. Villani. 


Ed io cir avea d\*rror la testa cinta. 
Ed io cir avea d'orror la testa cinta. 

One iirNDRED and eight Codici: Rome 45: 
Florence 34 ; Siena 5 ; Pavia 1 ; London and Pa' 
ris 21; Denmark 2. gave 73 for the first readingt 
35 for the second. 

Roman Codici. error 28, orror 17. Among th^ 
former were Ci. Vat. 365, 366, and the text of SeT^ 
ravalle. (C. 366 had ''Ond' io &c.'') Among th^ 


-T Ci. Vat. 3197, 3199; C. Barb. 1535; and C. 
tani. In C. Vat. 1728 orror had been altered 
?rrar, as also in C. Chg. 292. The C. Cor. 
had ^'Et io e'avea la testa d'error cinta." 

j'lorentine Codici. error 22, orror 12. Among 
former, 11 out of 15 in Bb. Mag., including 
XXIX. ; 6 out of 8 in B. Laur. (the C. Vill., 
I C. Plut. XL. 2 had orror). 3 out of 9 in B. 
5C. It is remarkable how, in the same library, 
often find Codici following one another in their 
dings, as if they had been copied from one 
^nal and descended together to posterity. 
\o 2 Codici in the Library of Mr. Kirkup. 

rhe Siena Ci. had error ^ so also the C. Pa v.; 
C. Cop. 411, and the C. at Altona. 

LiOXDON AND Paris, error 1 5, orror 6. The C. 
it. 35S1 has the same reading as the C. Cors. 
J. Orror is found in C. Brit. 10.317, and in C. 
r. 4148. It is the reading of Boccaccio, who 
)lains ^^aoe di siupore^\ Benvenuto gives both. 
ti only error. 

Printed Editions. Four of the six early editions 
v'e error, as also has Landino. Tlie E. prin. 
\ Nap. have orror, so also Veil, and Daniello. 
dus, the Crusca, Lonib., and the Four, have ^r- 
'. Dionisi and Witte orror, which altliougli it is 
"t reading of the minority of texts, is, I think, 
eferable to the other. 


Che visser senza fama e senza lodo. 
Che visser senza infamia e scnza lodo. 

FiFTV-EiGHT Codici examined (Florence 27; 
hn 5; Padua, Pavia, Piacenza, Treviso, and 
logna 8; London and Paris 15; Demnark 3) 
e 37 for the first reading, 21 for the second. 


But in the Florentine Codiei the majority wa 
the other way, 1 6 having infamia. In the Maglia 
bechiana, 16 Codiei gave 9 ior infamia, 7 ior fam 
(including C. XXIX). In the Laurenziana 5 ou 
of 8 had infamia (C. Vill., Temp. mg. , Tm. m., 
Ott., and Gadd. f.), but one of these (Tm. mg.) had 
been altered to fama. Riccardiana 3, {fama 2}. 
Of the 13 Codiei in the N. of Italy, 11 had the first 
reading. The C. Pad. CCCXVI had the second, 

Che visser sanza infamia e sanza lodo. 

Of the London and Paris Codiei, 12 had the first 
reading, 3 the second. The C. Brit. 943 had been 
altered to infamia. C. Cop. 411, and C. Alt fam. 
C. Cop. 436 infamia. 

Printed Editions. Infamia — Bocc.,*Dan.,Cruscat 
Lombardi, the Four., Dion, and Witte. Fama-^ 
Benvenuto, Buti, all the early Editions, Landino, 
Aldus, Veil. The authority for infamia shows how- 
ever, that, probably, it should be preferred, the 
sense being thus rendered more obvious. 


Che alcuna gloria i rei avrebber d*elli. 

Alcana is the only reading which the Author htf 
found in Codiei, and it is the only one in printed 
texts. The reading niuna^ proposed by Vincenrio 
Monti, has not even been found as a variants 
None of the elder commentators ever understood 
the word in the sense oiniuna^ nor can any UD' 
questionable example of it be produced. Th< 
meaning appears to be, that the inmates of Hel 
were more worthy of notice than these utterV 
contemptible "cattivi", and might therefore tak 
to themselves some glory "una qualche ombra c 
gloria", by comparison with them. 



Poscid ch' io v'ebbi alcun riconosciuto, 
Guardai, e vidi fombra di colui 
Che fece per viltale il gran rifiuto. 

Who this individual was, Dante never divulged; 
not even did his son Pietro know whom he 
meant, he only believed that the nameless shade 
was intended for Celestin V., who as the pious 
Pietro da Morrone, in the Abruzzi, was, much 
against his will, in 1294, at the age of 72 or 79, 
made Pope, and being persuaded by the Cardi- 
nal Gaetano, afterwards Pope Boniface VIII., that 
he was incapable of fulfilling the office, whiph was 
the fact, and that if he renounced it, it would 
be for the good of the Church and of his own 
soul, did so, and returned to his hermit mode 
of life. When Boniface had taken his place, he 
had the ex-pope confined in prison, where he soon 
died, or rather was murdered, [if the discovery, 
made years afterwards, of a nail ;having been 
driven through his skull, may be considered suf- 
ficient evidence of the fact. He was the founder 
of the order of the Celestins; and in 1313 was 
canonized as a saint. The old commentators all 
show a disposition to doubt if Celestin were actu- 
ally meant. Some affirm, with Benvenuto da 
Imola, that Dante neither did nor could mean this 
old man. The Nidobeatina puts forward Diocle- 
tian. Boccaccio proposed Esau. Frederic of Si- 
cily has been mentioned; also Augustulus, the 
last of the Roman Emperors. The Abbate Bar- 
cellini thought that the brother of Giano della 
Bella might be meant. Lombardi suggested M. 
Torrigiano de' Cerchi. Even those commenta- 
tors, who, following a vague tradition, thought 
that the Poet might have intended Celestin, have, 
It the same time, protested against the renuncia- 


tion being ascribed to viltate. The Clironiclers of 
the time, Dino Compagni, and Giovanni Villani 
point to Messer Vieri de' Cerchi , the head of the 
Bianchi, the party -to which Dante belonged, as 
the individual recognized; and this is confirmed 
by the statements of the Poet made in reference 
to this party, and the supreme contempt with which 
he subsequently came to regard them. (See a pa- 
per on this subject, Athenaeum No. 1798, and* 
longer dissertation entitled "H Gran' Rifiuto Ac** 
Triibner, London.) 

CANTO in., VERSO 114. 

Vede alia terra tutte le sue spoglie. 
Rende alia terra tutte le sue spoglie. 

CoDici CONSULTED. Florence 31 ; North of Italy 14; 
Brit. M. 9; Oxf. and Cam. 16; Denmark 2. 

Of these 72 Codici, only 2 (C. Brit. 932; and 
G. Landi) had the second reading, in the latttf 
altered to vede. The C. Cam. Mm. 2. 3. a, bn 
^'vede per ierra'\ The C. Ox. 112 "ff terra vei^''^ . 

Printed Editions. Vede — Bocc, Buti, Edi. 2. 
3., Ven., Nid., Lan., Aid., Veil., Dan., Witte- 
Rende — Benvenuto , Ed. 1 . , 4. , Crusca, Lombi 
Dion, and the Four. This is an example in which 
the Aci. were guided by a false principle, aiii 
shows the superiority of the text of Aldus. Tass^ 
greatly prefeiTed tlie true poetic reading veJiS^ 
whicli Witte has restored, it gives a sentient cha' 
racter to the bough, no longer a mere dry stieki 
but become, as it were, a living conscious thing* 


Ch' h parte della fede che tu' credi. 
Ch' c porta della fede che tu credi. 

One ir'ndred and thirty-eight Codici examined 
did not afford a single example of the second read- 
ing. These Codici included the most important in 

the Libraries of Rome (46), Flor. (34), N. of Italy 

(22), London and Pans (IB), Oxf. and Cam. (16), 

Denmark (2). There could not be a more decided 

case made out against the Academy and the foiu* 

FWr. Editors in tlie composition of their text than 

this fact affords. The reasons they give for pre- 

1 ferring it tell against them. Baptism is not the gate 

I or door of the faith, it ia merely bo of the sacra- 

ineuttt of tlie Church (lanua sacramentorura). 

LcinibHrdi showed that this reading could not be 

maintained. The Comra. of Bocc. and Benv., and 

all the earlv Edi., with Ln,, Aid., Veil., and Dan. 

\\iveparff. So also has Wittc, but Dionisi has porta. 

Tbe only Codice found with a different reading to 

ftrif was the C. Vat. 2373, in which we have 

C!i' h porta tlella fede cho ta credi. 
Baptism being there regarded aa the port, or har- 
bour, of salvation for periabing sinners. In the 
C. at Siena, in the Lib. of the Comune, I. IV. 81, 
» note on Purg. U., 41 states. ^^Vasello, navicula, 
fiae fit/i-s est, et vocalur iiavicula Petri." The bouIs 
which Peter "il pescator" caught he carried into 
this harbour. Baptism was believed to be essen- 
tial to salvation, this was a part of the faith re- 
ceived. Virgil merely expresses this. In Pard. 
XX v., S — II. Dante uses the v; or A fede io signify 
(he CUriatian covenanted life, "'■chc fa conte tanime 
f/to", to which baptiam admitted him. There ia 
hot one rfiWJT to tbe faith and that is Christ. — 
"Ego sum ostium. Per me si quia iutroient sal- 
"litur" (John. X., 9). The four Florentine Editors 
not to have recollected this. 


Di qua dal «(trino, qiiatid' io vidi iin foco. 
Di qua dal ammo, quand' jo vidi un foco. 

DKTY-8IX CoDici examined gave for sonm 37 


for sommo 6 ; 2 had somno (C. Vatt 365 ; C. Barb 
1535) and 1 had sono (C. Caet.) probably meani 
for suono. The Oodici were. Rome 18; FloFenec 
8 , N. of Italy 1 3, Lond. Par. Oxf. and Cop. ?• 

Sonno. Rom. Codici 14. among them Ci. Vat 
366, 3197, 3199; Ci. Angi. 9|, 10|. Fl. Codid 
C. Vis., Tmp. mg., C.Tliit. XL. 2. Also C. Landi. 

Sommo. C. VilL, C. Buti, but the former of these 
had been altered to sonno^ and in C. Plut. XL. 2. 
al somo had been written over sonno, and this lat- 
ter, in its turn, had been cancelled with the 

Printed Editions. Bocc. reads sonno, but men- 
tions also suono and tuono, Benv. sono and som* 
Buti sommo. Sonno is the reading of Edi. Jesi, 
Vend., Aldus, Dan. and Witte. Sommo^ for somitk, 
is the reading of the Edi. 1, 3, 4, of Land., Vell^ 
the Crusca, Lomb. , and the Four. The Nidob. 
has suono, so also Dionisi. 


Che dal modo degli altri gli diparte. 
Che dal mondo degli altri gli diparte. 

Forty -FIVE Codici (Rome 22; Oxf. and Cam. 
1 5 ; Siena 5 ; Denmark 3) gave for mondo 3 at OxL 
2 at Cam., and 3 at Rome (one C. Vat. 365). C. 
Ox. 104 (except degli for dalli) reads as C. Ang. 9f 

Ch' el mondo si dalli altri li diparte. 

Bocc, Buti, the six early Editions, also Land.) 
Aid., Veil., il Volg., Dan., Lomb., Dion, the Four. Aci 
have modo'^ but Benvenuto has mondo, and the fact 
of finding it in the C. Vat. 365 entitles it to coa- 
sideration. It is also found in the Cod. Casi- 
nensc and the postil. explains, 

quia non sunt in ea parte in qua alii, 

(see. Ed. Roma 1 820) which the new Editor thought 


light be better than the ordinary reading, though 
le did not venture to alter it. 

Modo and Mando^ no doubt, often change places 
irith each other, and might do so here, for Dante 
is referring to a place set apart for a particular 
class, and therefore their mondo in contradistinction 
to the "selva di spiriti spessi", which was "1/ 
mndo degli altri". The reading of Can. III., 34 
does not, I think, affect this passage. In Can. V., 

102 mando not modo is, undoubtedly, the proper 
reading, which see. 


Tullio ^ Lino e Seneca morale. 

The carelessness of copyists, or their love of 
variety, is well shown in the different readings we 
find of this very simple verse, of which thirty Co- 
dici furnished five, e Lino (13), Alino (8j, ei A/mo 
(5), e Lwio (3), e Lano (1). These Codici were mostly 
at Rome. Thirteen out of twenty- six Rom. Ci. 
had e Lino^ and what is singular they were the 
only ones that had it, among them were the Ci. 
Vat. 365, 366, 3179, 3199, and the C. Caet., but 
this had been altered to e Livio. The C. Vat. 367 
hAaleno; the C. Vat. 4776 et Alino. The C. Ang. 
9J, the C. Par. 7255, and the C. Cop. had e Li-- 
m; the C. Brit. 943 had e Lano. 

Printed Editions. Bocc, Benv., Buti, the Ott.' 
Land., Veil., and Dan. explain Tu/iio e Lino, and 
Ais is no doubt the proper reading, see Virg. 
Ecloga IV., 55 — 7, who calls him the son of 
Apollo, and names him after Orpheus. 

^on me carminibus vincet, nee Thracius Orpheus, 

^^' Linus : huic mater quamvis, atque hide pater adsit : 

^^hei Calliopea, Lino tormosus Apollo. 

In the Edi. 1. and 4. we read ^"^ Tullio (dnio\ prob- 
ably for alino^ as we frequently find m printed for 


in and for «. Ed. 2. Tu/io e linio; 3. T. lino; \ 
T. et almo; Ni. T. ei Uvio. Dante does not 
introduce Historians, and to have named . 
and omitted Herodotus, Thucydides and Ta 
would have been unjust. 

CANTO v., VERSO 59. 

Che succedetle a Nino, e fu sua sposa. 
Che sugger dette a Nino, e fu sua sposa. 

One hundred and sixty -six Codici exam 
gave 1 3 1 for the first reading, 1 4 for the seC' 
or some variety of it; {suge 4, sued 3, succ\ 
suger 2 , succer 1 , sticcio 1 , suco \ .) and 7 vari( 
of the first succiedette (7), succiedete (2), sucedete 
socedette (3), subcedette (3), soccedette (2), socciedeck 

Codici. Rome 46; Florence 37; N. of Italy and Sie 
47; London and Paris 15, Oxford and Cambridge : 
Beriin, Dresden and Vienna 3 ; Copenhagen 2. 

The Codici with sugger dette had it either 
corrected reading of the original , as in C. L 
Plut. XL. 2; or as a variante, as in the C. ( 

Though the result shows so large a majorit 
favour of the ordinary reading , yet the authc 
of the C. Antaldi , {suger dette) supported by 
C. Ox. 103, the C. Caet. and the C. Laur. en 
it to consideration, which is confirmed by * 
jlecte" in the C. Brit. 10, 317, written appare 
towards the close of the 14^*" Cent., with the 
portant note, ^^suge decie, id est, mammas vel ul 
dedit filio cum quo deinde concubuit. Alii di< 
che surccdeile^ videlicet successit Nino regi, 
nondum ad regendum apto , sed prior sensus 
valet." This reading is also found as the 
rected one in the C. Vat. 2358; in the C. Co: 
(Cat. Ros.) and in C. 368. In the C. Eugen 
Vienna we have ^^ suco dette'', the o has here fi 
been altered to an e^ and there is the mark 

' pa above and below it. In the C. Brit. 932, 

irkicli ^ 

I have the note "Ragio 

di lei ch' ella cof|;nobbe ii suo tillol (sicj Wino in 
MtD carnale, il tjuiite divenc iin bello giovane". 
Sec also the annotation in C. Vat. 235S; C. Ui'b. 
367: and C. Vat. 1455. "Sued dette" is the read- 
ing t)f the C. Laiidi, Tmp. mg. , and C. Min., 
li. IV. d. Succer dette occurs in the C. Ox. No. 
95. c has evidently liave been written for ff. In 
tlie C. Marciano LIII, the text has ".*(»ff dette", a 
rontetiiporaiy note states "aliter, ehc suceo dette, 
^ lac." In the " Quadi-agesimale de reditu pec- 
catoris at! Denm", by the P. Paolo Fiorentino , a 
pelelirated pulpit orator of the 14"' Cent., and 
whose book was printed at Milan in 1 479, wo have 
'he reading — 

Che siigger dettn a Nino e fu sua spoea; 
witii the remark, "Quasi dicat ilia est Semiramis 
liuuriogigsima qua) habuit iu viruin Niniim quern 
•Mtaverat . . &e." (See also Ghcrardini on Suytfere.) 
Though the early printed Editions have the first 
tading, vet the commentators commonly explain 
•he «eeond, as alone giving the full sense of the 
Porta meaning. Bnt Llante, we may be sure, did 
lot leiive his great poem to conmientators to com- 
plete, and, without this sense, the character of Se- 
"uramis as here introduced is iueompleto, we may 
wodude therefore that the Poet wrote sut/grr defte, 
w perhaps sage eteltt, and that the tame and irre- 
"'ant "iturre^rf/r" is a eorruption by some early 
wpyiat. Prof. Witte hH« laid It down as a canon 
Wcritioism whereby to judge of the genuineness 
*'ateTt, and its agreomeut with the original of 
''ante, that where two readings occur, an ca«y 
'"w and another less so, the latter is to be re- 
forded as the more authentic. If thi-s rule be ap- 
pBcd here tt will decide for '•'swjger dette". Hut 


the reasons why the Author considers ^^sugger dette" 
to be the proper reading are founded on other 
considerations. (See a printed Letter on this 
subject (1850) noticed in the Florentine Edit, of 
II Sig. Can. Brunone Bianchi 1854, also in the 
* 'Revue des deux Mondes". Dec'. I. 1856. (Tom. 
Sixieme.) The distinguished writer, M. Saint Reirf 
Taillandier, considered this letter as having closed 
the discussion which M. Tabb^ Federici had 
opened twenty years before.) 

QANTO v., VERSO 69. 

Ch' amor di nostra vita dipartille. 

These shades among whom is "il grande Achille" 
are here placed because love was the cause of 
their premature and tragical deaths. 

This must be borne in mind in reference to 
Francesca da Rimini and Paolo Malatesta. That 
Dante should place in Hell those who were Love's i 
martyrs, and died not from any premeditated cri- 
minality of their own, but by a combination of 
circumstances opposed to their union , as in the 
case of Achilles shot by Paris in the temple of 
Apollo which the hero had incautiously entered to 
get a sight of Polyxena, or, as others state, to seek \ 
of her father, Priam , the hand of the princess in i 
marriage, can only be explained, probably, on the j 
principle that the Poet regarded the passion of love 
as more or less reprehensible when, as in this case, 
and in that of Shakspeare's Romeo and Juliet, it 
was allowed to obtain the ascendency over reason, 
and to bring life into peril , as the sequel showed. 
We must ever remember that Dante is the poet 
of rectitude , and that even in love there is a right 
path and a wrong one for the exercise and grati- 
fication of the affections. As also that what is not 


isentially wrong in itself becomes so when car- 
ed to excess, as it is in all those 

Che la ragion sommettono al talento, 

>e the appetite what it may; its abuse thus pass- 
ng from a weakness to a positive wickedness. 

Among these lost souls cut oflF in the midst 
)f their days, there are diflferent degrees of pri- 
vation and* punishment. Hopeless love is some- 
trhat allied to suicide, as it often ends in it, 
through unbridled emotions. When the barriers 
of pradenee are once passed , the path of error 
is entered on, and leads to its natural conse- 
quences. To some of these shades consolation is 
not entirely denied, as to the hapless Francesca; 
others are whirled about with great force and 
violence, and tormented in a manner character- 
istic of those reckless passions which had ruined 
in them the law of reason and wrecked the su- 
premacy of conscience. 

All natural appetites are lawful in themselves, 
and it is right that they should be gratified ac- 
cording to reason, for our existence and well 
being depend on them; but, in the exercise and 
control of these, man is required to act in con- 
formity to the end and object of his being, ac- 
cording to the laws of nature, and guided by the 
Mvine will, with which his own should ever move 
n harmony. Those who abuse the gifts of na- 
u-e, do so to their own perdition, hence the Poet 
laces them "tra la perduta gente"; those who 
ve way to anger [and malice are plunged in 
eper woe. 

CANTO v., VERSO 80. 

Muori la voce: O anirae affannate. 
Mossi la voce: O aninie affannate. 

Sevexty-four CoDici gave for the first reading 


34, for the second 21 Codici. The other variant! 
were Movi 6; Mtwvo 6; Masse 2; Muove 2; Mcve^ 
Mavei^ Moss' iOj 1 each. 

CoDici. Rome 22. Ci. Vat., 365, 3197, 3199* 
muavi. C. Caet., C. Barb. 1535 mossi. Florence 32. 
C. Vill., Gadd., and Ott. mossi] C. Vis. m€m\ Tm. 
mg. muove ^ Tm. m. muovi. C. della Badia maw. 
N. of Italy 14. The C. Marciano (CCLXXVI) 
muovt. C. Landi muovo. Ci. Pad. IX and LXVII 
movi^ in the latter now altered tol movo. Paris and 
London 5. Copenhagen 1. 

Printed Editions. Bocc. ^^ Muovi la voce — 
ciofe prega come detto t' ho". Benv. ^^Mavi la voce, 
io Dante seguendo il consiglio del Duce disse etc" 
Buti. ^^Mavo la voce io Dante". This is the reading 
of the Lau. and Mag. Codici of Buti's commentary* 
The C. Rice, has Mossu £di. 1 , 2, and 4 mwm^ bo 
also Vend. , Land., Aid., and Dan. Ed. 3 fimmi\ 
Nidob. Mave\ Veil. Mcm\ Crus. Massif so also the 
Four of 1837, and Witte. Lomb. Mmvo. Dioa* 
Moss' io. The context shows that the verse 

Si tostO; come '1 vento a noi gli piega, 

is related by Dante as of what then took place, 
and that the words are not a repetition by Virdl 
of what he had already said Dante was to do. 
Tliis removes the imperative form of the verb — 
"Move thou &c." — but it does not settle the 
question whether the verb, as used by Dante, 
should be in the present tense, or in the past 
If piega be taken as a poetic license for pie^ 
then Mossi is correct; if it be not so taken, then 
Muovo^ or Mnofv io^ is the proper form. 

* Romanis states, and is followed by Witte, that the 
reading of this Codice is '^Muov^ io la voce'', according to 
my own notes it is Muovi. I do not find Muov' to gel 
down to any of the 11 Vatican Codici examined on Uut 


But out of sevefUy-fmr Codici, only seven^ scarce- 
Y one in ten^ were found with this reading, which 
ihows that however important the numerical au- 
thority of Codici may be, it is not always, if 
ever, the principle on which the text should be 

CANTO v., VERSO 102. 

Che mi fa tolta^ e il modo ancor m^offende. 
Che mi fu tolta, e il mondo ancor m'offende. 

Seventy-eight Codici examined gave for modo 
47, for mondo 30 C; I (C. Par. 7251') had 

Che mi fu tolta, e il molo ancor m'offende. 

Of those with mondo. 2 (C. Vat. 2863, C. Min., d. 
IV. d. ) had the variante "tf/ mondo che m' offende^\ 
and 1 (C. Cor. 1354) ''al mondo cor m'o/fende'\ Of 
42 Roman Codici, 28 had modo including Ci. Vat. 

366, 3197, 3199; Ci Barb. 1535, 1536; 14 had 
•WMfo, including Ci. Vat 365, 367, and 4776; Ci. 
Barb. 1526, 2190; C. Ang. lOf Of the 2 Codici 
at Ravenna, 1 had mondo in the text, the other as 
a variante in the margin. The Dresden C. had 
«WMfo, but the d had been crossed over. Of 1 1 
London and Paris Codici, 4 (C. Par. 7252. Ci. 
Brit. 839, 932 and C. Roscoe) had mondo. In the C. 
Brit 1(K 317, though the text has modo^ the postilla 
explains mondo — ^^fama hujus factV\ wliich is an 
abbreviated form of a longer note as in C. Vat. 

367. ^^Fama mea offendil me^ quia dicor mortua fuisse 
per adulterium^ et causa mei moj^iuum fuisse Paulumr 
Or as in the C. Gradonico at Rimini "Apresso 
fice chel mondo ancora la oflfende — altro qui 
ion vole dire se no de la nominanza et fama — 
t che di tale cosa ancora al mondo mal ne ra- 
lona". The Ci. at Oxford, 13, at Cambridge, 
, gave 9 for mondo. In the C. Cam., Mm. 2. 

a, the Com. states ''E dice che ancora il 


mondo lo oflFende, ciofe il mondo e fama". Th 
C. at Cortona, (see Lorini, Variant!, 1858, 
has also mondo. Thus more than one third o 
the Codici examined had mondo. The written dif 
ference between modo and mondo is very sh'ghl; 
a hyphen over the o being all that is required 
to transform one into the other, and in copies 
hastily made this was very likely to get omitted. 
I have not met with mondo in the text of any 
printed edition, but it occurs in the commen- 
taries to the Vendeliniana and Nidobeatina, the 
earliest which have any. The Vend, has — "et 
dice che ancora il mondo gli oflFende, ciofe la no- 
minanza et fama". The Nidob. has — "e ancora K 
oflfende al mondo per la fama e nominanza". As 
the com. of Jacopo della Lana, next to that of 
Jacopo di Dante, is considered the oldest extantj 
this explanation shows what the reading should 
be, and what the Poet in all probability wrote. 

Modo was never a satisfactory reading, it hai 
been explained in diflferent ways, and has led to 
unjust inferences. Carlo Troy a, wTiting to the 
Abate Mauro Ferranti, of Ravenna, who first drew 
the attention of Dantophilists to this subject, said 
of modo — '^m' era paruto senipre, Dio me '1 pe^ 
doni, una riempitura di verso". Mondo removed 
all ambiguity, and places Francesca before usitt 
a more womanly and less culpable light. It i^ 
the word which Dante, a friend of the familVi 
once the companion of her brother, and eventually 
tlie honored guest of her nephew, might be e^' 
pected to have written, and is more in harmouj 
with historical evidences than the other. It \^ 
Dante who gave a national importance to a lo- 
cal domestic tragedy, he is the only CfrntempO* 
rary Avriter who mentions the circumstance, aD 
succeeding authors, chroniclers and commentaton 
are at variance on the subject, and many of them 


lave been led astray by the false reading modo. 
rhat Dante, in raising the much injured Fran- 
eesca to the height of his own enduring fame, 
sought also in pity, gratitude, and love, to rescue 
lier reputation from evil report, we may well be- 
Keve by the kindness he received from her fa- 
mily, who became his best and lasting protectors. 
The period usually assigned to the tragical event 
is 1289 ; it occurred at Rimini, and not at Pesaro, 
as some have pretended. Francesca was married 
in 1275; after 1276 there is no well authenticated 
notice of Paolo. Boccaccio, who is our chief au- 
thority for the details of the atrocious deception 
practised on Francesca by her family in the mat- 
ter of her marriage, affirms that he never heard 
of anything occiuring diflFerent to what Dante re- 
lates, who places them in Hell because by im- 
prudence they brought their lives into danger, 
and lost them through love (see on Inf. V., 69). 
Francesca's notice of what was reported of her 
is quite compatible with the statement in reference 
to the knowledge possessed by lost souls, Inf. X., 
100—5, for, like the question of Farinata, it re- 
lates to a continuous space of time, and not to the 
present moment only. (See "Francesca da Rimini, 
W lament, and vindication." Nutt. Lond. 1858.) 

CANTO v., VERSO 104. 

Amor, eh' a nuUo amato amar perdona, 
Mi prese del costui piacer si forte, 
Che, come vedi, ancor non m'abbandona. 

Boccaccio explains verse 104 somewhat equi- 
f vocally — ''^Cioe del piacere di costui, o del piacere a 
c$tAd^^ — as if not quite certain which it should 
he. Vellutello here shows himself a greater master 
in the mysteries of the tender passion than the 
irersatile Giovanni, he says — "Mi prese del pia- 



cer si forte, costui, ciofe a Paolo, die per si forte 
piacerli, come tu vedi, non m'abbandona ancora. 
Et in sentenzia- dice, che amor la prese del si 
forte vedersi piacer a Paolo, perchfe nessuna cosa 
h^ che tanto muova I'amato verso Tamante quanto 
'1 vedersi fortamente amato da quello". Velln- 
tello also brings the high authority of S. Au- 
gustin to bear on this passage — "Nihil magis 
provocat ad amandmn, quam quod prsevenit 
amando". It has been suggested by Sig. Frati- 
celli, that piacer in this place may have the same 
sense as in the verse of Petrarca 

Quand* io parti' dal sommo piacer vivo. 

meaning hellezza ; but though such is the import 
of the word in Dante's Canzone XIII, commencing 
— "Io sento s\ d'Amor la gran possanza" — stan* 
the fourth 

Cosi dinanzi agli occhi del piacere, 
Si fa 1 servir merci d'altrui bontate: 

yet this sense will not apply to the verse in the ' 
Divina Commedia, without destroying the beauty 
and truthfulness of the sentiment expressed. 


Diverse colpe giu gli aggrava al fondo. i 

Diversa colpa giu gli aggrava al fondo. , 

Ninety-nine Codici consulted (Rome 38, Flo" * 
rence 21, N. Italy and Siena 24, Paris, Londoii 
and Copenhagen 1 6 ) gave for the first reading 
73 examples, for the second 12, other reading* 
were ^'Diverse pene^^ 7; ^^ Diverse colpe piii^^ 4; ^^B^ 
versa colpa al piii^ 2; and ^^ Diverse colpe i grava fi 
al fondo'' 1 (C. Cors. 60); in all these I found **« ^ 
grav(i\ except in the last. 

Among the Codici with ^^ Diverse colpe'^ were (S. 
Vat. 365 {U grava) 366, 3197, 4776; C. Ang. 9} 

^^^^ INFFRKO. 115 

■ yr«w) C. Barb. 1535; and at Florence, C. Tmp. 
mg., V. Tinj). mn., C. delbi Badia, and C. 2. Plut. 
^L.; alao the C. Landi at Piacenza. 

Among those with "■ Divtrsa colpa"^ Ci. Vill., and 
Ou.; C. Vat. 3199; and C. Caet. The C. Barb. 
I 1538 has "fiivtfrsa colpa til ;««"; a reading which 
■iccurs also as a variante in C. Vat. 1728. 
I PaiNTKD Editionh. Boec. ^'- Diverse etdpe\ thus 
■differing from the C. Vat, 3199. Benveuuto "Z^/- 
ij"** /KTwi", Buti '■'•Diversa colpa". The Edi. 1. 2. 
i* A.. Vend., Nid. and Dionisi have ^'•Diverse- colpe 
^u li grava al fondo", except Ed. 2. which has 
"fii ffii ffrsve". Land., Aid,, Veil., Dan. and the 
&US(» have y// aggi-am^ with, otherwise, the same 
'^wling. "Tlie Four" prefer '■'•Dwrrsa colpd\ so ah-iio 
••"ea Witte. There is authority for both, but the 
'lorenttne Editors are incorrect in saying that 
•«■ is the reading of the Nidobeatina, it is that 
™ Lombardi, and was in part adopted by Costa 
('iTenze 1830) who reads " piit" not giu. As the 
"•dividnals named are punished in ditFcrent cir- 
"^, their offences being diverse (Farinuta, Inf. 
X^ 32; Tegghiaio, luf. XVI., 41, 44; and Mosca, 
iBf. XXVIli., 106) "Diversf colpe" or '''' Diverse pene" 
" a more correct reading than the other, and 
"*»"efore we ought to submit to the "atticismo 
™e ha un po' dello strano", for this is the lesser 
•wionvcnience of the two, and so thought Mon- 
•'gtior Dionisl 


Qiuuido tedril U niinicn jioileBtn. 
■ Quanilo verra la nintica podf^iita. 

K FoRTT-FOUB CoDiei (lonsuUed gave for the first 
^BlMdiug 23 examples, for the second 14. The 
^^iber readings were "Quando vedrai" 3; "Quando 
^Bliri" 2; "Qaando terra lor nimica podcsta" (C. 


Vat. 3197) and "Quando verrk la divina podesta. 
(C. Antal.) 

Among tlie Codici with "r^rfrtf", were the Ci. 
Vat. 365, (since altered to verra) 366, 3199, 4776; 
also the C. Vis. in the Laur. Among those with 
verrd^ the C. Barb. 1535. At Florence the Ci. Vill, 
Tmp. mag., della Badia, and C. 2. Plut. XL. At 
Paris C. 10. The Codici with udird were the C. 
Landi, and C. Brer. A. F. 11.31. The reading of C 
Vat. 3197 is that of a scholar, and shows that 
Bembo did not implicitly follow the C. detto di 
Boccaccio (3199). 

Printed Editions. Bocc, Benv. "»«&•«"; Buti 
verrL " vedra " is the reading of the Ed. 1 , 3,4, 
(No. 1 has "la menicha") Vend, and Nidob. ; No. 2 
has "Quando vedrai lanime cha potesta". Land., 
Aldus, Veil., Dan., and the Crusca have the 
reading of Bembo 

Quando verrk lor nimica pod^sta. 

"The Four" preferred the reading of Buti, aUo 
followed by Lombardi and Witte, their chief 
reason for doing so appears to have been a defer- j 
ence to Monti, who denounced the pronoun Uif 
as "ozioso ed inutile", on the contrary the Author 
thinks that it gives force to the passage ; it is the ' 
reading of Mons. Dionisi. 


Si spesso vien chi vicenda consegue. 
Si spesso vien che vicenda consegue. 

Eighty-five Codici consulted gave of the fir^t 
reading 48 examples, of the second 34, and 3 had 
"S\ spesso vien vui vicenda consegue". (C. Cor8» 
368; C. Min. d. IV. 1, and C. Par. 2679.) | 

Codici. Rome 39; Florence 19; N. of Italy 9; 
Siena 5^ Paris and Copenhagen 13. 


^mong the Codici with "rAi" were the Ci. Vat. 
6, 3197, 3199, 4776; Ci. Barb. 1535, 1536, and 

Caet. At Florence, Ci. Vill. , della Badia, 

Plut. XL., Tm. mn. and Ott. At Paris and 
>p. 7 Codici; also the C. Landi at Piacenza. 
nong the Codici with "cr^?" were the Ci. Vat. 
'5, 367, also 263 originally, but since altered 

"rAi"; Ci. Ang. both. At Flor. C. V?s., and 

Tmp. mg. 

Printed Editions. Bocc, Benv., and Buti 
ive "^A^". So also has Guiniforto delli Bar- 
f Edi. 1, 4 "rAi''; 2, 3 ''cke'\ Vend. ''chi'\ 
idob. "rA^". (S\ spesso aven che vicenda con- 
gue.) Land., Aldus, Veil., Dan., Cms., Lomb., 
ion., the Four, and Witte have chi. Lombardi 
plained ^^consegue^^ as "subisce", a false sense to 
bich he was led by the reading "rAi". Bocc. 
iderstood Dante better and explained — "ciofe 
le egli pare questo suo permutare vicendevol- 
ente seguire", and Bargigi, "si spesso accade, 
e vicenda, che vicissitudine,' e scambio consegue 
ir uno air altro'\ Pietro di Dante also speaks 

the same pui-pose in his learned note "quid sit 
)rtuna" (p. 100) — "Et est liaec fortuna, quae na- 
raliter mutabilis est ; nam nunc exaltat, nunc de- 
imit, merita non respiciens''. (p. 103) See also the 
niarks of the Ottimo on this subject, where the com- 
entator defends Dante as with a filial reverence. 

Mai non vengiammo in Teseo Passalto. 

Politically the ^''CUtd di Dite'^ is put for Florence, 
' daughter of Rome, "m su che Dite siede^^ (Inf. 
., 65) where, according to Dante, is the root of 
evil, in the pernicious effects of the Pope's 
iporal power. Florence was to the exiled Dante 
city of flames. He had been condemned, if 


taken, to be burnt alive ; and the fury of contend- 
ing factions had reduced the best part of it to 
ruins. On June 10***. 1304 (see Giov. Villani I. 
VIIL, 71) it had been maliciously set on fire by 
one Ser Neri Abati , a clerk and prior of S. Piero 
Scheraggio, and all the interior and choicest por- 
tion of the cit}'-, "e cariluoghi", as the Chronicler la- 
ments, with more than one thousand seven hua^ 
dred palaces, towers, and houses, destroyed. Fle^ 
gias (C. Vlll) is an impersonation of Florentia^ 
fury. ''Vn pien di fango" (C. IX., 32) is a Flo' 
rentine citizen, Filippo Argenti, well known ((p^ 
his pride and violence. ^^ Terra sc(msolafa^\ Cit^ 
dolente''' and ^^dolente case^^ were epithets peculiarly 
applicable to Florence at that time, as was als^^ 
the description of the red hot walls. Dante £ ^ 
refused admittance, and violently excluded — hi^ 
enemies exclaim (Inf VIII., 91) 

Sol si ritomi per la foUe strada. 

From no other locality in Italy was he thus shi** 
out, indignantly and spitefully. 

While waiting before the gates for the arriv»l 
of the divine messenger , tlu^ough whose aid h^ 
hoped to obtain admittance , the Furies suddenly 
appeared above — "le foroce Erine", and threat^ 
ened to annihilate him in revenge for the a^* 
sault of Theseus, by whom may be imderstocHJ 
the Emperor Henry VII who laid seige to Flo- 
rence Sep. 19*** 13 f 2 (Villani 1. IX., 46). 

The Furies, according to Cicero, are those 
poetic ministers of divine wrath which carry un- 
speakable horror and afiright to the souls of mfli 
who have maliciously rebelled against the divine 
authority, especially those who have done so se- 
cretly, filling them with rage and fury wbidi 
hurries them on to destruction. They aire iKrt 
only the stings and terrors of an outraged con* 

F INFERNO. . 119 

science, but also the instigators of paroxisms of 
dcaperation. Aa such Dante introduces them. 

The Gorgon, or Medusa's head, which turned 
to stone those who beheld it, may probably re- 
fer to what Dante might have seen and expe- 
rienced had he gazed witli unwise curiosity on 
tlie furj- of his enemies. 
I Wlien the Poet says — 

I Mirate la dottrina, chti s'asconde 

I Sotto '1 veiainc degli versi etraDi. 

fc byrfrffflf he means allegorical. (See Dante's epistle 

Hto Can Grande). The Author of "Letters con- 

^ceming Mj-tliology", (p. 78) states that it was a 

f Pythagorean saying — "Stand not upon a tlu-e- 

Mold, but salute your gates as you go out and 

Come in; and when arrived on the borders of a 

fountry, never tiu'n back, for the Furies are in 

tbe way". This would have a special reference 

to Dant«. When he heard of the confiscation of 

his property, and the destruction of his effects, he 

Was at Siena, on his way from Rome to Florence, 

wid here the decree of banishment first reached 


Possibly he had thought to try the effect of 
bis personal influence in Florence, but at Siena 
lie found it was too late — the decree had gone 
forth, and the Furies were in the way. The Fu- 
ries pursued Orestes for tlie murder of his mo- 
tW; Cain, for the miu-der of his brother. At- 
tainder of blood among the .ancients was aup- 
pnsed to be tims punislied. (See the Orestes of 
Euripides.) Did Dante here mean that the neglect 
to avenge the violent death of a relative became a 
wrt of consentnient to it, and hence the Furies 
/hreatcncd him? Be this as it may, their pre- 

yscuce here is an additional motive for regarding 
fte City of Dite as significant of Florence, and 

120 . INFBRNO. 

those about the gates, ^^dal del pi(nnM^\ as the 
chief citizens of the party neri, the grandi as they 
were then called, the creatures of the Pope, and 
opposed to the Emperor. Fallen angels are twice 
intooduced by Dante, Here are located those who 
had rebelled; in the ante-infernal region are placed 
those who had not rebelled, but who "/i^r $e faro^^ 
and in both instances they are associated with 


Li rami schianta, abbatte, e porta /tuori. 
Li rami schianta, abbatte, e porta (i) /Son. 

Sixty -ONE Codici gave for the first reading 
53, for the second 7 examples, and I (C. delft 
Badia. Laur.) had 

Li rami schianta^ abbatte fronde e fiori. 

This reading occurs also in C. Vat. 1728, as » 

We occasionally find " I rami " — " Gli ranu" 
but these can scarcely be called varianti. Th^ 
Codici having ^'^ porta i fiorV^ were Ci. Vat. SlSl? 
3199, 1728 {'' porta fiorr\ C. Caet. (ibid), C. Vil^ 
C. Ant, and C. Brera A. F. 11. 3J. The C. Ci^ 
had a marg. var. ^^al : forf\ 

Printed Editions. Boce. and Benv. have "/iror» \ 
Buti has fronde e fiori. The Edi. 1,2,3, 4, Vea^^i 
Land., and Veil, have "/wm". ITie Nidob. U^ 
^^forV\ Dan., following Aldus, has ^^poria (fieri* \ 
this is the reading also of the Crusca — but "Tb^ 
Four" have ^"^ porta forf and Witte ^^ porta fiwi • 
Lomb. and Dionis. have ^^faori^\ which besido 
being supported by the majority of Codici, is 
found in the Ci. Vat. 365, 366, the C. Barb. 1535, 
and in the C. Landi, than which there are noi^ 
more important. I consider ^^porta fior{\ an error, 


'e is some sense in ^^ porta i fiorV\ but the or- 
iry reading is preferable. 


Si come ad Arli, ove '1 Rodano stagna. 

iVhen at Aries in 1854, M. Gibert, the Di- 
tor of the public Library, informed me that 
I extent of Aliscamps from West to East was 
out 1000 metres (1093.63 yards), from South 
North about 800 (875 yards), making a sur- 
e of nearly 8 square hectares (almost 20 acres). 
There was a rising ground, or hillock, near 
i centre, which formed the most desirable 
)t, as the least likely to be overflowed by the 

Fhe boundary of Aliscamps extended to the 
E. of the city walls from the ruins of the an- 
nt Abbaye de S* Cesar, by the Chapelle de 
acelet and the Eglise de Notre Dame de la 
ix to the Genouillade, or Chapelle des Paysans, 
i then to the ancient Chapelle de S^ Pierre, 
ming the S. E. angle of the immediate environs 
the city. The Roman road to Aix traversed 
and the Aqueduct also took tlie same direc- 
n; the tombs are not so numerous as they 
ce were, many having been removed. 


Che diceva: Anastasio Papa guardo. 

It would seem to be universally agreed 
ong modern commentators, that Dante, follow- 
: the incorrect chronicle of Fra Martino da 
Ionia, has here mistaken the Greek Emperor 
astasius the first for Pope Anastasius the se- 
id, and ascribed to the latter what happened 
the former. Anastasius the second, who was 


a Roman, as soon as he became Pope, sent a 
legate to his namesake the Emperor, to extricate 
him from the heresy into which he had been drawiL 

All the texts .which I have examined on this 
passage read papa with a slight difference only 
in writing the name — Anastagio, Anastaxio and 
Nastagio: but in one Roman codice, the Barbe- 
rini No. 1 535, there has here been an alterati(Hi, 
and from the traces that remain of the original 
word, prime and not papa appears to have been 
the reading: 

Che dicea: Anastasio primo guardo; 

this would bB perfectly correct, and probably i» 
what the Poet liimself wrote. 


Over la mente dove altrove mira? 
Over la mente tua altrove mira? 

Thirty-eight Codici (Rome 22; Florence 8; 
Paris 7; Cop. 1) gave 27 for the first reading) 
7 for tlie second, 3 had a variante of the fin* 
in the form of a mistake ^''Aver la mente etc % 
and 1 (C. Par. 2679) had 

"Over la mente tua dove altro mira.'' 

The Edi. 1, 2, 3, 4, the Vend, and Nidob., Land, 
Aid., Veil., Dan., the Crusca, Lomb., Dionisi, **Tto 
Four", and Witte, with Bocc. and Benv. have tho 
first reading, which is the one now usually »• 
ceived ; but tlie second is found in the C. BaA- 
1535, in Buti and Bargigi, this would entitle ik 
to*«ome consideration. Buti explains — ^^Quift 
dica : Perchfe mira la tua mente altrove . . etc ^ 
The word "<ww^" (owero) in Dante's time, ani 
for years after, written with one v only, hiS 
here the sense of the French ^^Ou bien!^ 

Ch' alcuna via ilarebbe a chi su fosse. 
Sfssima is sometimes used by the old authors 
for aUvno, thus — "Sono in questo Tempio le 
Ua^iori indiilgenze e perdonanze irlie sieno in 
vttimo luo^o". (Scr MHriano, Viag'gio in Terra 
Santa.) "Questo fece Castrueoio per impaurare 
Hiiimquc avcHiie aviito animo di riiifliiudersi in 
•otnuw fortezza". fistorira Pistolesi, p. 143.) I 
know of no instance, on the (iontrary, in whicli 
f^rvm h used for Msxum, the supposed examples 
'*» ihc ''Convito" arc now ackni»w'ledg-ed to he 
nxistakcs. Dante subserpiently says that tliere was 
* wav down thin burra/o, and that himself and 
Virgil descended it without any supernatural aid 
(v. 28), and deseribes, very graphieally, the ef- 
fect of his own weijiht on tlie fragments of shat- 
tered slialc and limestone in their path. In 1S46 
1 examined the locality alluded to, it is about 
Arte miles From Roveredo, on the road to Verona, 
■lid is known as the Stopino di Marco, from the 
Wnne of the neighbouring village. The ruin has 
Wn occasioned hv a slip of the limestone strata, 
*Wch here lav inclined at a considerable angle, 
»ii(l (ire separated by thin beds of fragile shale, 
*bii-li tlie springs that percohite between the strata, 
*uh out. and thus the superincumbent masses, 
warived of support, "per sostegno manco", come 
"liaing and tumbling down, and by the in- 
creasing motion of their fall are carried in large 
NocIm to n considerable distance. This wreck of 
Btbire extends for miles. The causes have been 
io o|)«ration ever since these limestone rocks at- 
tiiDed their present position. We may see that 
tbe blocks and fragments are of different ages. 
Other appearances of these rocks near the Cas- 
(ello Ltzzano, would seem to indtcHte elevation 


and rupture by subterranean action, or that whieli 
causes earth -quakes, thus fully bearing out the 
suggestion of Dante "o per tremoto". 

CANTO XII., VERSI 119—120. 

— Colui fesse in grembo a Dio 

Lo cor che in sul Tamigi ancor si cola. 

This was Guido de Montfort, son of Simon de 
Montfort, Earl of Leicester, the leader in the Ba- 
rons' wars , killed at the battle of Evesham kor 
gust 4*** 1265, and who in revenge for his &• 
ther's death and the indignities offered to hii 
corpse, stabbed to the heart in the church of Saa 
Silvestro in Viterbo, during the celebration of«iIi8 
Mass, Henry son of Richard king of the Romani, 
and nephew to the reigning monarch Henry lH 
This tragical event occurred nearly five yean 
after the battle. The Cardinals had been as- 
sembled many months at Viterbo to appoint a 
successor to Pope Clement IV., when in 127ft, 
Carlo king of Naples, who was vicar general of 
the Holy See in Tuscany, came there to hastai.] 
their proceedings , and with him Philip king of 
France, and Prince Henry of p]ngland, on thdf 
return from a crasade against the Saracens of TV 
nis. The murder was perpetrated, it is believed, 
at the " Messa dello Scrutinio", said early in the 
day, when the Cardinals gave their votes. At 
the moment of the elevation of the Host, Gruido 
plunged his dagger in the heart of the unsuspect* 
ing Prince. He had that year been marri^ at 
Viterbo to the daughter and heiress of the Gonta 
Rosso, and, the crime committed, protected by 
armed men , he mounted his horse , and rode off 
to the estate of his father in law in the Maremma. 
Florence of Worcester says this murder took place 
March 13*'; but Bussi in his "Storia deUa cittk 


Viterbo", names May 25**^ 1270. Matthew of 
''estminster relates that the citizens of Viterbo 
iused a 'painting of it to be executed on the 
alls of the Church (San Silvestro) and that some 
itin verses were written on it which he gives. 
Jo traces of either are now to be found. The 
>ody of the Prince was brought to England, and 
Dterred at Hayles, .in Gloucestershire, in the Ab- 
>ey which his father had there built for monks 
>f the Cistercian order, but his heart was put 
Qto a golden vase and placed on the tomb of 
ildward the Confessor in Westminster Abbey, 
aost probably, as stated by some writers, in the 
ands of a statue. On it was an inscription — 
tor gladio scissum^ do cut sanguirunis sum^^ — meaning 
bereby to his cousin king Edward, and which was 
itended as an appeal to revenge his death. (See 
k)ccaccio and Landino.) 

The notion that it was placed on London Bridge 
'ould appear to have arisen from not understand- 
ig the words of Dante, who frequently notices 
ities by the names only of the rivers on which 
ley stand. (See Inf. XXUL, 94— 5 ; Pard. XIX., 1 1 8 
<j.) Prince Henry was the second son of Richard 
lantagenet. Earl of Cornwall, by his first wife, 
iabel, daughter of the Earl of Pembroke. Richard 
ras elected king of the Romans in 1257, but was 
lever emperor, though sometimes so called by 
boniclers. In 1287 Guido de Montfort was taken 
rigoner by Rugieri di Loria in a naval engage- 
ment near Naples, and died in confinement. (For 

more extensive notice of this subject see the 
thenseum No. 1749, May 4*'^ 1861.) 



TantO; ch' io ne perdei H sonni e i polsi. 
TantO; ch' io ne perdei le vene e i polsi. 

Thirty -FOUR Codici (Rome 17; Florence 11 
the rest in Lond. and Paris) gave for "ii* som 
21 examples, for ''Hevene^^ 8, 5 others had "i «« 
c polsV\ ^^Li sotmi*^ was found in Ci. Vat 36 
366, 2358, 4777; C. Barb. 1535; C. Landi; Tm 
mag., C. Vise., C. 2. Plut. XL. Laur., which la 
ter has the postilla "Quieta mia e sanitate''. TI 
C. Vill. had been altered to "/^ ven^\ and so hi 
the C. Caet. "Z^ vene*'^ occiu-s in Ci. Vat 319 
3199, and 1728. The article i before polsi is fr 
quently omitted, as it commonly is in the readii 
sensi^ of which we occasionally have the variao 
sennu ^^TatUd^ sometimes occurs for Tanto. Oni 
in one Codice (C. Par. 7255) did I find "i/ smm 
which is the reading of Bocc. Com. 

Printed Editions. ^^Ia sonni e poisi^^ — Ed. 
{Tan(a\ Vend., Vellutello. "Z^ vene e poUf' Ed. 
4 {Tania\ and Landino. Buti, Bargigi, and Wit 
"^r vene e i polsV\ Aldus, Dan., the Crusca, ai 
Dion. "^ vene ^ pols%\ ^^Lo sonno e i polsV^ — Nido 
Lomb., and "The Four". The reading of Ed. 3 
"i sensi e ipolsi\ The reading ^He vene e' poU!^ thouj 
found in Codici of high repute, and approved b 
Dionisi and Witte and others , is not that whk 
should here be preferred. Boccaccio's remai 
is much to the purpose. "Perdesi il sonno w 
Tassidue meditazioni, etc." "I polsi", adds 6w 
vanni, "son quelle parti nel corpo nostro, nd 
quali si comprendono le qualitk de' movimei 
del cuore . . etc.", and he argues by losing tl 
pulse we may understand that Pier delle Vijf 
consumed his vital energies from want of sle 
and by too assiduous attention to the affairs 
his suspicious Master, Frederic 11. 


CANTO Xni., VERSI 143-150. 

lo fni della cittk che nel Batista 

Cangi6 '1 primo padrone: ond' ei per questo 
Sempre con rarte sua la fark trista: 

E se non fosse che 'n sul passo d^Amo 

Rimane ancor di liii alcuna vista; 
Quel cittadiu; che poi la rifondamo 

Sovra '1 cener che d'Attila rimase^ 

Avrebber fatto lavorare indamo. 

In the time of Augustus a temple was built at 
Florence in honour of Mars, and a marble eques- 
trian statue (?) of the god was placed on a pedestal 
in the centre, and held in great reverence up to 
the middle of the IV^*" century, when, on the 
dange from paganism to Cliristianity, it was re- 
mov^. But the Florentines believing in an an- 
. dent prediction that if the figure were broken, 
' or thrown aside in some obscure place, the city 
would suffer great loss and mutation, had it raised 
1^ on a tower near the Arno, and for a long 
tnne greatly feared their ancient idol (Vill. 1. L, 
42, 60). When Totila destroyed Florence in 541, 
the statue fell into the river, and remained there 
till the city was restored by Charlemagne (Vill. 
. L II., 1). Between 1125 and 1135, Malespini al- 
j hdes to a rude equestrian figure called of Mars, 
I standing on a pilaster at the north end of the 
I Ponte-Vecchio , and says that it was the ancient 
' custom of the Florentines to reckon from it the 
ineasure of the contado on that side of the city. 
jC.LXXVm.) On the 25'^ November 1178, the 
Ponte-Vecchio was carried away by a flood, and 
the statue of Mars again fell into the river. (Ot- 
timo. Com. Par. XVI., 145.) Malespini mentions 
the fall of the bridge under 1177, but says no- 
thing about the statue, nor when it was taken out 
of the water. The Ottimo states that it was re- 
placed by the people of Semifonte. In 1215 the 


broken figure was standing in its former place 
for at its foot Buondelmonte was murdered by the 
Uberti and their followers. (Pard. XVI., 140— 7J 
Malespini's words are — "at the foot of the pi- 
laster where was the figure of Mars sculptur- 
ed (intagliata) of marble, but broken in many 
places." The Author of the Ottimo, who evidently 
when he wrote was living in Florence, states that 
the figure was much corroded by laying a lon^ 
time in the water (see on Pard. XVI., 145). On 
its first falling it remained there many years 
(see on Inf. XIII., 144). Boccaccio, who was bom 
in 1313, writing of it, probably from memory, 
says — "This statue was broken off from the 
waist upwards, and by the effect of the water, 
the heat and cold was very much worn away all 
over, so that beyond the general outline oi the 
limbs, little could be discerned of what it had 
been, either of the man or the horse; but firom 
what may be understood of it, it was a small 
matter compared with the natural size of a man 
on horseback, and of rude workmanship'^ The 
old bridge was again swept away by a flood, 
Novr. 4*** 1333, and with it disappeared for the 
last time the statue of Mars. This took place 
the year before the comment of the Ottimo on 
Inf. Xin., 144 was written. Vincenzio Borghinif 
who wrote in the first half of the 16^*" century 
(Discorsi. Vol. 1., p. 210. Edit. 1755) treats the 
equestrian statue of Mars as a fable. He admito 
that it is very probable there may have been t 
statue of Mars in his temple at Florence in pagan 
times, but believes it to have been broken up» 
like other idols, by the early Christians. That 
the equestrian figure, afterwards placed on the 
Ponte-Vecchio, was a figure of Mars, is, he says, 
a ridiculous error, as every one must know irafi 
has any acquaintance at all with the Romai 


^, for Mara was never represented on iiorse- 
:. In liis (lay the fig'ure was believed tu be 
_r~ing in rbc tbimdation ot" h pier of tbe Ponte- 
Vecchio. Probably it wsib only a popular notion 
that thii* mutilated and water worn figiu^e of rude 
M^nlpture was tlie ancient, figure of Mars once in 
llie temple dedicated tn tlie early patron of Flo- 
rence, just «» it was a pojmlar notion that Atlihi 
Wd d<«rtroyed the city, both of which circum- 
»tH.iice» Dante has here preserved, liut in fact, 
liiMtoriiins were themselves in some perplexity on 
tiiia point. Mnlespini, who preceded iJante, ascribes 
*<> Attila the doings of Totila, and Giovanni Vil- 
l»iii, who followed him, ascribes to Totila the 
'l<->ings of Attila. Wliile the Author of the OttJmo 
t''*t«|)iete8 tbe picture of the prevalent confuHi<.n 
"f ideiis by his candid confession — "some say 
"'*»t Attila was one person, Totila another, others 
'•firni that they were one and the same". 

I CANTO XIV., VEKSl 79-81. 

Quale del nulicame esce '1 niacelln 
(Jhe partoD |>(ii tra lor li- pt-ccatrici, 
Tol per I' areua gin tten giva ijuollo. 

The boiling Baths at Viterbo had long been 

'^lebrated when Dante wrote; a portion nf the 

*^.ler which flowed from the Bulirame, or princi- 

!***■! source, which is nn the top of the hill, waa 

"* Impropriated to an establielnneut to which the 

l*^b!ir women were sent. Thu streams issue forth 

** ii boiling lempeniture. and their cnurse may 

I '*^ trncctl by the vapmir which rises from them. 

* ^lie building thus ap])n>priHted would appear to 

. ■ lici-n tlic large ruined edlticc known as the 

■li Ser Paolo Hcnigno. sitiiiited between the 

1 Vitcrbu. About lialf a mile beyond 

pliule, which leads to Toscanolla, 


we come to a way called Riello, after which w 
arrive at the said ruined edifice, which receive 
the water from the BuHcame by conduits, an 
has popularly been regarded as the Bagno dell 
Meretrici alluded to by Dante; there is no othe 
building here found which can dispute with it th 
claim to this distinction. The Archives of Viterb( 
contain a notice of the letting of baths for the use 
of these women, from 1251, but they are not so 
specified as to enable us to identify their exact 


E chinando la mano alia sua faccia. 
E chinando la mano alia mia faccia. 
E chinando la mia alia sua faccia. 

Sixty -FOUR Codici examined (Rome 44; Fl< 
rence 8; Siena 5; the others in Lond. Par. an 
Cop.) gave 56 for the first reading, 4 for tl 
second, and 4 for the third, with a variante ' 
it (C. Vat. 2865) "Et io chinando il viso alia s^ 
faccia". The Cod. Rice. 1031 had been altera 
to the third reading. The Cod. Cors. 601 H- 
"Ma ponendo la mano alia sua faccia". Thir< 
of the Codici with the second reading were C 
Vat. 3199, 3197; and C. Barb. 1535. Two other 
C. Vat. 1728, and C. Cors. 1365 had it as a v^^ 
riante. The C. Caet. and the Ci. Barb. 153^ 
2192 have the third reading. 

Printed Editions. First reading — " JF rAinafufi 
la mano alia sua faccia". Bocc. , Benv. , Edi. 1 , 2, 
3,4; the Vend., the Nidob., Veil. , and the Crusca 
Second reading — Aldus, and Dan. in his text 
but the Com. explains — "E chinando le mani alls 
sua faccia", (il die non si suol fare se non fir 
persone molto domestiche, e ftimigliari ). But' 
Land., Lombardi and "The Four" have the thir 

rending, preferred by Monti, and wbicli agrees mth 
"il capo chino" of ver. 44. Diouisi and Witte 
Wve the first. The vsirionte of Daniello >Vc miinr 
expreaaea a natural and spontaneoUB act. 

CANTO XVI., VERSI 94-102. 

Come quel fiiime, che ha proprio camininn 
Prima da monte Veeo in ver levjinte 
Dalla sinistra costa d'Apennino, 
Che si cliiama Acnuachcta sueo, avante 
C'he si divalli ^u nel basso letto, 
E a Forll di quel nome e vncante, 
Rimbomba la sovra San Benedetto, 
Dall' alpo, per cadere ad una st^esa, 
Ove dovea per mille easer ricetto; 
Cosi etc. ■ ■ ■ 

No one was ever better acquainted with the 
tysical Geography of Italy than was Dante; 
any one. to whom the Hydi'ography, and 
les of the mountain ranges of Italy were 
<mXy would here readily understand the Poet's 
inning; but to such as bad not this knowledge, 
the advantage of a commentary to explain 
passage, it presents a difficulty, and might 
IfJid the reader to sujjpoae that there was a Monte 
Veso somewhere in Uomagna, and on ascertaining ' 
^lat there was not, he might think that the read- 
ing was erroneous. Benvenuto da Imola mentions 
^lis difficulty — he says ''Alcuni vorrehbero che 
•fll fiiime nascessc da Vesolo, loccht; sarebbc im- 
possibile perche vi sono pii'i di ducento miglia 
Ja Vesolo da cui nasce il Po, al Montone che 
vierme dalle alpi della Romagna sopra Forli " 
Other commentators allude to the conjecture, and 
many Codici confirm it. In two of the early printed 
editions also, the Folig. and the Neap, we find"iJ(TW 
/or veso. On mentioning this to several Acade- 
;ians, and expressing some doubt about " Veso'\ 


they replied that could volio be found instead of 
^^verso^^ — "volto in ver Levante" — Homething 
might be said about it. A subsequent examination 
of One hundred Codici gave " Veso'^ 41, ^^ verso'' 
31, ^^ volio'' 9 readings, with other variations. 
Whatever we look for we are almost sure to find, 
and so it was with "volto in ver Levante". " Veso" 
has met with many vicissitudes at the hands of 
copyists, we find it written VasOj Viso, Vexo, 
VessOy Vtsso, Visu and Visol; also Niso and Nesso. 
" Verso" too has its varieties irwerso ver^ verso del^ 
verso lOy giuso ver, and giuso in ver. All the more 
important Roman Codici examined had ^^Veso"* 
Two in the Laurenziana at Florence had ^^ verso" ^ 
C. Gadd. 125 and C. XL. 2 ; it was also the originaX 
reading of the C. Landi , since altered to " Feso'^ , 
and was found in several of the Lond. and Par. 
Codici. The reading ^^vollo" first found in C. Kir- 
kup written by Betino di Pilis, occurs in Ci. Vat 
2358, 7566, 266; C. Ang. 9f ; Ci. Chig. 109, 167; 
C. Barb. 1526, and C. Par. 2679. One of the Vat 
Codici, 2373, has the reading 

Prima dal monte feltro ver levante, 

which is found also in the Codice Wellesley ^* 
Oxford (see p. 65), and in the C. Par. 7251. Th^ 
river described by Dante is the Montone, but o^ 
consulting modern maps we find that this is f^ 
the first river which from the left side of the v^»' 
ter - shed of the Apennines — " Dalla sinistra 
costa d'Apennino", passes alone to the sea, "con 
proprio cammino", as does the majestic Po; theLa- 
mone, which rises near to the Montone, is now the 
first. The question was in this state when in the 
summer of 1 85 1 at Modena, I mentioned the sub- 
ject to Professor Parent!, and an examination of 
geographical authorities took place in the library, 
Don Celestino Cavedone, the learned librarian^ as- 

ting:. W'e all had the ^eate8t faith in Dante's 
Otfraphical knowledj^e, tlioug^h it did not agree 
fitli the present course of the Montone. The Mae- 
Ut, however, was put upon his trial. The venerable 
P>"ofe8sor Parent!, with all the energy of a youth- 
ful advocate, proceeded to the examination. Fo- 
lio after folio was seized on, opened, and then 
tilr«wn, with emphasis, aside. At length Cluverins 
'fTtx called in with his Geography of Ancient 
Italy, and along witli him Leandro Alberti, Bo- 
l'>ia:iic»c {"Dcscrittione di Tuttji Italia"), we now 
''*iind what we wanted. In the time of Pliny, 
ll>e Lamime, by him and Antoninus called the 
"Ancmo". and which flows near Faeuza, entered 
the "Po di Primaro", subsequently it diffiised 
'ts«]f over the "Palude", and tlic Montone which 
flours past Forll, was then the first In the series 
iKsit passed to the sea in an uninterrupted course, 
**»^ s« continued till the 16''' century. One branch 
"*" this river descends from above San Benedetto, 
"lius the accuracy of Daute was demonstrated, and 
**^ all felt disposed to cry out "Onorate I'altis- 
*»Hio Poeta". 

CANTO XVUI., \-ERS() 12. 

L» parte dovr (duv' ni) »vn n-ndc fiffur, 
Lii pftrto liovo (dov' pi) eon rendo sicuri 

IliGirrv Conrci (Rome 41; Flc)rcnce 15, Siena 
N. Italy II; London, Paris, and Cop. 13) 
e 29 for the first reading, 24 for the second, 
7 for the reading of Danielhi, 
La pute dove 'I hoI rcndc ligura, 
*» m Ci. Vat. 3199, 4777, altered by Hem- 

I pATte dov' c '1 sol rondo i 


C. Vat. 3197, as printed by Aldus. The 
maining Codici had di£ferent readings; am( 
them were — 

La parte dove '1 sol rende sicura. 
La parte dove rende men sichura. 
La parte dove io son rende figura. 
La parte dove non rende sicura. 
La parte dove rende men sigura. 
Da quella parte eh' ei rendon sichura. 

And in C. Corsini No. 60, 

La parte dove son rendon sicura, 

as in the Siena Codice No. 30. 

The Ci. Vat. 365, 366, 4776, and the C. B« 
1 535 had the first reading, as also the C. Lai 
and 4 out of the 7 in the Laur., (Tor the pass; 
is wanting in C. Plut. XL. 2). The Tmp. u 
the Ottim. , and the C. Villani , according to 
notes, have sicura^ but Monsig. Dionisi discove 
in the latter ^^fignra*^ partly erased. 

Printed Editions. Benv., Buti, Bargigi \ 
Edi. 1, 2, 3, 4 have 

La parte dove son rende figura. 

(The Folig. has ^^suon^^ for son^ which is copiec 
the E. of Naples) the Vend, and Nidob. have 
ffura^^ and ^^sicura^\ Landino introduced tlie pli 
form of the verb, as in the Siena Codice 

La parte dove son rendon sicura 

and was followed by Vellutello — ''^dov' ei 
rendon siciu'a", and by the Crusca. Cesari ("] 
lezze etc.") states that the verb rendere is mos 
if not always, found in tlie singular form "r^ 
and not as in the ^^Volgaia\ which agrees ^ 
my own observations. I did not find i1 
the plural in more than two of these eij 


Lomb., Dion, (e), "The Four" and Witte read 
La parte doV ei son rende figura 

and this, no doubt, is what we ought to read. — 
Quale figura (cioh somiglianza) rende la parte dove, 
per guardia delle mura, piii e piu fossi cingon li 
castelli, tale imagine quivi facean quelli dieci valli 
di Malebolge. — That is — these bolge presented 
a series of corresponding circumvallations similar 
to the concentric trenches surrounding a fortified 
place. In the Convito, Tratt. IV., c. 7 — ^^figurd^ 
is used in the same sense — "e rende una figura 
in ogni parte". 

Dair altra sponda vanno verso il monte. 

Dante mentions "?7 monte^^ as a hill opposite to 
the Castle of S. Angelo, and not far from the 
bridge. Romanis (Ed. of D. C. 1820) thought 
that Monte Gianicolo , on the right bank of the 
Tiber, was meant, but the main ridge of this 
lull is not in the direction indicated. 

By taking the street immediately opposite to 
the Castle, and then the second on tlie left hand, 
we arrive in the Piazza della Cliiesa Nuova, where 
is the Palazzo Simonetti. From this j)iazza a 
sliort steep street " Via di Monte Giordano^\ leads up 
to the top of a mount where is the Palazzo Ga- 
hrielli, in part an ancient edifice, with a court- 
yard in which is a fountain with figures of bears; 
the Orsini once lived here. However the pre- 
sent elevation may in part be the result of ruins, 
there is reason to think that it is not wholly so, 
and Nardini would appear to have been of this 
)pinion. This hill, Monte Giordano, marked the 
restem extremity of the Campus Martins, as Monte 
'itorio did the eastern. 


But from the nianuer in which Dante speaks 
of the Mount, "*/ Monf€^\ there ought to be nt 
mistake about it. 

A line di-a^vn in the direction of the bridges 
of S. Angelo, though it Avill pass wide of thi 
main ridge of Monte Gianicolo, will yet com* 
very near to a projecting spur of the hill oi 
which is the church of S. Pietro in Montori< 
where the Apostle is believed to have been ci 

This circumstance alone would give to it 
more sacred character in the eyes of a 
poet, than any other of the seven hills, an^^ 
would justify Dante in calling it the Mouib.^ 
However nuich disposed, at one time, to consid^^ 
Monte Giordano as the hill intended by Dant^^i 
being the nearest to the bridge and almost oj 
posite; yet the suggestions of Romanis, a coi 
sideration of the middle-age topography of Rohb.^ 
and the well known deep religious sentiment ^of 
the Poet, have induced me to change that 
ion. The ^'Rocoa Gianicolense" rises up a co 
spicuous bulwark overlooking Christian Ronc^^' 
and is at once a sjnnbol of her sacred charact^3^ 
and the Calvary of her religious fame. 

CANTO XIX., ^^:Rso 9. 

Ch' appunto sovra 7 mezzo /osso piomba. 
Ch' appunto sovra mezzo 7 fosso piomba. 

SiXTV-sEVEN CoDici, chiefly in Rome and Flo- 
rence, gave 32 for the first reading, 26 fo^ 
the second, often with ''sopra'" for satra; otheis 
had slight variations of these, as — "sopia/ 
mezzo il fosso' — *'a mezzo sovra 'I fosse". 
The Ci. Vat. 3197, and 4776 had the first read- 
ing. The Ci. Vat. 365, 366, and 3199; with C, 
Landi, had the second. The C. Barb. 1535 had 


"C4' apputUo sopra mezzol fosso piamba.^^ which is 
found in the Printed Edi. 1, 3, 4, The 2. has 

"Cha puncto sopl mezo il fosso pioba" 

Benvenuto explained, Che a purUo sopra il mezzo fosso 
piowtba^\ as also Buti, this was followed by the 
ifidob. [sopral)^ Aldus, sovra 7 Veil,, Dan., the 
Crusca, Lomb., Dionisi {sopra) and Witte. The 
Vend, has ^'^ sopra mezzol fossa piomba^\ Landino 
reads "Chappunto sovral mezo el fosso piomba", 
which is very like that found in the Ed. of Jesi 
(No. 2). "The Four", fascinated , it would seem, 
% a remark of Salv. Betti (Ed. Rom. 1820) sup- 
ported by the C. Vat. 3199, and the Ang. 10|, 
(the C. Caet. and others might have been added) 
print ^^sovra il mezzo fosso^^ — the meaning of Dante 
was, 'appunto sovra al mezzo del fosso,' ex- 
actly over the middle of the fosse — for the 
cenb*e of the bridge corresponded to this — and 
the more correct reading would be. 

Ch' appunto sovr' al mezzo il fosso piomba. 

or if this be not followed, then the first reading. 


Ma pill e '1 tempo gik, che i pie mi cossi, 
E eh' io son stato cosi sottosopra, 
Ch' ei non stark piantato coi pie rossi 

Che dopo lui verrk, di piu laid' opra, 
Di ver ponente un pastor senza legge, 
Tal che convien, che lui e me ricuopra. 

Dante is informed by the shade of Pope Nic- 
colo III., that his successor in Hell, Boniface VIII., 
will not remain "sotto 8opra'\ so long a time as 
he had then done, before Clement V**' will come 
and take his place. 

Xiccolo III'^ died in August 1280, the period 
of the vision is April 1300, Boniface died Oc- 


tober IV^ 1303, so that the fonder had been i 
the position described rather less than twent 
years. Dante announces that Clement will di 
within this period, that is before October 132J 
And now comes the question — Would the Poc 
have ventured this assertion if Clement had no 
been already dead? The most ra,tional answe 
would be in the negative. But those who hol( 
that the Inferno, as we have it now, was finishes 
by 1309, in contradistinction to others wh< 
maintain that it was not finished till after tli< 
death of Clement, April 20'** 1314, seek to shov 
the contrary. They argue that, in 1309, Danb 
might safely have risked this prediction from th< 
advanced age of the Pope, from his known in- 
firmity of body, and the dictum that no succea 
sor of St. Peter would ever hold the keys 8< 
long as the Apostle had done — ^^non videbis tf«- 
nos PetrV^ being a received papal axiom. Noil 
admitting, what, in fact, requires to be proved 
that Peter came to Rome before Paul, and rule^ 
the church there for twenty -four years, whicl 
these assert. Pope Pius VI ruled the church fo* 
twenty -five years. 

If the words be taken in reference to the age 
of Peter when he died, between seventy and eigh^i 
not a few Popes lived as long. The inference 
drawn from the age of Pope Clement V'** is un- 
founded. Clement was born about 1264 (Nou- 
velle Biographic Gen^rale), consequently in 1309 
was only 45, and might well be expected to live 
from ten to fifteen years longer, till he was 6( 
at least. Many Popes have been elected at tha 
age. Celestin V**" was upwards of 70 when vote< 
into the chair of S'. Peter. The argument dc 
duced from the infirmity under which Clemex 
is said to have laboured towards the close c 
his life, a chronic disease affecting the lower pai 


of his body , and by some biographers called '4u- 
pus", will not stand the test of inquiry. That Cle- 
ment was in delicate health, and much given to con- 
sulting Physicians, and taking their medicines, 
were facts well known to those persons more im- 
mediately connected with him, and were some- 
times turned by the Pope to political purposes. But 
he was not a confirmed invalid either in 1307 or 
in 1309, nor did his disease, whatever it may have 
been, threaten at either time to become fatal. (See 
Lucens 'Historia Ecclesiastica' [Scrip. Rer. ItaL 
Tom. XI) , also Baluzius ' Historia Paparum Ave- 
nionensium ab Anno 1305 ad 1394, Paris, 1693). 
In fact it was so slight a matter, that Bernardon 
Guidon, who had an especial talent for noticing 
disease, in his life of Clement [Scrip. Rer. ItaL 
Tom. in.) says nothing about it. What he does 

^ say of the Pope, that he was in no way affected 
by the severe epidemic of 1311, might be taken 

' to certify that he was then in tolerably good 
health. In fact, after 1307, his Holiness would 
seem to have had no other complaint worth no- 
ticing, until 1313, when, for the benefit of his 
health, he was induced to remove to Carpentras. 
It was only in the following year that he was 
taken seriously ill. (See a paper on this subject 
in Athen^um No. 1780, Dec^ 7^'^ 1861.) 



Tra Garda e val Camonica e pennino. 5. 
Tra Garda e val Camonica a pennino, 5. 
Tra Garda e val Camonica apennino. 5. 
Tra Garda e val Camonica e apennino. 3. 
Tra Garda e val Camonica pennino, 2. 

The few Codici, only twenty, of which my notes 
on this passage furnish any particulars, show that 
the reading now usually preferred is in the mi- 
nority of two. In the eleven Codici examined in 


the Library of the British Museum, it did not 
occur once ; these gave for the first four readings 
4, 2, 2, 3. 

The Codice Britannico (No. 943) has 

Tra Gharda e valca monica appcnninOy 

but the conjunction e before the last word has 
subsequently been inserted over the line, thus 
making it agree with the reading of Buti, Bargigi, 
and the Crusca. "Valca monica" for Val camma 
does not say much for the careful scribe. Three 
out of the four early editions, as also the Ven- 
deliniana, the Nidobeatina, Aldus, Daniello and 
Witte have the third reading. The Mantua edi- 
tion has "^ apenmno'\ Landino has 'W apewmi^* 
"The Four" preferred ^^P€nmno^\ Benvenuto da 
Imola read, 

Tra Garda e Valdimonica e Apennino. 

Monsignor Dionisi with Vellutello, 

Tra Garda e Valdimonica, Pennine. 

Vellutello says "Here all the exj3ositors, misled 
by a corrupt text, following one another, have 
fallen into a great mistake by understanding Val- ■. 
camonica, in the Bergamasco, more than sixty 
miles distant from the lake of Garda, for Val 
di Monica, in the Bresciano, which bounds the 
lake at its upper part, and is so called from a 
place of that name in«the valley". He also points ' 
out the mistake of "Apennino" for "Pennino", a 
branch of the Pennine Alps. 

Daniello, on the contrary, aaaiu^es us that the 
true reading is "Tra Garda, Valcamonica. Apen- 
nino", and affirms, along with the majority of 
Commentators, that "Benaco" is the nominative 
to ^^hagnd\ If we understand by the lake, its bv 
sin shaped cavity, the sense will be clear and 
accurate ; the sides of this are bathed by the water 


Lhat flows into the lake and there stagnates, at 
least for a time, the colder water being precipi- 
tated to the bottom as it arrives, and the warmer 
superficial water flowing out by the Mincio. 
That Dante intended to refer to the entire district 

Tra Garda e Valcamonica e Pennino, 

18, I think, very probable, it helps to keep the 
beautiful lake continually before the eye of the 
reader, without thrusting in the somewhat pedantic 
Pennino to take its place. Possibly "Apennino" 
may have crept into the text as a supposed im- 
provement on ^^a p€nnino^\ which is very appli- 
cable in a description of the region surrounding 
the upper part of the lake between Garda and 
Valcamonica as far as the lofty Pennine range 
of mountains, the summits of which are at a con- 
. siderable distance from the immediate vicinity of 
the lake. 

Val di Monica is mentioned bv recent commen- 
tators as a small valley connected with the Val 
Tenesi, and popularly called Moniga, from a place 
of that name on the South-west shore of the Lake 
above Desenzano. But this reading is, I think, 
too restrictive. 

Dante describes the geographical features of 
Italy in the graphic manner of a great Master. 
He draws the grand outline with truth and force, 
delineating with acciu'acy the leading characteris- 
tics, and leaving the minor details for his readers 
to fill in for themselves. There can be no mistake 
as to what mountains are meant, they are the 
Alps and not the Apennines. The Pennine Alps 
ire the highest mountains in this part of Italy to 
be North-west of the lake. By ^^ Pefuiino^^ we 
lUst understand all that portion of the range which 
itends from Salo, on the west shore of the lake, 



to the highest source of the river Sarca, with al 
its outlying hills. The Val Camonica is the nexi 
great valley on the west, through which the rivei 
Oglio, gathering its waters from the adjaceni 
slopes, flows into the Lago dlseo. The Sarca takes 
a tortuous course to the lake of Garda from the 
lofty glacier, the Vedret del Mandrio, nearly 1 1.000 
feet high. These alps thus separate one valley 
from the other. The Sarca enters the lake near 
Riva. Garda is situated on its south-eastern shore, 
near where the promontory of Monte Baldo forms 
with it a sort of shoulder. So that between Garda 
on the east , and the distant Val Camonica on the 
west, are comprised all those moimtains of the 
Pennine range which contribute their rills and 
torrents to the lake. * Leandro Alberti in his 
" Descrittione di tutta Italia", p. 388, v, states 
from Pliny and others — that the Lacus Benaci 

* This is the general sense of the remarks on diii 
passage found in the Vendeliniana and the Nidobeatioa. 


''Qui vuole fare mentione 
si de lacqua che fa lo lagho 
amatoa come ctiamdio per 
le circonstantie che vi sono 
atomo e dice che da lalpi 
che parteno Alamagna da Ita- 
lia Uquali monti de pennino 
si parteno molte acque che 
nasceno in piu fontane delle 
dicte niontagne ed anche sco- 
ladura di piova. E fanno un 
lago verso ytalia: lo quale e 
appellate per alcun lago di ' 
garda nel terrene di conti di 
turillo. II quale luoffho da 
luna parte e temiinatoda dicti 
moti : laltra da garda : la ter- 
za da valcamonicha.'' 


"Qui vole fare mention6 
dellacquechefa lo lago aman* 
toa come etiamdio delle ci^ 
costantie che sono atomo c 
dice che dellalpe che parteoo 
allamagna dalla Italia li^tuE 
monti eno appellati monti da- 
penino si parteno molte aqnc 

auale nascono in piu fontiint 
elle dicte montagne ed ut 
cho scholatura di piova e ftti- 
no uno lago verso Italia h 
quale e appellate per akunft 
benacbo e per alcuno lago &. 
gharda net terrene di coMii 
da tiralo. il quale lago damA; 
parte sie terminate dalli dietit 
monti. L'altra da garda 1ft 
tertia da valcamonica." 


«7as 80 called from the Castello Benaco situated 
where Tusculano subsequently stood, which was 
ruined by an inundation ; raany remains of it were 
visible in the 16*** century. "Five miles from Gar- 
gnano", adds Alberti, "is the Praia delta fame^ where 
three Bishops, each standing in his own diocese, 
might, as it is said, touch each others hands." 
This locality is mid -way on the western shore, 
where the waters of the Tignalga enter the lake. 
On the left of this river is the diocese of Trento, 
on the right that of Brescia , and the lake itself 
is in the diocese of Verona. The remarks of Buti 
on the topography of Benaco are such as to put 
us on our guard against receiving too implicitly 
his geographical explanations. 

Dietro alle posie delle care piante. 

Fifty -TWO Codici (Rome 16; N. of Italy 7; 
Siena 5 , Florence 1 1 ; Paris 3 ; London 10) did 
not afford one example of the variante given by 
the Crusca ^^pes(e'\ and which we find in Landino, 

Dietro alle pesie delle care piante. 

Jienv., Buti, Barg., the Edi. 1 , 2, 3, 4 ; the Vend., 
the Xidob., Aid., Veil., Dan., the Crusca, Lomb., 
Dion., "the Four'', and Witte all have ^^poste'\ 
The explanation given of ^''poste^\ however, is 
that of peste. Poggiali, who appears to have 
Considered this matter, says of posta^ "sustan- 
tivo coir o stretto, dicesi di qualunque impres- 
rione, che facciasi nel terreno". The Vocab. in 
it8 eighth definition of posta^ has ''Pedata, lo 
rtesso, che Pesta. Lat. vestigium". But Pesta (ve- 
tigium) gives more directly the meaning of the 
^)et '' Strada segnata dalle pedate dc' vian- 
anti". The saying ''andar per la pesta'^ — is to 
>Ilow the beaten path — and I think that tlie 


learned Lan4|Liio, who, as Prof. Witte remark 
in his ^TroJfBf^omeni Critici", was the first to exc 
cute a really critical labour on the Divina Con 
media, had good reason for printing what he di( 


Piu non si vanti Libia chon sua rena 
Chese chelidri iaculi e pharee 
Producie e cientri co amphisibena. 

This is the reading, in the C. Brit. 943, of th< 
ternary touching which, between il Padre Lorn- 
bardi and Monsig. Dionisi, "fu tanta lite", and 
the C. Ant. agrees with it; but the C. Brit 10. 317 
has ''Che seclw lidrV\ the Cod. 839 ''Che se chelidri\ 
and the Cod. 1 9. 557 "Che se cho lidri'\ Under one 
or other of these forms all the particles of which 
these words are made up arrange themselves in 
our twelve Codici., with one or two variations aB 
''Con sua chelidri'' (3513). "Che se coMV (3460> 
"Cenlrf' prevails over "Cenchr{\ and we invariably 
have "Produce'^ In C. 943 this is written, like 
"cientri'\ with an i after the c. 

The matter in dispute, however, is limited, "Ck 
se'\ or "Chese^' is the whole of it; and the question 
is whether the Poet intended hj these letters a 
species of serpent called by Lucan (Phars. 1. VL 
711) Chersydros, which lives both on land and il 
water, or whether he merely wrote two relative par 
tides. The passage in Lucan is (v. 710 — 712 

Natus et ambignaj coleret qui Syrtidos arva 
Chersydros, tractique via nimante Chelydri; 
Et semper recto lapsurus limite Cenchns. 

Pietro di Dante quotes the first line but leave 
out the following ones. The Ottimo states tlu 
the Poet here enumerates five kinds of Libis 
Serpents. Landino and Vellutello were equal! 
conversant with Lucan, but neither of tliem ev 


suspected that by "C/i^, se^^ Dante joieant "Cher- 
sydros^ Landino in his notice of tkese serpents 
says "Questi sono di diverse spetie, tra le qiiali 
sono i chelidri, detti quarsi cliersidri, perche pari- 
niente habitano in terra et in aqua, et cliersos 
significa terra, et idor aqua". Vellutello quotes 
the passage in Lucan, and explains — "Onde dice, 
cliu Libia con sua rena non si vanti piu, perche, 
se produce chelidri, jacoli, faree, etc. clie elUi con 
bitta FEtiopia insienie , e con cic") ch' h di sopra del 
niar rosso, non mostro mai tante, ne si ree pesti- 
lentie, quante quivi in essa bolgia erano adunate". 
Benvenuto, Buti, and liargigi understood the pas- 
sage in the same sense — the latter says — "non 
« vanti Libia di aver diverse mene di serpenti, 
piii che questa bolgia, Libia, dico eke in se (as the 
text reads) produce chelidri, iaculi e faree, e cencri 
con amfesibena". Daniello, who quotes the pas- 
sage in Lucan, also explains to this effect, and, 
whh Landino, would seem to have considered C/ic- 
ttntobe the same as Chersidri^ he evidently had 
not the most remote idea that ^^Che, se^^ was mennt 
for any portion of the latter. This discovery was 
reserved for the Padre Lombardi. 

The four early Editions illustrate the forms met 

with in Codici. The Foligno, followed by the 

Naples Ed., has ^^Clte se lidrr — the Jcsi "C7/<? se 

fhelidrr — the Mantua ^^Che7\se chelidrr &c. with 

^^Produccr\ The reading of the Nidobeatina, which 

misled the Padre Lombardi, is ^^Che?\si chelidri la- 

nili € pharee'\ with ^'' Produce?'^' — but the note on 

the passage "I^nno ivi chelidri. Ivi en jaculi. Ivi 

en pharce e tutte maniere de serpeti. e simile 

sono centri. ufisibene". might have satisfied the 

worthy Padre that Nidobeato never dreamt here 

ofnitroducingChersydros. The Vend, reads ^^Chcse 

ekelidri iachuli e pharee^\ with ''Produce etc." and 

the explanation is "Ivi sono ydri E ivi sono 



iacbelli e ivi sono pharee e tutti sono manieri di 
serpeti el simile sono cetri e avapbisibene". 



La novUa, sc fior la penna aborra. 19* 

La veritUy so fior la j}€nna aborra. 4. 

La veritUy se fior la lingua aborra. 2. 

La novitUy se fior la lingua aborra. 1. 

Two of tlie best Roman Codici bave the first 
reading, C. Vat. 365 and C. Barb. 1535. Also 
tbe Vatican Codici 318, 2358, 2373, and 2865, to- 
gether with tbe Angelica Codice 1 Of. It is the 
reading of the Villani Codice in tbe Laurenziana 
at Florence, in the margin of which has been 
Avritten "/« lingua!' ; and it is tbe text explained by 
Benvenuto Rambaldi and by Buti. 

The second reading is found in tlie Vatican Co- 
dici 366, 367, 4776, and 4777. 

Tbe third reading occurs in tbe Vatican Codiri 
3197, and 3199. 

Tbe fom-tb reading was foimd in tbe C. ftrit 

Tlu-ee of the four early Editions, as also the 
Vendeliniana , Landino {^'sc for')^ and Vellutello 
(^""se e fior'") have tbe first reading. Tbe Jesi Edi- 
tion has "r////'' for "penna". The Nidobeatina ha8 
'^fuor^' — "La novitii se fuor la penna aborra- 
"Quasi a dire sio non scrivo apieno ogni cosa schu- 
sinii la novita del tractato'\ This is tbe explana- 
tion found also in the Vendeliniana whicb has ***^ 
fi'or\ Aldus printed 

La novita, s' e fior la lingiia abborra. 

which is followed in the Edition of Rovillio. The 
Cnisca gave, with a con-cction at tbe end — 

La novita, s' ei (se) fior la lingua abborra. 

Daniello (1568) adopted the variation in whic^ 

iNf'ERNO. 147 

''lingua^^ is put for ''^pcnna*\ and this was followed 
l^y Volpi and Venturi, Lombardi restored the first 
reading, Dlonisi approved it, the foiu* Florentine 
Editors (1837) and Witte preferred it. The verb 
with two bbs is wrong. In neither of the four 
?arly Editions, nor in the Vendeliniana, nor the 
^idobeatina is it so spelled. But it is so by Lan- 
linu, Vellutello, and Daniello. Among the Co- 
lici in the British Museum Library, nine out of 
nelve have the word wi'itten with one b only. 

Various meanings have been given to the word 
Una. The Nidobeatina, following the Vcndelini- 
na, says " ciofe acciavata" from acciarcy an obsolete 
erb, to hack or hew, but no such verb is found 
Mhe Crusca (Ed. 1729) nor in Gherardini (Voci 

maniere di dire Italiane). Landino, writing the 
rord with two bbs, says '^ciofe abborraciare, ac- 
oncia male quella che discrive — perchfe abborraci" 
re in lingua Fiorentina significa acconcia male, e 
on nettamente." Benvenuto explains "se lo stile 
mnea fior^ di fiori, di propriety, di eleganza." 
iuti remarks ''cioe se alquanto lo scriver mio c 

modo del dire aborra , cioe acciahaiia e non dice 
f)8\ ordinato, come altrove, ne cos\ a punto." 
ellutello explains — ''se la penna forma imper- 
?tte le parole, perchfe aborrirc^ appresso de^ La- 
ni, si % produr la cosa non ancora perfetta in 
isere.'' By fiori he imderstands "parole ornate." 
argigi explains "abborra fior" — "cioe, se il mio 
lie fe stato alieno da ornato e chiaro modo di ])ar- 
re,'' — This was the general sense given to the 
s.sage by most of the old connnentators down 
the time of Venturi, who remarks that tlic mcan- 
• of the word is crrmw Lombardi took the 
b abborrarc to mean (raviarey affirming tliat it 
J tlie same as the latin word aberrare, no doubt 
Avas led to this by tlie reading of tlie Nido- 
tina , and he altered the sense of fior (fiori) 

1 48 INFERNO. 

to the adverb fior^ "un tantino", which has cause 
some modern commentators to give a practice 
illustration of it in their own remarks. More re 
cently, however, the older exposition has beei 
revived. Gherardini shows that Poggiali was no 
far wrong in taking the word with two hbs to meai 
— "riempir di superfluita " (see vol. III., p. 337) 
but he maintains that it ought to be written witl 
only one h, as the legitimate descendant of the 
latin ahcrrare. At Inf. XXXI. 24, the word should 
also be written with one h only, and there signi- 
fies, he says, not merely errare but tramare. Id 
the passage from the Dittamondo (2. 31) quot 
ed by the Academicians it means confondersi. h 
the j)assage under consideration the word aborn 
has nothing to do either with Aberrare, or Abbifr* 
rare. "Egli h quel medesimo die Aborrire (rifug- 
gire per orrore) il quale nella terza persona sin- 
goL del congiuntivo pres. ora fa aborrisca ed ori 
aborray So Gherardini, who by fior understand! 
fiori, and explains the sense, as, "se il mio dirt 
non sia fiorito." Dante was prevented by the ho^ 
rors he witnessed from using a flowery and orna- 
mental style. 

Che n' avean fatte i bomi a sceiider pria. 

Twenty- FOUR Codici (London 13, Rome 6 
Siena f)) with some slight variation in the fori 
of the verbs (nav', naven, navien, navia, and na 
veani, also fatti, facti, and fatto) gave 19 exan 
pies with the article f, and 5 without it. The abov 
which is now the received reading, is that of il 
Cod. Brit. 19. 587, one of the two reserved Codi 
in the Museum Library. The other, the Codi« 
Britannico, par excellence, (943) has 

Che navean fatti i bomi ascender pria^ 


which, though not so good a reading, is more 
frequently found, and is that of tlie first four 
Editions. The C Brit. 3460, comes the nearest 
to the Cod. 19. 587— ''Chennavean fatte i borni 
ascender pria." The C. 3488, has — "Che naveam 
fatte etc.", where the m is- evidently meant for an 
«; and the Cod. 932, "Che nave facti borni as- 
cender pria." In the Cod. Brit. 839 we find this 
postilla — " Borni di corta e cativa vista h voca- 
bol francioso." The C. Sen. 3 1 , has — " Che ci 
avea fatti i borni ascender pria." The C. Ros- 
coe reads as the C. Brit. The C. Vat. 3199, has 

Che navien fatti i borni ascender pria. 

The C. Vat. 1728 contains the commentary of 
Buti who read "itf/V?r"— ^"dice 'chelbuior navea falto 
tcender pria' quasi dica, le quali scalee noi erava- 
mo scesi pero die per lo buiore d'in sul ponte, 
Don potea discernere quel chera nell 7» bolgia." 
I With this agrees Bargigi. The Ottimo explains 
! **fcr«/" by '' ladri!^ Between the readings of the 
Vend, and Nidob. there is the difference of the 
article. The first has — *'Clie navean facti borni as- 
cender pria", the second — ''Chen havean fatti i 
, honii ascender pria", iicitlier has any comment, 
r Benvenuto da Imola appears to be tlie first who 
gave the true sense of the Poet, explaining ''che 
« wcca fata horm\ as now received, lie says "la riva 
avea diversi gradi formati dai borni, o rocchi clie 
sporgevano dalla riva", he was followed by Da- 
niello, Volpi, and others ''Barnes des MuraiUcs'\ — 
**I rochi i)rominenti da quelF erto scoglioso argiiie" 
But Landino who has " Che nhavean facto borni 
ascender pria", explained ^''bornr as "abbagliati,e di 
r«ativa vista. Imperoche bornio in Bolognese signi- 
fica questo", and he was followed by Vellutello. 
Aldus, or rather Bembo, has the merit of having 
fixed the reading 

Che n' hftvean fatte i bomi a Bcender ptiaJ 
as found in the C. lirit. 19. 5S7, and which 1 
that his was a selet'ted or improved text, ' 
occuring only in 4 Codici out of thp 24, 

E '1 Mastin veochio, e 'I nuovo da Vemicc 
Che fecer di Montogna il inal goverao. 

The family of the Malatesti are believwl 
have heeu of German origin and connected ' 
the imperial house of Hapshurg. 

In 998, when tlie Emperor Otho III"' CftoW 
Italy to rtettle the distm-bed state of the emii 
and to put down the false Pope, John I 
was accompanied by one Hunifridua, or \ 
dus, who so assisted his master that he ( 
the important post of imperial Vicar in 1 
along with various castles and estates, 
was named, says Zaroto, in his gcnealogitii . 
lustrious German families, " Malatesta, propi' 
severissimam naturam." It is not improbabl 
the cognomen Hunfridus, if it may be OQUi 
as a diminutive of Hmidfrigidus. a latilUBei 
for a cold hearted dog, may have originslc 
the same cause, and that Daute had a dou' 
tive for calling both Father and SonMut- 
being in accordance with their tyrannical 
ter no less than with their original ci^n.. 

Of Mastino , Benvenuto da Imola saya 
velit dicere magni magistri Tyrannidla. "" 
enim fortis est et violentus ct rapax qui t, 
cili dimittit prtedam quam assmnit." A iL 
admirably well suited to the Malatesti 1" 
and son, the former of whom ik charac 
Benvenuto as ''miles aurlaj:", the latter, 

Quel traditor che tcHb h *' 

as " astuHssimut 


The more authentic origin, however, of the Ma- 
latesti, dates from the close of the 12'*' century, 
when Malatesta della Penna de' Billi in the Mon- 
tefeltro, there exercised, on his paternal estate, 
a local jurisdiction. 

In 121 G he became a citizen of Rimini, and 
subsequently going to reside at Verruchio, another 
castle that belonged to him, about ten miles from 
the city, took a distinctive title from that place. 
In 1247 he was elected Podestk of Rimini , and 
died in 1248, leaving two sons, Guido, who died 
early, and Malatesta "i7 mastin V€cchw\ who suc- 
eeeaed to his father s titles and estates. 

Malatesta was born 1212, or a little before, 
and lived upwards of one hundred years. He was 
married more than once. By Concordia, who ap- 
pears to have been his first wife, he had three 
wns, Giovanni, Paolo, and Malatcstino; by his 
subsequent wife, Margherita, he had Pandolfo. 
Malatesta early formed the ambitious design of 
raising himself to the chief power in Rimini. Ori- 
ginally he was of Ghibeliu princ^iplcs, l)ut after 
;• the defeat of Frederic 11'"', before Paniui in 124S, 
I he passed over to the Guelfs. In 1250 he came 
to reside in Rimini, and was subsequently there 
elected the Rector of that party. It took him, 
however, forty five years to efi*cct his piu'pose; 
during which period he and his family were sub- 
ject to many vicissitudes, for the two factions Avere 
pretty equally matched. Not till 1295 were the 
Ghibelins finally expelled from Rimini, when the 
chief seat of the imperial authority in Ronuijifna 
was transferred to the party of the Clnuch. How 
tJiis event Avas brought about is related at length 
bv tlie Anonimo Riminese, apud Miu-atori, (R. I. S. 
Tom. XV). On the W' of December 1295, the 
braying of an ass was the occasion of a tumult 
that led to a battle of three days duration, and 


whicli, but for the cunning and treacherous cr^u- 
elty of Malatesta, would have terminated as fsk- 
tally for himself as it did for his opponent Messer 

The Malatesti became Lords of Rimini on tlie 
festival of S. Lucy, December 13*** 1295, five 
years after this they received the title of Vicars 
of Holy Church. 

Malatesta died in 1312, his eldest son Giovanni 
(Gianciotto) died in 1304, Paolo was slain, pro- 
bably, in or about 1276—7. (Sec ''Francesca da 
Rimini etc." London 1859) Malatestino, who suc- 
ceeded his father in the government of Rimini, 
survived him only five years ; he was called ^'de/^ 
a(ckio'\ ''perche era nianco d'unocchio", having" 
lost an eye through a fall w^ien a child. Tolii^ 
safe keeping had been consigned the noble Riiui— 
nese Montagna, a Ghibelin and kinsman of Messei^ 
Parcitade, who was taken prisoner by the Mak-^ 
testi when they made their treacherous midnigh*' 
onslaught in the city immediately after the con-^ 
elusion of a peace. Montagna was subsequent])'^ 
murdered, with other prisoners, at the instigation- 
of Malatesta. 

^^ II mastin nuoid^ for cruelty and treachery w<as 
no way inferior to '* // vtrvhio ", and like him equally 
merited the family name. But he had his admir- 
ers, among whom may be reckoned the Anonimo 
Riminese, who describes him as a very valiant, 
wise and Avorthy man, who could see more with 
one eye than other people could with two. His 
only failing, in the opinion of the Anonimo, was 
his singular aversion toGliibelins; he could never 
hear their name mentioned without feeling sick. 
It was to this strong emotion against them, that 
the Anonimo chiefly atti'ibuted the treacherous mur- 
der of Ouido del C'asero, Dottorc, and Angelello da 
Carignano, gentlemen of Fano, whom, in 1312, 


**il Mastin nuovo" having sent for to Cattolica, un- 
der the pretext of desiring an interview with them, 
caused to be murdered on their Avay back ; and 
their dead bodies, sewed up in a sack, were thrown 
into the sea. 

Pandolfo succeeded to the government of Rimini, 
and being appreliensivc tluit the son of Paolo, the 
Count Uberto di Ghiaggiuoh), might carry gut his 
suspected intention of revenging on liim the murder 
of his Father, caused Iiim, in 1324, to be assassi- 
nated at an entertainment to which he had been 
invited for that purpose. 


Che diedi al re giovane i mai conforti. 

Forty -THREE Roman Codici examined on this 
verse gave four for this reading, these were the 
Ci, Barb. 1535, and 1534; the C. Vat. 2866, in 
which the comment explained re Giovanni; and 
4e C. Vat. 366, which had Che diede al re giovene 
i ml von for fi. 

Of Thirty-six other Codici in Florence, Siena, 
Paris, and London only one, the C. Roscoc, had 

Che diede al re giovane mai conforti. 

So that out of Seventy -NINE Codici, only five 
were found with the correct reading— ^'rt'^/Vr/v/;^^'" 
'tf "n* (jiotene!^ Five out of eight Codici in the 
fiiccardiana had the verb after the noun. 

The reading ''''re yiovane^^ is not found in any 

of the early Editions, nor is it noticed by any 

of the early conimentators. After Ginguene , in 

rsn, in his "Ilistoire Litt(?rairc d'ltalie" (Vol. II., 

Xotes ajout(5es, p. 570) had drawn attention to it, 

the reading was introduced into the Paris edition 

bv Buttura, 1S20; and in 1S23, Professor Parx^nti, 

ofModena, (''Memorie di Religione etc.". Vol. 3.) 


approved of and defended it; in the same year 
Viviani printed it in his edition with an import- 
ant note (Vol. 1. p. 248—251). In 1824, Cesari, 
in his '' Bellezze etc.", commended it; Rosetti, in 
1827, adopted it; Fraticelli, Brunone Bianchi, and 
other recent editors, including "The Fom*", have 
since followed it — 

' Che al re giovane diedi i mal conforti. 

The stand which some Italian writers made for 
the old reading might be thought to savour some- 
what of jealousy, though we can hardly ascribe 
the same motive to Gary , who , in his edition of 
1844, still held out for king John, and this is the 
more remarkable, as Gary was acquainted with the 
Proven9al Poets, and well read in English history. 
The circumstance that king Henry II. had ^t one 
time intended that his son John should be crowned 
king of Ireland , which he was not , is no argu- 
ment for retaining an evident error. Possibly' 
Gary attached too much importance to the mistake 
of Giovanni Villani, in the printed editions of 
whose clironicle we read "r^ Giovanm^\ though the 
individual intended is evidently his eldest brother, 
Prince Henry, tlie young king, wlio was crowned 
during the life-time of his father, and who is the 
hero of Italian novelists and trovatori. Benvenuto 
da Imola, generally so correct in historical mat 
ters, here makes the same mistake, which is thi* 
of a name only. 

Ginguen^ was not the first to point this out 
Millot in his "Histoire Litt^raire des Troubadours 
(1774, Vol. I. p. 223) had fully set forth the &eU 
of the case, and the Editor, G. B., of the Venice 
edition of Grescimbeni "Istoria della Volgare Poo 
sia", 1731, had noticed it in reference to the *'No 
velliere Antico", in which "Novella 19" begin 
thus — "Legessi della bontk del Re Giovane gnei 

■eggiando col padre per lo consiglio di licltrumo " 
(.Bologna, 1525.) The notice will be found in 
Witf 38, which 18 one of many sent to the editor 
by "tliversi riguardevoli Litterati ", whom he thanks 
without naming. This notice is not in the second 
edition of the History published at Rome in 1714, 
niir ui the second edition of the Conmientary pub- 
lifhed in 1722. both of which were followed by 
tlie Venetian editor. 

Dante was familiar with the writings of the 
Proveni;.al Poet, liertraiid de Born, and mentions 
him with honour in liis "Volgare Kloquio" (lib. 
g.i c. 2). In a serventese by Bertrand, the eldest 
»itli of Henrv II. is repeatedly called " il jove Kei" 
(ilRe giovane) and the warrior poet, lamenting 
mer his death, describes him as a prince of great 
Kber^Iity, courtesy, and kindness, qualities as- 
cribetl by Villani and otliers to il Re Giovanni. 
Villani says (1. V., e. 4) "Questore Giovanni fu 
Opin Portcae signer del mondo, ed ebbe guerra 
•nf padre per indotta d'aleuno 8Uo barone, ma 
ptiOfl vivettc, e di lui non rimase reda : dopo il 
K Giovanni , regm'i lo re Kiccardo." It is ob- 
^uiis from thi» that Villani has made a mistake 
ifflorely in the name. Prince Henry, "il Re gio- 
i*»ne", died early, in tI83, and left no heirs. 
(Kchard I. succeeded his father, Henry H., and 
JW the young king had nominally reigned eon- 
ioilitly with his father, having been crowned at 
Westminster in 1170, and again, with his queen, 
'St Winchester in 1172, Richard may be said to 
We reigned after him. King John, who sue- 
twdcd Richard, left several children, the eldest 
iOf wh<«n was Henry III. 

Tw«. Codici in tlie Brit. Museum Lib. No. 3488, 
tad No 932, help to show how the error arose 
""i tlie copyists. In the first of these the verse 


Che diedi al re giovani mai conforti: 

in the second 

Che diedi a re giovani mal conforti. 

The scribes of those days had no hesitation in 
joining letters Avhicli ought to have been kept se- 
parate, and in leaving out vowels when not sound- 
ed in reading. The junction of the plural ar- 
ticle i with the adjective giavane, the e being omit- 
ted , was sufficient to beget a whole family ol 
errors. A copyist, unacquainted with Englisl 
history, might readily suppose that the writei 
had meant re giovanni and had omitted the seconc 
n, or the mark over to indicate its absence, so 
in order to be more correct himself, he put it in 
and the real error thus originating passed froii 
hand to hand. Villani followed the text of Dant 
such as he found it. 

Prof. Parenti, in the work already referred t^ 
notices the Codice at Modena, so praised by Moni 
faucon in his Italian diary — "Codex egregie di 
scriptus, auctori pa3uc sequalis", in which tb 
verse reads 

Che diode al Re giovinc mal conforti, 

which the Prof, thinks was pobably what Dant 
himself wrote, and that this Codice may be 
coj)y of the Poet's own autograph. Dante is know: 
to have been partial to latin forms of wordi 
and wrote / for c in gimnnelto and giovinetia. 

In our own clironicles. Prince Henry, after hi 
coronation is always mentioned as Henrims re. 
junior, fiUus Regis IIenrici'\ nnd thus styled hin 
self, as jippenrs by an epistle addressed to tl 
Prior of Canterburv, which beji^ins thus — " Hei 
ricus Dei gratia Rex Anglise, et Dux Normannij 
et Comes Andegaviaj, Regis llenrici filius etc. etc 
Roger of Hoveden, who was much employed I 


his fatlier, mentions his death under 1 183 — "Obijt 
(Iclectabilis indolis, rex Henricus junior, filius 
Henrici secundi, in die sancti Barnabi apostoli." 
riiough of amiable manners he was an undutiful 
uiJ ungrateful son. He died, not of a Avound re- 
vived in defending the Castle of Bertrand against 
he royal forces, but of a fever brought on by 
iiis violent conduct. As death approached, the 
['onvictions of conscience occasioned the most bitter 
remors6. Tlie king, his father, Avhen he heard of 
his deatli, fainted, and in coming to himself, gave 
way, like king David, to immoderate lamentations. 
Tlic old chronicler, who was theological Professor 
at Oxford, concludes his narrative in words that 
mijrlit well have suggested to Dante the parallel 
he drew — *' Gaudent omnes, cuncti la^tantur, solus 
pater plangit filium." 

Che niiglia ventiduo ia valle volge. 

This is the first actual measure oiveu l)v Dnnti* 
f>j any part of the Infernal regions. Kosetti, in 
"i*^ analytical commentary, first drew attention to 
the circumstance and its agreeing with the ex- 
^€nt of a fosse surrounding the walls of Rome as 
nientioned by Fazzio degli Uberti in his '' Dita 
Muridi". Lib. ij., c. 31. 

Fazzio in the course of his poetical voyage 
nieets with a sad and sorrowful old woman, the 
personification of ancient Rome, who coiKlucts 
iim towards the Eternal City. As they approach 
le aavs 

Et per quel clio ancor rocordar ]>osso. 
Jsoi cenandauH) scnza ahro scninoiio 
In fin chio vidi come fnsse un fosso. 

* See "The Young King etc. ' (London, Triibner; 18G2). 


Ecco la Fibbia che senza ardigione 
Ecco la ricca ct bella raia Centura 
Che per gli antichi si cara si pone 

Et per che sappi el ver de sua misura. 
Et notilo la giente perigrina 
Vinii due miglia ciertamente dura. 

What this fosse could have been, or if such 
really existed in the 14'** century, the Author has 
not been able to ascertain. There are no traces 
of such now that he could ever discover,, or get 
any information about from the Roman Archseo- 
logists. But the agreement is remarkable, and 
from the 20'*' stanza of this cliapter, it would ap- 
pear that Dante was not singular in regarding 
Papal Rome as the site of the infernal regions. 

Lk si noma lonfemo et Ik gik fui 
Per Marco Curcio dal fuoco difesa 
Come to decto et puol saper daltrui. 


See remarks on Canto xxx., v. 87. 

Per fonte Branda non darei la vista. 

There is, or rather was a Fonte Branda on the 
south side of the Castle of Romena in the Casen- 
tino, where Maestro Adamo carried on his nefe* 
rious adulteration of the Tuscan florins, traces ^ 
which still remain. Capt. F. C. Brooke, of l^'*' 
ford, in 1 844 had the merit of discovering theix^' 
In a Manuscript containing an account of the pr^' 
ceedings of the confraternity of the Virgin MaO^ 
and Santo Egidio, newly arranged and made bV 
order of the Prior, Avhich Capt. Brooke obtained 
at Stia, it is stated that on the 16. Novembe^^ 
1 599, an earthquake did great damage at Romen^ 
and threw down the walls of the Hospital (^^ 
''Santa Maria Maddalena penitente, dalla part^ 

verso fonte di Brauda," This hospital was on 
the soutli aide of the castle, and it was here wliere 
L the remains of a fountain were discovered. When 
I the Author visited the spot in 1S47, the only in- 
I dication of it was a dry spout set in a deeply 
J recessed arch in the wall overtopped with vener- 
able ivy. — (Sim Ai/ii>ifrtm No. liiOl. Jmu- a. 1858). 
It liad long been conjectured by Bandini and 
others that the Foutc Branda near Komcna was 
jjrobably that to which Maestro Adanio alluded; 
l*'orsyth, when he visited Romena, also thought 
so, There is another Fonte Branda at Borgo 
Jilla Uollina, where Laudino had a country house, 
«-iiil might have seen it from his windows, but he 
tiikes no notice of it , nor of the fonte at Romena 
<=«illed by the country people "la foutinella." The 
*"* renin stances of the case might lead one to sup- 
I*<J8C that the Fonte Branda intended by the Poet 
^^fis the one close by the Castle of Romena, and 
* * may have been so ; but this little fountain 
^*''a8 known only to so few, that Dante, who wrote 
f*>r the Italian people generally, can scarcely 
^«2 tiiought to have meant this, when the famous 
*" onte Branda at Siena was, at least by name, 
|*»'«iiiliar to them all , and formed an image more 

Sdiaracter with the insatiable thirst of Maes- 


fon lutto clr ella volge iiudici inigUa, 
E men d'lin luexzo di traverso iion ti li.i; 

E piu dun mezzo di traverso non ci lia, 

8e\'enty ('onioi examined gave for the fir.-»t 
eading 46 examples, for the second Id, Seven 
had '* £ mm /fi mrzzo" , and five "K men di 
azo di traverao w« o»cia", among these latter was 


the C. Barb. 1535. So that ^''men^ was fonm 
t)() codici out of 70. The Villani Codice rea( 

E men d'un mezzo di tf-averso ci ha; 

wliicli thus forms a fifth reading", but in tlie mar 
is written ''ej)m'\ The Cod. Brit. 3459 has' 
trttverso'\ tlie Cod. Sen. 31 ''^ E piu c/i un me:: 
the C. Sen. "28 "^ men dal mezzo''; other minor 
nations also occur. Among Codici with tlie f 
reading were the Ci. Vat. 366, and 477(5. Ann 
those with the second C. Vat. 3199. The th 
"A" men di mezzo'\ was found in C. Vat. 365. 

Printed Editions. Benvenuto, Buti, Barg: 
the Edit. 1, 2, 3, 4: the Vend., the Nidob., Lai 
Veil., and Dan., have the first reading. Aldus 
the second — 

E pill d'un mezzo di traverse non ci ha; 

which was followed by the Crusca, Venturi, P 
giali and Dionisi ( — E piii di mezzo".) But'' 
d'un mezzo'' is the more usual reading, and v 
for valid reasons, preferred by "the Four". ] 
setti's remarks on this passage are import; 
(Vol. II., p. 284.) 

The circuit of eleven miles here inentioi 
.igrees with that of the walls of Rome begun 
Aurelian and completed by Probus, which are 
most exactly eleven Tuscan miles in circunit 
ence, or between eleven and twelve Enjrlish on 

The Tuscan mile is equal to 1.0277 Engli 
Taken in conjunction witli tlie extent of thetei 
bolgia (XXIX., 9) ^'Chc niiglia ventiduo la \i 
volge", the c<)iresi)oiideiice removes all possi 
doubt of the Poet's meaning. Paj)al Rome figi) 
as the focus of iiiicpiity, the source of all 
strife and misery that aftiicted Italy. The^' one 
is the twelfth part of the hrarvio^ and nearly ec 
to two English inches (I. 91). 



Gocciar $u jier le labbra, e il gielo strinse 
Goeciar giu per le labbra, e il gielo strinse 

Thirty-fouk CoDici (Rome 17; Florence 7; 
London 10) gave for the first reading 28 examples ; 
for the second 6. Among the former were the 
Codi. Vat. 365 , 36H , and the Cod. Barb. 1 535. 
Among the latter the C. Vat. 4776, and the C. 
Brit. 22, 780. 

Printed Editions. Ben. , the Edi. 1 , 2 and 4, 
and Vend, have ^^ goccia giu^\ Buti, Barg., the Ed. 3, 
the Nidob.. Land., Aid., Veil., Dan, the Crusca, 
Vent, Lomb., Dion., Pogg., Biag., Fraticelli, ''the 
Four" &c. have ^*goccia su^\ ^^ Gocciar giu^ was 
printed by Brunone Bianchi in his Edit, of 1 846, 
but in that of 1854, this was corrected. Poggiali 
uttered <a caution not to mistake the eye lids for 
tbe lips, adding the remark — "Dante chiama qui 
^ra le palpebre, che sono come lahbra degli occM\ 



Bn?ve pertugio dentro dalla mnda, 
La qual per me ha '1 titol del la fame, 
E in clie convienc ancor eh' altri si eliiuda, 

Muda is a place where birds of prey are put 

Hen moulting, or ('hanging their feathers. "^I'he 

'Muda'' at Pisa was the room or cell in the 

Tower of the Gualaiidi, where the Kepublic kept 

rts eagles, (''perchij mwlino cioe nwtino^' says Lan- 

dino,) and was a sombre enclosure well adapted to 

'ie purpose. The ToAver belonged to the Ghibelin 

femily whom Dante has mentioned as the head 

ai those who limited the C(mnt Ugoliiio to death, 

Gualandi con Sismondi e con Lanfranchi. 
"Afuda" was the popular name by which the 
toiver was then called. It stood near the northern 



end of that angular open space, the ancient Fo: 
of the Republic, known as the Piazza degli A 
ani, who had a palace here built by Niccolo 
sano, on the site of which Vasari erected the i 
palace for the knights of S. Stephen, and t 
the Piazza was named ' Piazza dei Cavalieri/ 
joining the Palace, and in the centre of one i 
of the Piazza , is the Church of S. Stefano , 1: 
formerly stood the Clmrch of S. Sebastiano, wh 
the fatal council was held under the preside! 
of the Archbishop Ruggieri , by which the Co 
Ugolino was condemned to death. The tower i 
on the right hand of the archway which leads 
wards the Duomo, passing beneath a house 
the front of wliicli are traces of frescoes by P 
cetti, and a clock in the centre. The walls of 
tower were incorporated into the present buildi 
In the Codice of the Div. Commedia at Dresc 
there is a very neat drawing of the tower in 
ruined state as it appeared in the 16"'Ccntu 
with this note. "Cos\ nel 1556 Cosimo I. nefi 
dono alia religione di S. Stefano, e il Vasari 
incluse nel Palazzo ora detto delF Orologio. N( 
interno si vede ancora il pozzo da cui si trae 
I'acqua per abbeverare le aquile della Republi 
chc vi si conservavano, e die nei giorni di fei 
coronate d'oro si ricavano innanzi alia signer 
Bastano alcuni degli alti scalini die mostra 
chiaramente Tuso della muda." 

Buti relates that after eight days the bodies 
the unfortunate victims were rolled uj) in the mi 
ting that covered tlic floor of their prison, and & 
ried to the cliurch of the Frati Minori (S. Frf 
cesco) where they were interred witli the irons 
their legs, at the side of the steps leading fr 
the first cloister into the Church. When the grJ 
was opened , he states that he was present f 
saw the irons taken out. In 1822, on restor 


tbe pavement, the remains of Ugolino and his 

children were discovered, and were carelessly 

thrown together beneath the spot where, in 1845, 

^vas a stone on which was the name of Doctor 

Alessandro Vannuchi. 

It is to be regretted, on this occasion, that the 
remains were not carefully examined to ascertain 
the exact number of the victims. 

The private palace of the Count Ugolino was 
on the Lungo TArno, in the parish of S. Sepolcro. 
It was demolished. 


Piu Uevc gia quand' io face '1 nial sonno, 
Piu lume gia quand' io fece '1 mal sonno, 
Piu lune gik quand' io fcce '1 mal sonno, 
Piu le vie gia quand' io fece 1 mal sonno, 
Piu volte gia quand' io fece 1 mal sonno, 

on this verse gave the following result. 

For the /Kr^/ reading 63 Codici — for the second 
34Codici — for the M/W/ reading 33 Codici — for 
\\\t fourth 12 Codici -for t\\Q fifth 5 Codici. 

Under the first reading are included 3 Codici 
with leve. These Codici consisted of 44 Roman 
Codici. The most important Florentine Codici 
in the Laurenziana, the Magliabechiana, and the 
Riccardiana. Numerous Codici in the llarciana 
^t Venice. — Those in tlic Seminario at Padua — 
Those in the Libraries of the IJrera and Ambro- 
siana at Milan — Others at Modena, Panna, Bo- 
logna, Piacenza and Siena — in Paris, London, 
Oxford, Cambridge, Dresden and Copenhagen. The 
' reguhof this examination in particular libraries was 
somewhat different. Thus of the eight Codici exa- 
fflined in the Laurenziana, five — the Ci. Vill., 
FiHC, Tmp. mg., Tmp. mn., and the Ottimo had 
**^//r lane'^ The Codice detto del Buti, and tlint of Plut. 



XL. 2 had ^>/// Inme''; the Cod, Gadd. 1 347 had ''ff^ 
lure ". Thirteen Codiei examined hi the National Li — ' 
brary at Paris gave 7 for the iirst reading (includiu^^ 
1 with *7>/// /(Tt*'), 1 for the second, 8 for the thirdt 
1 for the fourth, and I for the fifth. The twelv 
Codiei in the British Museum, with the C. LibrC^ 
and C. Roscoe, gave (5 for tlie first reading, 5 foi 
tlie second, 2 for the third, and 1 with the readin; 
"/m'\ The forty-four Roman Codiei gave for 
first reading, inchiding two wth the variante kte. 
twenty-two Codiei, among these was the C. Va 
4770; for the second reading seven Codiei, includ 
ing the Ci. Vat. 365 and 3199; for the third read — 
ing eight Codiei, including the C. Barb. 1535; fo: 
the fourth reading four Codiei; for the fifth three 
Among the Codiei with the reading "/;/« fr rie 
was the C. Landi. Fifteen Codiei examined at Ox 
ford and Cambridge, gave for '7/m?" 7; for"/*Jirf" 
7; {or'' Iff ne'' 1. (C. Camb. :Mm. 2. 3. b.) 

Several alterations were met with in Codic 
showing the change of opinion in reference 
the reading of this verse. Thus in the Cod. Pa^ — 
dovano CCCXVI, tlie original reading /ttxr hatl 
been altered to the more usual reading //ir^, ap— 
parently by the copyist; while in the Cod. IX-^ 
above /tine had been written /ume. In the Cod- 
LIII, in the Librarv of S. Mark at Venice, /mh^ 
had been so written, in a gothic character, th»* 
one stroke of the // was made to serve for hal» 
the //, so that the word, at first glance, looked lik^ 
/ffme with the // left out • 

In another Codice in this Library, Cod. LXlX* 
where /tfne had ori<rinallv been written, an addi" 
tional stroke had been introduced between the m anrf 
the //, thus transforming the latter letter intoM, and 
making /uMt\ In Codice No. XLIII of the MagliU" 
bechiana, the original reading, //////*, had been al' 
tered to /i////r^ and lastly in the margin had been 

M — • A 


written Heve. In the same Library, the Codice No. 

XXIX, with the commentary of Buti, the most 

important of all in this collection, the word 

"W" showed that lune had been the original 

one, but by the additional mark just noticed had 

been altered to what we now find, thus making it 

agree with the comment. In the C. Par. 4153, 

&w has been altered to lumcy while above is written 

''trai dies clttra'\ and in the Cod. 7002% with the 

reading ^^lume^\ there is this note ^^ quasi dicat. li 

tragia schiarito el giamo per lo sua foramen 

Of the four early editions, the 1"' and 4*^ have 

/w Ueve'' the 2"** and 3^''"/;iii lume'' The Vend. 

has "/wi lieve^'^ and the commentary states "Dice 

che poi chel fu icarcerato piii die vide altri et altri 

Itti per picciola finestra". The Nidob. has the 

wme remark, but the text is "/?«/ lune'\ The Ot- 

timo explains "piu volte veduto lume", and the 

text, in the Laurenziana Codice, has ^^lune^\ 

Benvenuto Rambaldi explains pik iume^ — ''^ Breve 

ftrtugio — ciofe piccol foro a traverso il quale pe- 

f netrava il chiarore dell' aurora — 7?i avea mostrafo 

jw pill lume — ciofe mi faceva conoscere che gik 

sorgeva il giorno. Alcuni tcsti lianno piii lune^ cd 

allora vorrebbe dire, che giJi passarono vari niesi ; 

ma cio non pu(j stare, perch^, a veritJi storica, il 

Conte non istette in questa torre che poclii gior- 

ni." In the ''Fragmenta Historiae Pisanae'', Rrr. 

Ikl. Si-ript. apud Muratori, Tom. XXIV, it is stated. 

^Feciono loro mettere li ferri, e tenere e guiir- 

dare presi in del Palasso del Popolo pin di XX 

<il, in fine che fu acconcia la prcgione dclla Torre 

dei Gualandi da sette vie". Rambaldi was, no 

doubt, well informed as to the fact he states, that 

^'^ prisoners were removed to this tower only a 

short time before their deaths, though he does not 

(ell us where their imprisonment of several months 

bad previously been. Buti, who read the Divina 


Commedia at Pisa, also explained piu lumc — ' 
che ben era Tanrora, e poi m'addormentai e f 
il mal sogno etc." This is the reading also 
Guiniforto delli Bargigi, of Landino, and Vel 
tello. Landino says — "Dimostra che anchora ( 
desto quando Vaurora venne informa che tal 
nestLa facea lume " — VeUutello states " Mostra 
era I'aurora, e che quel breve^ c picciolo per 
gio, rendeva alquanto di lume, quando egli, < 
dormito non haveva ancora, 8'addorment6 et 
Daniello affirmed that we ought to read "/?i>/ Im 
for many days; in this he followed the Otti 
and Jacopo della Lana; .and the explanation co 
cides with that* of the "Anonimo" published 
Lord Vernon in 1848 — "uno pigiolo pertugio ] 
lo quale avea piu d\ veduto lume"; this sense 
supported by the reading "/?/w voltc^\ already i 
ticed. Piu lume is the reading of Aldus. The A 
demicians preferred piii lune, had they not ha 
done so, we should probably have heard lit 
about it. The reason assigned for its introdi 
tion was that the Count, as stated by Giovai 
Villani, continued a prisoner of the republic frc 
August to March. Volpi followed the Academi 
ans, and so did Venturi, and so have a host 
succeeding Kditors, Dionisi, Biagioli, Costa, B 
setti, Fraticelli, the four Florentine Editors, Bi 
none Bianchi, Witte, and others. The Padre Lo: 
bardi has the merit of having fibly supported /itf 
showing that a distinction should be made betwe 
the am'ora and the sun rise, and that it was af 
the former, but before the latter that the drei 
occurred, dm'ingthe period assigned totruedreai 
Costa's argument against lumc contains a falla 
for the comparison piii refers to what preced 
not to what followed; there was a gradual 
crease of light from oppressive darkness to 
filll day. In the month of March, the aur 


lasts about one hour and a half. Dante marks 
the time, as 

"Dianzi neir alba che precede al giomo/' 

" — la mente nostra^ pellegrina 

Pin dalla carne, e men da' pensier presa^ 

AUe sue vision quasi e divina.'' 

Ugolino informs Dante that he does not intend to 
repeat facts already known, but only to relate 
what he could not yet have heard, ''quel che 
non puoi avere inteso," how cruel his death Svas. 
The Count then proceeds to describe the preli- 
minary dream, the fatal foreshadow of what was to 
follow. The dream is a key to the narrative, 
showing the state of parties in Pisa, and who the 
Count 8 chief enemies were. The time of its oc- 
cun-ence was important and necessary to be noted. 
Of all the old Commentators no one is more 
entitled to our confidence in the relation of histo- 
rical facts than Benvenuto Rambaldi da Imola, 
and his statement that the unfortunate victims 
were here confined for a few days only is dc- 
sening of credit, and is supported by the con- 
sideration that a room of narrow dimensions in a 
tower, with only one small slit in the Avail for 
the admission of light and air, was not adapted 
to contain five persons in close conlinement for 
seven months. 

But what could writers and correctors of Codici 
niean by ^'piii lieve^^? 

M'avea mostrato per lo suo foranie 

Piu Neve gia, qiiand' io feci il nial sonno, 

Had the verb been reflective we nii<»lit have got 

some meaning out of it. (Jount Ugolino had passed 

Hii anxious, restless night, ho had watched for the 

first faint indication of the ai)i)roaching morn. 

for the slightest gleam of light on the sides of 


the embrasure of the "breve pertugio", hoping 
that with returning day, some relief would be af- 
forded to that foreboding fear of starvation which 
had possessed himself and cliildren , who iti their 
sleep were heard to weep for bread, thus showing 
that they had not previously received their usual 
allowance of food. 

Few of the sun's rays ever illumined those dis- 
mal walls, ''un poco di raggio" was at most att 
that ever entered. At night the darkness mufl1 
have been intense and oppressive. By the gra 
dual increase of light on the sides of the narro'^ 
chink, Ugolino could more easily perceive tli 
opening, liis eyes would thus be relieved from tli 
oppressive sense of total darkness, and he woiil< 
know that it was tlie hour of true dreams. 

Possibly the word lieve might have suggested 
some such meaning as this, but none of the com- 
mentators have enlightened us on the subject, 
though the reading nimierically surpasses everjr 
other, and nearly equals all the rest put together. 


Piaiigevan elli: ed Ansclmuccio iiiio 
Disso: Tu guardi bi, padre: cho hai? 

Guelfo, the eldest son of the Count Ugolino, had 
married Elena of Suabia, the natural daughter of 
Enzo king of Sardinia, and dying left two sons? 
Nino detto il Brigato, and Arrigo. The former 
was present with his grandfather, the latter not 
A son is stated to have fallen fighting in defence 
of the Palazzo del Popolo, it may have been 
Arrigo. Tlie other grandson present was AnseV 
muccio, son of Lotto then a prisoner of war ii 

Some modern critics have censured the Poe 


for not distinguishing with prosaic nicety between 
children and grandchildren, a piece of pedantry- 
worthy to go along with that absurd and revolt- 
ing notion, once entertained by a certain class 
of critics, that the prostrate Coimt, in stating the 
cause of his death to have been extreme star- 
vation rather than extreme anguish, 

Poscia, pid che il dolor, pot^ il digiunO; 

meant to say that he had actually eaten one of 
his children. 


Quando mi volsi, tu passasti il punto 
Al qual si traggon d'ogni parte i pesi : 

The globular form of the earth and the attrac- 
tion of gravitation to its centre, were popular 
&ct8 well known in the time of Dante. 

Brunetto Latini in his "Tesoro" lib. II. c. 35, 
omong other reasons for the rotundity of the earth, 
^«signes the very important one of the stability 
^f the universe, also that no part of the surface 
^ii?ht be nearer to the heavens tlian another, and 
jliat the latter miglit also freely revolve about 
i^. He adds also , that if it were possible to di^- 
^ well that should ])ass from one side of the world 
|<> the f)ther, and if a large stone were thrown 
' ^Qto this well, it would stop half way, and there 
femain fixed. The force aecjuired in the fall might 
indeed, at first, carry it a little beyond the centre, 
m it would soon be drawn back again, and there 
Remain stationary. Thus the Devil, according to 
Dante, is in a permanent fix, he can neither 
I fliove one way nor the other. No wonder that 
the Poets found a great effort necessary to over- 
come this difficulty. The Inferno of Dante, ac- 
cording to the formulae given by Manetti and 


Galileo, for the philosopher did not disdain 

calculate its depth, occupies nearly one-fourteen 

part of the bulk of the globe. When the Divii 

Commedia was written, Jerusalem was believed : 

be the exact centre of the habitable hemispher 

the other was conceived to be covered with wate 

Out of this Ocean the mountain of the Poet's Pui 

gatory rises up like the Peak of Tencriffc fron 

the bosom of the waves , and is exactly opposit 

to Mount Zion, so that the two become the Anti 

podes of each other. The Mathematicians in thei 

measurement of Dante's Hell proceeded in tlii 

wise. An arc of thirty degrees of longitude wa 

measured from the* meridian of Jerusalem west 

ward as far as Cuma, near Naples, and here, a 

the "Fauces Avcrni" of Virgil, it pleased then 

to locate its dreary entrance. Another arc o 

thirty degrees was next measured from the sam 

meridian eastward, so that both together made u| 

a portion of the Earth's circumference of aboi 

4330 English miles, the chord of which would I 

equal to its semi-diameter. This was made tl 

base of their operations, so that with the world 

centre for its apex, 

il punto 
Al qual si traggon d'ogni parte i pesi; 

the Inferno became as broad as it was deep, 
this centre of gravity, firmly wedged in everlastii 
ice, the grim monarch of these dolorous reah 
is placed. His bulk is prodiji^eous. From t 
data given by Dante, lie is at least ten times 
tall as St. Paul's Cathedral is high. 

Of the depth of Dante's Hell there can be 
doubt, nor of the altitude of Dite; not so of t 
dimensions of the descending circles, as assign 
by the Mathematicians. The Poet specifies on 
the circumferences of two. 

There is a place in Hell called "Malebolge", 



is deep down, and divided into ten concentric circles 
for the reception of the fraudulent of every de- 
scription. The ninth of these in descending order, 
is stated by Dante to be 22 Italian miles in cir- 
cumference, the tenth 1 1 miles, and the width of 
the fosse not less than half a mile. If this pro- 
portion were applied to all these circles, the up- 
permost would be about 1792 miles in diameter, 
whereas the Mathematicians assign only o5. But, in 
all probability, Dante did not intendthat his Inferno 
should be laid down to a scale, and assigned the 
dimensions of these two circles of Malebolge from 
political motives only. In the Convito (Tratt. IV., 
c. S) the Earth's semi-diameter is stated at 3251) 
Tuscan Miles. In English measure, its actual 
polar semi-diameter is 3949^ miles. So that, in 
found nmnbers, the funnel shaped Abyss, 

Che '1 mal dell' universo tutto 'nsacca, 

may be stated at 4000 English miles deep, and as 
many broad at its upper periphery. 



Canto L, 
Canto I., 
Canto I., 
Canto I., 
Canto II., 
Canto II., 
Canto II., 
Canto II., 
Canto II., 
Canto III., 
Canto IV., 
CTanto IV., 
Canto rV\, 
Canto IV., 
Canto IV., 
C^nto IV., 
Canto v., 
Canto v.. 
Canto v., 
f'anto v.. 
Canto VI., 
r'anto VI., 
Canto VII., 
Canto VIII., 
Canto VIII., 
Canto IX., 
Canto IX., 
Canto X., 
Canto X., 
Canto XI., 
Canto XI., 
Canto XII., 
Canto XII., 
Canto Xni., 
Canto Xin., 
Canto XIII., 
Canto XIII., 



Canto XIII., 






Canto XIV., 






Canto XIV., 






Canto XIV., 





Canto XIV., 





Canto XV., 





Canto XV., 





Canto XVI., 





Canto XVI., 





Canto XVI., 





Canto XVII., 





Canto XVII., 





Canto XVITT., 





Canto XVni., 





Canto XVIII., 





Canto XIX., 





Canto XIX., 






Canto XIX., 





Canto XX., 





Canto XXL, 





Canto XXL, 





Canto XXL, 





Canto XXIL, 






Canto XXIV., 





Canto XXV., 






Canto XXV., 






Canto XXV., 





Canto XXV., 





Canto XXV., 






Canto XXVL, 






Canto XXVIL, 






Canto XXVIIl. 

, verse 




Canto XXIX., 





Canto XXX., 





Canto XXX., 





Canto XXXL, 






, verses 

37 — 45. 



Per correr miglior aaua alza le vele 
Oinai la navicella ael mio ingegno^ 
Che lascia dietro a se mar sY crudele. 

The many beautiful similes which Dante has 
drawn from the sea and its phenomena, from boats 
and ships, and their management under different 
and often difficult circumstances, show tliat he was 
not orjy familiar witli this element, but that he 
took an especial delight in it, and was well ac- 
quainted practically with the details of navigation. 

In the previous Cantica many are the passages 
that relate to this subject, as Inferno L, 22 ; V., 
29: VL, 77; VII., 13; VIL, 22; XVI., 133; XVII., 
19, 100—1; XXL, 7—15; XXIL, 10, 19 — 24; 
XXVIL, 81; XXXL, 14r>. 

Escaped from the horrors of Hell, and once 
more beholding the stars and the sweet serenity 
of Xature, rejoicingly he sets forth on the second 
course of his great poem in tlie language and 

st>"Ie of a sailor. 


WTien the morning dawns, the first object wliicli 
his eve delighted rests upon is the ^^(remolar ddla 


marina \ An expression as beautiful as it is true, 
wliicli brings before us, as though we actually 
saw it, the vibratory movement wliieh the light, 
reflected from the gently agitated waves, j)ro- 
duccs in the distance. In this second Cantica, si- 
miles from the sea occur at Canto IV., 9.*{; X., 1'; 
XVII., 7fi; XXVI. , 135; XXX., 58—6(1; and in 
other places. They are also frequent in the third. 
(See on Parad. II., 1—9.) In the Convito, Tratt 
II., c. 1, we have similar language in prose. 

CANTO I., VERSI 12-15. 

Dolce color d'oriental zaffiro, 

Che s'accoglieva ncl sereno aspetto 
Deir aor puro iniino al prime giro. 

The exquisite beauty of this description charmfl 
like a chant of heavenly ipusic heard in the clear 
and balmy air of early morn. Brunette Latini 
(Tesoro 1. II., 38) says: 

"Above tlie circle of the air, is the fourth element 
that of fire, which is without any humidity, extends ^ 
the moon, and sunounds our atmosphere. Above tw« 
circle of fire is, first in order, the moon, then all llie otbtf 
heavenly bodies that are of the nature of fire. Thefc* 
which is sealed above the other elements in no way JJ*; 
tei-feres with them, nor with that fifth element which * 
called (jrhis. Above the fire is an air pure, clear and Htt- 
mixed with any foreign matters, here are the seven pta** 
ets; and above that air is the firmament which turns tl* 
world with all the stars continually round from East ^ 
West . . . and above the firmament is a heaven most beaflfr 
ful and clear and bright, of the colour «»f crj'stal, »J» 
therefore called crystalline. And above that heaven isth* 
Empyrean from whence the evil angels fell, and there it-'^ 
sides the holy Trinity divine with all its ministers ani 
its profound mysteries' . 

The ^^aer pyro" of the Poet is no doubt the ^^acrepur^ 
e chiaro e iietlo'^ of Ser Brunetto, the ajther of the gredk 
philosophers, extending to the primum mobile. 


CANTO I., VERSI 22—24. 

lo mi voisi a man destra; e posi mente 
Air altro polo, e vidi quattro stelle 
Non viste mai, fuor ch alia prima gente. 

Much as the Commentators on Dante have dis- 
puted the reality of these four stars, there can be 
no doubt that he meant those of " The Southern 
Cross". The principal stars of this constellation 
weie known when Dante wrote , and in the de- 
scription of them here given there is a reality 
attested by all who have seen them. They were 
once visible in our northern hemisphere. Without 
the aid of the telescope they appear as four stars, 
three of them of the first magnitude. Alexander 
von Humboldt, from whose philosophic soul the 
poetry of nature was never absent, says of them 
(Cosmos, Vol. IL, Bohn's Edit.) 


"In consequence of the precession of the equinoxes, the 
•tarry heavens are continually changing their aspect from 
^erv portion of the earth's surface. The early races of 
' ™^tind beheld in the far north the glorious constellations 
: '^niie southern hemisphere rise before theui, which, after 
I ''Gaining long invisible, will again appear in those lati- 
^es after a lapse of thousands of years/' '^The Southern 
'-Vo58 began to become invisible in 52". 30' north latitude 
Ii9<)0 years before our era, since, according to Galle, this 
^nstellation might previously have reached an altitude of 
\ ^re than lO''. When it disappeared from the horizon of 
t 4e countries of the Baltic, the great Pyramid of Cheops 
W already been erected more than 500 years." 

Dante, therefore, most truly says — 
Non viste mai, fuor ch' alia prima gente ; 

leaning by these words, not Adam and p]ve, as 
some writers would still have us believe, but the 
early races which inhabited Em-ope and Asia.* 

•In the time of Adrian, and of Antoninus Pius, these four 
tar?, which are mentioned in the "Almagest", were re- 
arded as parts of the constellation Centaurus, under whose 



CANTO I., VERSI 51 -84. 

The eighth book of the Tesoro of Bronetto La- 
tini is headed ^^Qui comincia la Reitorica che cinufMi 
a ben parlare, e di govtrnarc citta e popoir\ In this 
art Dante was duly instructed by his loving master, 
and became the most able orator of his era in 
Italy. Giov. Villani speaks of him as "retorico 
perfetto tanto in dittare e versificare come in 
aringhiera parlare". But without this record, and 
without acquaintance with the poet's political his- 
tory, knowing nothing of his influence in debates 
and councils , nor of his credit at foreign courts, 
we might, from the occasional speeches in the 
Divina Commedia, be fully assured of the truth 
of what Villani has said, and that Dante's words 
and manner were always skilfully adapted to the 
purpose he had in view, and to the persons whom 
he addressed. 

Virgil's speech to the venerable Cato is a per- 
fect specimen of persuasive eloquence. The sense 
of personal dignity is here combined with extreme 
courtesy and respect, and the most flattering ap- 
peals to the old man's well known sentiments, 
his love of liberty, his love of rectitude, and his 
devoted attachment to Marcia, are interwoven 
with irresistible art; but though the resent- 

hind legs they occur. It was only in the 16'** century 
that they received the name of "the Cross". Dante 
gave to them a transition name calling them ^^le quaUro 
luce sante^\ Americo Vespucci remarked in 1501, that 
the four stars form a rhomboidal figure. In 1517 the 
Florentine astronomer, Andrea Corsali, described them as 
a wondrous cross, more glorious than all the constellatioiis 
in the heavens. The constellation consists of a doable 
star of the first order, two stars of the second order, one 
of the third, and one of the fourth. (See a paper on this 
subject by the Author in the Athenaeum No. 1715, Sept. 
8*»* 1S60.) 


t of Cato at the approach of the strangers is 

\ appeased, and he is persuaded to regard them 

1 as imich favour as the severity of his character 

nits, yet he will not have them think that his 

3ent to their proceeding has been obtained by 

lation, but simply by the assertion of power 

clisafed to them from on high. 

Ma se donna del Ciel ti muove e regge, 
Come tu di', non c'e mestier lusinga: 
Bastiti ben, che per lei mi richegge. 

this also the consistency of Cato's character 
aaintained, he is sensible of the flattery, but 
>wns its influence. 

[ow different from the courteous address to Cato 
10 authoritative intimation to Cliaron (Inf. III., 
-6), there Virgil deigns only to express the 

of heaven, the grim ferryman must seek to 
w no more, 
►ante in his Convito (Trat. II., c. 7) states that 

first important step towards persuading an 
lence is to please them; a rule which applies 
ndividuals also. 


Ed erco, qu^l suol presso del mattino, 
Ed ecco , qual sol presso del mattino , 
Ed ecco, qual soi preso del mattino, 
Et eccho, qual sopresso Ai\\ mattino, 
Et eccho, qual sorpresso dal mattino, 

ENTY-Two CoDici (Brit, M. 12; Oxf. 5; B. llicc. 
J. Roscoe and C. Libri) gave for the lirst rcad- 

S examples (Ci. Ox. 106, 112; Ci. Rice. 1004, 
5; Ci. Brit. 3513, 22.780, 3460, and C. Libri) 
1 the variation of "rfa/" for del in the first and 
d of these, and the absence of Ed in the last 

one. The C. Ox. 112 has a postilla ^^preso^\ 
eso'' is also the reading of the C. Brit. 839, 
Et ecco qual suol preso dal mattino 



Of the second reading there were five examp 
(Ci. Brit. 10.317, 21.163, 3459, 35S1, and C. Ri 
1005). Of the third four (Ci. Brit. 943, 19.5? 
932, andC. Ox. 109). The C. Brit. 3488 hast 
fourth reading; and the C Roscoe has the fiftl 

In the C. Brit. 21.163 we have ''dc'' for a 
and in C. 3581 ^^dal\ for deL Two other readir 
were also found which are scarcely worth not 
ing, that of C. Ox. 103 — "Et ecco el sol q 
presso delmatino", and of C. Ox. 97 — "E chon 
sole presso presso dal mattino". ^^Ma(tifw^^ is fi 
quently written with one i only, as in the eai 
editions, and sometimes ^^mactino^\ The readi 
of Buti, 

Ed ecco, qual sul presso del mattino, 

which has been much in favour with Editors frc 
the days of Landino to our own, and is noted 
the margin of the Crusca, along with ^^sarpn 
daC\ constitutes a sixth reading. 

Benvenuto has the first reading. The four ear 
editions have the second, with slight variatioi 
1 and 4 have ^^ Ecco^\ the former with del, t 
latter witli dal; 2 and 3 have '''^Ei ecco^\ the forn 
witli dal^ the latter with del. Vendclin reads vi 
the Editio princeps. Nidobeato has 

Et ecco qual soppresso da matino, 

Landino, Aldus, Veil., Dan., Vent, Lomb., Bia 

Cesari, Costa, "the Four", Bianchi and Fratic( 

follow Buti. The Crusca has the first readii 

so also Poggiali. Dionisi, from the C. Villa 


Ed ecco, qual sorpreso dal mattino, 

which is followed by Witte, but with the com 
in the wrong place, it should come before "yn 
not after it. 
The chief objection to the first reading iii t 


it requires, in the following verse, rosseggiare^ not 
^^ rosseggia^\ Viviani, in a note on this passage, 
mentions 9 Codici with the second reading, and 
among them the C. Landi. The meaning of this 
reading is sol tanto in vicinanza del matHnOy which he 
prefers to that of the C. Villani. Fiacchi (Atti 
deir Accad. della Cr. T. II., p. 1 1 7) gave the pre- 
ference to ^^sopresso'^ for sopra esso. Monti deemed 
the reading of Buti better than any other, and I 
think Monti was right, here presso is a noun equi- 
valent to suit appressarsi. 


Mentre che i priini bianchi aperser fali: 
Mentre che i priini bianchi apparver ali: 

Sixty-eight Codici examined (Rome 36; Flo- 
^•^nce 7 ; Siena 4 ; Paris 3 ; London 1 1 , Oxford 5, 
l.\ Roscoe, and 0. Libri) gave for the first read- 
ing 53 examples, for the second 10; other vari- 
iitioiis f). AiiKmg those with the former were (H. 
Vat. 3199, 4776; C. Barb. 1535, tlio C. Brit. (943), 
<'. Ox. 109, and C. Lilni. Amonfr tlie latter Ci. 
\'at. 3r>5, \\{M\\ (\ Brit. n).587, and (\ Koscoc 
iaparre all]. The (\ Cact. and C. Ox. 112, liad 
"^ tipparsrr ali\ Tlie (\ Rice. 1027 ^^apparser fala\ 
Tlic ('. Brit. 3513, and (\ Ox. 97 fapsoii) liad ^^ aper- 
xttfi tali\ In twenty-one of tliese (VxHci '' apscr'^ 
Was written for apersrr. In C Vat. 37S the ori- 
;>-iiial reading- appcrser liad been altered to apparscr. 
The i\ Tors. (iO had 

In tino che i prinii bi.inchi apparvero ali, 

Pkintki) Editions. Benvennto and Bnti have 
llie second roadinjr. The four early e(liti<^ns have 
llie first with ""rite' for rlie i: as also have tlu* 
\'rinl. Nidob. aii<l Aldiiie; but \vW. and Dan. have, 
with this first reading, the more correct che t\ Lan- 


dino follows Buti. The Crusca has the first readl - 
ing. Lombard! also was contented with this, an<3 
explained ^^aperser fair as misero in vista. Dionisi^ 
following the C. VilL, -prmiQdi ^^ apparser alV\ Tlie 
Paduan Editors, though they kept to Lombard!' b 
text, preferred this reading in their notes; it is 
the one now usually followed, but of the two 
forms apparver and apparser^ the former is, I think, 
preferable, and is more frequently found, but Witte 
has the latter. 


Tal che parea beato per iscritto; 
Tal che faria beato pur descripto; 

Forty-five Codici examined (Rome 16; FI^^' 
rence, Siena, and N. of Italy 11 ; London 11; O-^' 
ford 5 ; C. Roscoe and C. Libri) gave for the fir *^ 
reading 29 examples, for the second 9, and for^ * 
third reading 

Tal che parea beato pur descripto; 

4 examples (Ci. Vat. 365, 366; Ci. Brit. 839, 351^^) 
In Ci. Ox. 97 and 1 1 2 {descripto) we have 

Tal che facea beato pur descritlo; 
The C. Amb. 539 had 

Tal che parea beato m suo descripio; 

Among Codici with the first reading were the O* 
Vat. 3199; C.Landi; Ci. Brit. 943, 19.587, and a 
Libri {per scripto). Among those with the second 
were C. Vat. 4776; C. Barb. 1535; C. Caet., and 
C. Roscoe. 

^^Scritto^^ and ^Hscripto'' often occur iov iscritto; 
dcscritto less frequently for descripto. Tliree Co- 
dici had pareva (C. Barb. 1737, C. Sen. 30, and 
C. Brit. 22.780.). Sometimes ^^paria^^ for parea is 
found, as in Ci.. Brit. 839 and 21.163, a mistake 


ipvliich possibly may have arisen by confounding 
parea with faria. In C, Ros. we have ^^farea^^ for 

Printed Editions. Benvenuto has the third i-ead- 
ing "Tal che parea beato pur descritio^\ but Buti 
tlie first, '' per iscritio'\ The Edi. 1, 3, 4, have 
tlie reading of the majority of the texts consulted; 
tlxe Ed. 2 has "Tal che faria beato pur iscritto^\ 

The Vend., Nidob., Land., Aid., Veil., and Dan. 
have the first reading with slight variations in 
tHe orthography. The Crusca followed this, but 
^Iso gave in the margin ''/wr descritto^\ Lombardi 
l^nd the first reading, but Romanis (Ed. 1821) 
changed it to the second, which he called "No- 
t^ilissima variante del Cod. Caet." "The Four", 
preferred " Tal che faria beato per iscritto " — a va- 
''iante generated, probably, through the mistake 
^f porta for ^^parea^\ Prof. Witte printed the se- 
cond reading, but Dionisi chose the first, I think 
**^ was right, it is more poetical than the other. 


Ma a te com* era tanta terra tolta? 
Diss' io, ma a tc com' e tant' hora tolta? 

Sixty-nine Codici examined (Rome 13; Flo- 
i^enee 25; N. of Italy 13; Lond. and Paris 12; 
Oxford 5; and C. Roscoe) gave for the first read- 
ing 38 examples (including Ci. Vat. 365, 3199; 
il C. Brit.; il C. Marciano; and C. Par. 19). For 
tlie second reading 20 (including C. Vat. 4776; 
C. Barb. 1535; C. Vill.; Ci. Ox. 106; 97; and 
C. Roscoe). In one of these, C. Brit. 839, over 
'^hora^^ has been written ^''(erra'\ Five Codici 
tad ^^e hora iolia^\ 

The original reading of the C. Landi was ^^e 
iania^^ for era tanta ^ to which it has been altered. 
The C. Vat. 2373 has a singular variante of the 


second, and reads ^^volta" for tolfa. The C, Tem] 
mag. has 

Ma a te come 6 diss' io tanta hora tolta. 

With this agrees the C. Brit. 19.587 —"Ma at ^ 
chome dissio tanta hora tolfci ". fsic.J The Temj[zm. 
nm. and the Ott. have — 

Diss' io ma te come era tanta terra tolta. 

where "/^rrflf" for kora makes the verse a foot 
too long. 

Printed Editions. Benv. has "jVh a u c9M 
e tanta ora toltd'^ and so also Buti, >vith a slight trans^- 
position ^''Ma a te come tanta ora e tolt(i\ The foctr 
cai'lv Editions, with the Vend, and Nidob. hav« 
the first reading. Landino introduced a new oa^ 

Dixie mate chome tanta Lora h tolta. 

Aldus restored the first with an improved gratr^;; 
matical form "J/' a te com era tanta terra toliaJ 
Veil, followed Land, with a transposition, 

Ma a te, come, dissio, tanthora toha? 

Daniello, went back to the more ancient texts, 
he believed, and printed 

Diss* io: ma a te com' e tanf hora tolta? 

remarking ''cosi h scritto negli antichi testi; ® 
non ~^'Ma a te com* era tanta terra toltaT' TJj^ 
Crusea followed Land, and gave in the mar«r*^ 
the more usual reading of Aldus, but objected '^ 
it as obscure. *^The Four" considered both equal jy 
ffood. Lombardi defended the readinir of t ^^ 
Crusea. Dionisi condemned it, and turned to t^'^^ 
C. Vill. which Prof Witte has followed still mc^ re 

Diss' io; ma a te com* e tanta ora tolta? 

After ''/i? io'\ in the previous verse, ''^ Diss^ i^^ ' 
I think, weakens the sound without improvi ^'c 
the sense. 



A quella foce ov' egli ha dritta Pala: 
A quella foce ha egli or dritta Pala: 

Thirty-five Codici examined (Rome 1 5 ; Siena 
4; London 10; Oxford 4; C. Ros., and C. Libri) 
gave for the first reading 1 7 examples, for the se- 
cond 9; the others had minor variations. That of 
ym'' for ave, as in C. Brit. 943, was found 
in four, 

A quella foce dov^ elli a dritta Tala. 

Three were without the pronoun. The Ci. Brit. 
19.587, 10.317, 22.780; C. Vat. 3199; Ci. Ox. 109, 
103 (dov'), and C. Libri had the first reading. 
Ci. Vat. 366, 4776, 3200; C. Barb. 15:55; C. Caet, 
and C. Roscoe had the second. The C. Vat. 365 has 

A quella foce ha egli poi dritta Tala. 

The C. Ox. 106 

f A quella focie ove ha or dritta Pala. 

Printed Editions. Benv. has the second read- 
ing, Buti tlie first. Of tlie early editions, 1 and 
3 have the first, 2 has ^^dovc\ 4" ^^uoce'^ for foce. 
The Vend., Nid., Land., Aid., Veil., Dionisi, tlie 
Crusca and "the Four" have the first reading. 
Daniello has the second, which the Crusca printed 
in the margin. Witte gives the second from the 
C Villani. — This was also the reading of Lom- 
bardi, who preferred it in consequence of the 
locality having been previously named in v. 101. 

CANTO m., VERSO 12. 

La mente mia che prima era risirettay 
La mente mia che prima era distrelia, 

Thirty-five Codici examined (Rome 1 5 ; Siena 3; 
London 1 1 ; Oxford 4 ; C. Ros. and C. Lib.) gave 


for the first reading 28 examples, for the second 6. 
And one, C. Brit. 22.780, had 

La mente tua che prima era ristretta 

Among those with the first were Ci. Vat. 3 199, 4776; 
a Barb. 1535; the C. Caet; Ci. Brit. 943, 1(1.317, 
839, 19. 587; Ci. Ox. 97, 103, 106, 109; C. Ros., 
and C. Lib. Among those with the second Ci 
Vat. 365 and 366. 

Printed Texts. The Ott. explains the first, 
which is that of Buti , Ed. I and 2 , Vend. Land. 
Aid. Veil. Dan. the Crusca (with a note of the 
second in margin), "the Four* , Dionisi and Witte. 
Ben. has "rfii/rflc/fe" (distratta). The Ed. 3 has 
^^ distreita^\ and this occurs in the Nidob., and is 
followed by Lombardi. The Ed. 4 has ^^istrella'* 
The postilla on this verse in the C. Caet. is worthy 
of note — ^^Mcns meaj quae prima erat rcstricUy et 
intenla solum cantui Casellae^ ampliavii suam uUeniiweB 
ad traciandum Montem Purga(ortC\ 


Che non era la calla^ ondc saline 
Che non era la scala, onde saline 

Twenty-nine Codici examined (Rome 13; Lon- 
don 11; Ox. 3; C. Ros., and C. Libri) gave for 
tlie first reading 26 examples, including such va- 
riations as lo calk, lo c/iallc^ la callc and la chalk; 
and 2 for the second reading (Ci. Vat. 365, 366). 
The C. Brit. 10.317 has 

Che non era colla onde saline 

Printed Editions. The majority of printed 
texts, with the Edi. 1, 3 and 4 have la caUa^ or 
challa^ but the second has "^ calle^\ Ben. and 
Buti have ^'fo call€^\ ciob "fo callare^\ says the 
Editor of Buti ; but calle is, properly, a noun 


Cleaning a narrow way (via strctta) and commonly 
teep, in Tuscan, however, it is feminine, and this 
oriii is most frequently found. The Codice Britan- 
lico may therefore be considered as Tuscanissimo, 
or liere it occurs in its mas. form with the fem. 
rticle and the Florentine h. 

Che non era la challe onde salinne 

rhe C. Ox. 106 agrees with it; theC. Brit. 19.587 
las *'& caUe^\ the C. Roscoe lo calle. 


Che nuU non seppe carreggiar Feton, 
Che tnai non seppe carreggiar Feton, 

Twenty-eight Codici (Rome 13; Paris 1; Lon- 
don 11; Oxford 1; C. Ros. and C. Libri) gave 
for the first reading 21 examples, for the second 
5; and two other varianti — corregiar, C. V. 4777, 
and C. Brit. 3513 which has 

Che ben non seppe charreggiar pheton 

Among the Codici with the first reading were Ci. 
^'at. 3199, 4776; C. Barb. 1535; C. Caet.; C. Par. 
NV 10; C. Ox. 106; C. Rs,; C. Lb.; and eight 
»n the Brit. Museiun. Among those with the se- 
cond were the Ci.Vat.366, 365, and the C. Brit. 943 

Chen mai no seppe carreggiar feton 

Printed Editions. 1, 2 and 4 have mal^ 3 lias 
«w/. Benv., Buti, Vend., Land., Aid., Veil., Dan., 
and la Crusca have the first. The Nidob. has 
tlie second, but Lombardi did not follow it, he 
•ery properly printed mal, explaining "mal per 
ui,daiinosamente" — and so Dionisi, and the more 
lodern editors Biag., Costa, Bianchi, '*The Four" 
Fitte &c. The reading " La qnal non seppe ", given 
Y Viviani, and noticed by the Crusca, was not 
►und in any of the Codici consulted. 


CANTO IV., \^RSO 83. 
Verso settentrion, quando gli Ebrei 

Of Forty-four Codici examined on tins verse, 
(Rome 28; Paris and London 12; Oxford 2; C 
Lib. and 0. Roscoe) not one was found >vith Ae 
reading of Buti, Landino, and Vellutello — 

Verso septentrion, guanto gli Ebrei 

and yet this, though rejected by all other Editors, 
ancient and modern, excepting Pietro Fraticelli, 
and Brunone Bianchi, who have here followed the 
Padre Ponta, certainly gives a more precise mean- 
ing to the verse than the other, and is, I think, 
more in hai'mony with the mathematical reasoning 
of the Poet. Buti and his followers here explain the 
science of the sphere, and the substance of theii 
remarks is, that Mount Zion being supposed to be 
in the centre of the Earth's surface, and the Mount 
of Purgatory to rise out of the sea immediatetf 
opposite, so that the axis of the sphere wonlfl 
pass through both, the tropic of Cancer will be 
as far north to the latter, as the tropic of Ca- 
pricorn is south to the former, that is 23® 28'. The 
sun makes his apparent annual course along the 
ecliptic at the rate of nearly a degree daily. Pas- 
sing through the spring ascending signs, Aries^ 
Taurus^ Gemini, he reaches his greatest northera 
declination, when on the longest day, June 21^ 
he enters the first of the three summer descend- 
ing signs, Cancer^ Leo, Virgo ^ and again reaches 
the Equator, (Equinoctial) Sep. 23"*, when the 
days and nights once more become equal. — Then 
commences the sun's southern declination, through 
tlie ascending autumn signs. Libra, Scorpio, Saj^ 
tarius^ arriving on the 2 1 *' December, the shortest 
day, at the first of tlie \nnter descending signs. 
Capricornus^ Aquarius, Pisces^ and so to the Equate] 


rain by the 21*^ March. The Equator is thus 
Avays between the winter and the summer, and as 
\e Hebrews at Jerusalem were as near to the 
Ajuator as Dante was when in Purgatory, so tlie 
•un's course reached as far north to him, as at 
iion it reached south to them, but it could not 
be correctly said in Purgatory to pass north from 
the Equator on that side when it passed south 
on the other (verso la calda parte). 

That a d for a t sliould have crept into the 
texts is not to be wondered at, but it might well 
be a matter of wonder if Buti and Landino had 
never seen the reading which they explained. 


Come a seconda giu andar per nave; 

The Tw^ELVE CoDici in the Brit. Museum Library 
gave five various readings of this verse. Six 
Codici, with the Ci. Ox. 106, and 109 had the 

above; two had in yiu, (Codici 839, 932); two 
had in yiuso (Codi. 943, 19.587); one had giuso 
[34SS), and one mso (21.163). Witli giuso^ the C. 
34SS reads in mve^ which is \\\q^ reading also of 
the C. Roscoc 

Come a seconda giuso andar(e) in nave; 

Hie Editors of printed texts have indulged in as 
jreat a variety of readings as the copiers of Codici. 
rhe Edi. 1 and 4 have as the eight Codici; the 
£d. 2 has giuso, so has Buti; the Ed. 3 has in 
mo. Vend, has giii, the Nidob. in giuso. Land. 
fuso. Aldus first printed 

Com' a seconda giu Pandar per nave; 

his was the reading of Benvenuto, and was fol- 
•wed by Daniello, the Crusca, and subsequently 


by Dionisi, Poggiali, Biagioli, Cesari, "the Four", 
and Bianchi. 

Vellutello changed tlie order of the words, 
Coinc a seconda Pandar giu per nave; 

Lombardi followed theNidob., so also Co8ta(1830j, 
and Fraticelli (1837 — ()(>). Wittc has recently 
printed this verse as in Buti, and the Jesi Edit, 
with giuso^ but I think the reading of Aldus is 


Qui riita se'; attend! tu iscorta? 
Qui ritto se'; attendi tu iscorta? 

Twenty-six CoDici examined on this verse (Romts 
13; B. M. 12, and C. Roscoe) gave for the firs* 
reading 1 5 examples, for the second 1 1 . Amon^ 
the latter were the Ci. Vat. 365, 366, and C. Barb. 
1535; in London the Ci. Brit. 943, 22.780, and 
the C. Roscoe. Of Twenty- one Printed Edi- 
tions and Commentaries, including all the early ] 
and more important ones, only five, Benv., Butiftj 
Land., Pogg., and Cesari have the second read-.'' 
ing. From the explanation of Buti, however ^^Qd^ 
ritto sc\ cioe in qucsto luogo" — the sense is the" 
same as that oi quiritta in Purg. XVIL, 86 — ''^»» 
ritta si ristora ". Tlie Vocab. Accad. says that the . 
word means "qui appunto appunto; ed h voce^ 
contadinesca , die oggi piu comunemente si dice 
Quiciritta". The printed text of Benvenuto — 
^^ma dimmi pcrche si affixo si ritto — perchfe ti aei 
piantato qui?" gives a wrong idea, for the shade 
of Belacqua is not piantato here in the sense of 
rittOy but is bent up with his chin on his knees. 
The Cod. Brit. 19.587 has 

Qui ritta so' attendi tu iscorta 
which with the required punctuation is the readin 
of Dionisi, and Witte. 



Luccel di Dio die siede in su la porta. 
Langel di Dio chc sicde in su la porta. 

The only Codici examined on this verse were 
the twelve in the Lib. of the lirit. Museum, the 
C. Roscoe, and the C. Libri. Eleven of these, 
including the two latter, had the first reading; 
the others had the second. Buti , the four early 
editions, the Vend., Nid., Land., Aid., Veil., and 
Dan., all have ^^ Luccel di Dio^\ Benv. has ^^L angel 
di Dio^\ The Accademici with a strange perver- 
sity, printed ''^L'uscier di Dio^\ because they found 
tbis in iwo codici, and L'angel in four. (!) Lom- 
bardi rejected this reading, for the reason, he 
8ay8, that sitling at the gate does not suit a bird — 
**non essendo // sedere atto di uccello" (!) Per- 
kaps the learned Academicians thought so also. 
The Four Florentine Editors, however, differ in 
opinion from their critical predecessors, on the 
ground that sitting does not become an \isher any 
more than it suits a bird ^ wisely observing that 
the words "r/<<? siede in sulla porta rendono inutile 
. il chiamar TAngelo Usciere". ^"^ L angel di Dio^^ is 
not a bad reading, but I think ^^Vucccl di Dio'^ is 
a hotter, and so thought Dionisi and Prof. Witte. 
The C. Brit. 22.780 has 

L'uccel di dio clie giace in su la porta. 

Wliat would the Padre Lombardi have said to 
this? If a bird may not sit, it surely cannot lie, 
unless it be either dead or in a state of coma. 


CANTO v., VERSO 18. 

Perche la foga fun delC altro insolla. 
Perche la foga tun dalV altro insolla. 
Perchfe la foga deW un f altro insolla. 
Per la foga delf un che Faltro insolla. 


Rome 37; Florence 15; Siena and N. of Italy 15; 
Paris 10; London 11; Oxford 11; Cop. 1; C. Libri 
and C. Roseoe. 

These gave, for tlie first reading, 57 examples; 
for the second 32 ; for the third , 2 ; and for the 
fourth, 1 (the C. Brit. 19.587); with several mi- 
nor variations ; as C. Sen. 3 1 , 

Perche la foga Pun e Paltro insolla. 

and C. Par. 2679, 

Si che la foga Tun dcir altro insolla. 

^^ Fuga^^ is frequently used for foga^ especially is 
the Oxford Codici. The third reading occurs it 
the C. Rice. 1031, and, as a variante, in the C. 
Villaiii. Tlie fourth reading I have found only 
iu the C.Brit. 19.587. ''DefC aUro'' and tfa/f aUn, 
in the Roman Codici, were nearly balanced, there; 
were 1 9 for the first, 1 8 for the second. The C. 
Brit. 10.317 explains ^^i/isoi/a^^ as infirma. 

Printed Editions. Here the variations are less 
numerous. The Editions 1 and 4 have "/W^* 
with ''dar; 2 and 3 have ''foga'' witli ''daV and 

Bcnv., Buti, tlie Nidob., Land. {forza\ Aid., 
Veil., Dan., the Crus., Lomb., Dion., ''TheFoui'*, 
Bian., &c. have the iirst reading. Vcndelin has 
the second. Cesari remarks that the verse re- 
quires to be ordered thus 

Perche I'uno insolla la foga dell' altro. 
But surelv it is better that the verse should not 



|uire this change, and that we should eitlier 
id with tlie variante of the C. ViUani, or with 
i C. Brit. 19.587 

Per la foga deir un che I'altro insoUa. 

CANTO v., VERSI 37-9. 

Vapori accesi non vid' io si tosto 
Di mczza noUe mai fender sereno, 
Ne, sol ealando, nuvole d'Agosto, 

The reading *'rf/ mezza node^^ for di prima noUe^ 
hicli was first noticed in the Cod. Vat. 311)9, will 
li fovmd not so rare as was once supposed. It 
s, no doubt, the proper reading, and occurs in 
hnc of the British Museum Codici, out of twelve. 
These are, the C. Lansdown, No. 839, the C. Eger- 
ton. No. 932, and the C. Harleian, No. 3513. The 
first of these has already been mentioned as an 
excellent and admirably \vrittcn Codice, and the 
very coiTCct readin<»- here found, ''<// mezza nocte^\ 
i« another evidence of its value. The second, though 
^ modern M.S., is the couv of one which had very 
good readings. '^iJi Mczza noUc^' ww^ also found in 
the C. Ox. US, in the C. Wellesley, and the C. 

.The niet(*oric phenomena of shooting, or falling stars, 
.•'^ frequent in the niontlis of August and November, take 
i|»Uc-*' chiefly after midnight, bet\v(;en that time and the 
■Himing. Vet in the most remarkabh^ instance on re- 
WTcl (that which was witnessed in Anun'ica, Nov. 12"' 
/S33) the jdienomena began at nine in th(; evening, and 
iwled till the following sunrise. 

]lninett»> Latini (Tesoro lib. II., c. 37) having given 
lie then received theory of thunder and lightning being 
«i>diieed by the violent concussion of the clouds' born(^ 
L«»ut by the winds in the higher regions of the air, (Pard. 
• 92 ) Jnid by the winds entering the clouds, and causing 
)f'\n to explode and bin'st asunder, goes on to account 
r r^lMMiting stars — "It also haj>j>ens ', he says, "that a 
riain dry vapour, when it rises so high as to take fire 



from the heat which is in the higlier region (the circle of 
fire), immediately falls to the earth, and is extinguished. 
Whence some people say it is the dragon, or a star that 
falls." (p. 47, verso. Ed. 1528.) Kepler writing of falling 
stars says "sunt materia viscida inflammata'\ (Epit 
Astron. Copemicanse, T. 1. p. 80.) It was also one of 
the old greek notions that aerolites were ignited telluric 

The comment on this passage in the Vendeli- 
niana and the Nidobeatina is interesting, as show- 
ing the then state of Meteorology. It is substanti- 
ally like that of the Ottimo and of Buti, except 
that the last is somewhat more diffuse, but all 
seem to have been derived from the same origi- 
nal source. The Vend, has 

Vapori accesi — Qui per exemplo descrive illoro veloce 
movimento. Cercha loquale exemplo e dasapere che n 
come lo piio (philosofo *) mostra nella sua methaura (Aris- 
totle in nis work on Meteors) li vapori ch'escono delU 
terra ascedcno secondo la qualitadc di quelli: che aleum 
ne sono che sono si materiali che no possono passare 1» 
seconda regionc del aiere e li si gielano alcuni et caggiono 
giuso. (il sigelao giuso e caggioo.) Altri sono che si n- 
solveno in acq e ])ioveno giuso. (altri si solveno I acqj* 
che pioveno ginso.) Altri sono chTmo pin materia sotfile 
liquali ascendono iino alia terza rogidc (alia terza) A*l 
aiere, c li si ri solveno in vento (venti) e li circulanuente 
dcscondendo fino alia terra. Altri ne sono che sono (U 
(luclla sottile niiiteria ma tienc di vescositade la quale 
nonsi piio risolvere in vento ma ascendeno (ascendendo) 
tanto cho por la vicinita del cerculo del fuoco e del ©Or I 
vimonto s'accedono: s'elli (e s'clli) sono in poca quatitatosto ^ 
si risolveno e pcrlo movimento apparno (appareano) pure i 
che '1 cielo s'aura** (s'aursa). ►S'elli e in maggiore quantito j 
brigasse pin a ris(>lvor(\ Et c molte fiato die dnrao (che > 
dimino) parechi mesi. Et (juelle sono (sonno) appellate ■ 
cometc pcrchol vaporo accoso fa fumo ot })ar qsi (qnaxi) 
conic una troccia. ( )r fa la cdpatione (comperatione) Pan- 
tore (li quolli vapori acc(»si cho sono I poca quatita che- ' 
ilno vclocissimo moto. Et fa etiandio aco diqlle (di qnelle) 
nuvole cho p la calura del' aire descendono (descendeno) ; 

"^ Tlio ItaliHii wnnls witlnn brackets nrv from th« Nidobeiitiiiat 
which ill places is not si^ correct and full as the Ventlcliiiiana. 
*♦ In the Ott. ''s'apra". 


la terra quasi expulse daldccto calore. Et questo ad- 
eno raolto del mese d'agosto quado lo sole e in leone 
presso (e prcsso) ad aleun altra eostellatione cha noine 
anis maior chi di quel (quelle) tempo ascende colsolc 
>iue appare per Albumasar nel sue introdutorio ". 

This extract compared with the correspondiiiff 
assage in the Ottimo (Pisa, 1828, Piirg. p. 63) 
hows not that one is a copy from the other, for 
here are a few notable differences, but rather that 
»oth are from some latin original. Thus the Ott. 
las *V quhi si gelano^ c caggiono akuni gmso^\ for "^ 
\ si gielano alcuni, et caggiono giuso ", wliich w^as, no 
loubt, the original meaning. We also find an 
Important sort omitted, as the vapours wliich de- 
pend in rain ; nor is the account of those whicli 
scend and take fire given with becoming pre- 
ision, the copyist has made dreadful havoc both 
f the words and sense, yet, from what is con- 
istently stated we may infer that in the original 
le whole was correct \ probably, if all the known 
>pie8 of the Ottimo commentary were compared, 
eshouhl find thcCodici lielp out one another. Tlie 
ords ^^ qxiaai carciatc dal dctto calore" for ^"f/uasi 
pulse'' of the Vendclhiiana^ show tliat tlie latter 

nearer to a latin original than the former. 

Benvenuto da Iiiiula took his explanation, it would soeni, 
r<*ctly from Aristotle: the ])honomena are tlie same, l)ut 
^rel)rietty described. Of the asooiidin<^ vapours, he says — 
ihri hanno tanta viscosita, ch(^ non ])otendo risolvorsi 
"ondouo seni})re, e vieini alhi sfera del fuoco si accon- 
no: qnando sono scarsi tosto cadono, e nel <.'adere sem- 
\ chc il eielo si apra ' . — 'Jlie more persistent Ix^come 
nets. He explains '^di prima nocte' — hy ^' nc/Za sera'\ 
1 **calando nuvole'", hy '^cadcndo i vapori espidsr . This 
not satisfactor}'. 

n Buti's commentary we have a more detailed descrip- 
I, ])ut the substance of it is the same as in the (Jttimo 
Vend. It has, apj)arently, been written witliout tho- 
:,'lilv understanding the subjc^ct, unless the error of 
(• sono SI mirabiir\ for "che sono s'l maieriali" be due 
he copyist, or the printer. (Vol. 11., ]>. 107.) It is 


worthy of remark, that the circular theory of storms is 
here repeated in the ver\' words of the Com. in the Vend^ 

repeated m tne ver}' 
and the passage supplies the omission in the Ottiino after 
'*altri sono, clie hanno piu sottile niiiteria", (p. 63) '•H 
quali ascendeno in fine a la tersa regione delF aire, e 
quivi si riso/vcno in venio, e poi circularmente discendeno in 
fine a la terra,' (l^uti. Vol, II., p. 107.) The Ottimo, 
as we have it now, leaves out this as far as "//i ftne'\ 
showing: how careless the scribe was who copied the 
original in which we may be certain that this omission did 
not occur. 

The Arabian Albumazar (Abou-Maschar) mentioned in 
these early comnientanes , flourished in the 9'*' centiiry. 
Originally an enemy t«» j>lnlosoj)hy, deeming it incompatible 
with ti'ue religion, at the age of 47 he commenced his 
mathematical studies, and became the chief of the astro- 
nomers of his time. He wrote several verj' learned works* 
and in his treatise entitled "Thousands of vears", main- 
tained that the world was created when the seven planetis 
were in conjunctitm in the first degree of Aries, and that 
it will end when they shall assemble in the last degree 
of Pisces. 

That the creation took place with the sun in Aries was 
the belief of Dante, and of the age in which he lived. 

The reading- of v. H9, as given in the Nidobe- 

Xe sol calando in nuvole d'agosto, 

was not found in anv of the Thirty-three Codici 
examined (Konie 12; I.ond. and Pr. \A\ Ox. 5: 
0. Ros., and (\ Libri) — nor does it occur in anv 
of the early editions, except that of Mantua, it is 
evidently tlie alteration of some one who presumed 
to correct the ori}>inal text, and the remarks upon 
it bv Lombanli are inconsistent with the inten- 
tion of the Poet, which is to exju'css rapiditv of 
movement onlv, equivalent to the expression. Inf. 
XXII., v. 24. * 

E najicoiidova in men che non balena. 

None of the early ruinnientators have given a satisfac- 
tory explanation of tliis verse. Venturi was the first to 
allude to sununer lightning, and was followed by Poggiali 


and Fraticolli. It is a simile taken from the lightning so often 
seeu among the clouds near the horizon at the close of 
a hot )(iimmer*s day. Brunetto Latini explains it as caused 
by the wind striking against the dense vapour which has 
tiiere accuumlated and setting it on iire. — W hen the clouds 
aro heavy, he says, and charged with water, the lightn- 
ing has not power to pass out of the clouds, but is there 
spent and its fire extinguished. (Tesoro, p. 47.) 

Anioiijf the printed texts wliicli read 'V// mezza 
Mffife*^ are those of LaiuHno, Aldus, Hovillio, and 
Oanicllo. Fratieelli has done well to follow them. 
The Accad. noticed this rcadin}»; in the niarffin, 
with a remark, contrary to fact, that the pheno- 
mena of shootin*": stars oc(*ur chieflv at the be- 
jrinnin^ of the ni^rht. "Hie Four'' ij^nore it, nor 
liavo I found it in any modern edition except that 
of Fratieelli. 

Tasso, (rer. Lib. (\ IX., st. 62, has, in part, 
imitated this passajro. 

Tale il Sol iH'lle nubi ha j)er cosIuukj 
S|ii««^ar «lop(» la pi«»i;;ria i b«*i (M»l«»ri; 
Tal siml triK^Mido il rh|Midn .^rrrno 
Stt'lla eaMrr d«lla j^ran madr<' in sciio. 

Milt<»n also has borrowed from it. Pard. Lost, 
1. IV., r):)t)— (50 

- .swift as a >lHM»tiii;; star 
In aiittunii thwart^ thr in;ilit, wlini vapours Hrd 
Impp's.s tin* air, and >1h'w tlir niariniT 
From what point t»f his c'onipa>s to ln'warr 
lni|»«'tnon> winds: 

SliiMitinir '^tars mostly oriur in Antmnn. Antl tlir liLditn- 
i'j- \N liit'li xM'nis to pl:iv at lii<l«' .and x-rk anion;/ tin* >Mni- 

u\* V iloinK. ;it't»-r tli** sun has Mt, is ind 1 a warninir t<» 

•h«' inarin* r to k«rp a >liarp IomU ont for >inldrn ><|nalls, 
-i« tli«- Auilior has ronton to rmnMnlx r from lii-* (►wn <'X- 
|.i ri'iM'i- ill til*' Mfditrrranran. 


(^AXTO v., VERSO 118. 
Si, chc '1 pregno aerc in acque si converse: 

Had Dante keen thoroughly conversant with 
the modern theory of rain, lie eonid not have ex- 
pressed himself in more accurate language than 
this. His knowledge of Physical science appears 
to have been much in advance of that of the 
age in which he lived, and of his more immediate 
successors. The Mediaeval Meteroloffv of his com- 
mentators (see C. V., 37 !l) reads almost as non- 
sense in comparison with the few masterly words 
of the Poet on the same subject. 

In the description of the storm of rain which 

caused the Archiano to overflow, and bear awav 

the dead body of Huonconte to the Arno, where-, 

whirled along its banks, and rolled over its beil - 

the corpse became buried in the debris brougl^^^ 

down by the river, Dante not only describes tl*- - 

circumstances with the pen of a poet, but like 

Iligh-priest of nature explains their causes alsc^ 

In tlie words of Ruoncoiite, 

Hen sai ciano noU' aere .si raccoglie 
(^iicir uniido vaiHU* chi.* in a^jna riede, 
T<»sto oho sale dove l froddo il coglie. 

wc have an accurate sketcli of tlie formation or 
clouds and rain bv the minjrHuir to<rether of cur — ' 
rents ot air of different temperatures saturateii^ 
with a(|ueous vapour. 

Wluni .>trata f»f air at different tonqjoratnivs meet aiiA 
combint-, tin* resultini* moan t<'ni|»oraturo is not isnfticienC 
to suj»j)ort tin* ^vllnlo <»f tho transparent a»jueous vajKiur 
hold in solution, and a cloud is fonnod. At the time of 
this union ol^rtrioity is <*volvod, and tho water}' particles 
assnnio a vo.sioular form, i'hoy are supposed to bo filled 
with damn air, and jjossossin^ tin* same kind of ekvlri- 
oity, rojK'l (»n<« another, thus imparting: to clouds their par- 
ticular t'onns, and koojiin^^ them suspended in the atiiio- 
sphoro mwr the Karth ; but when iVom the incroa,<e of tho 


aqueous element the specific gravity of the floating vaponr 
becomes greater than that of the subjacent medium ^ and 
can no longer be supported by it, it descends, the vesci- 
cular globules collapse and down comes the pouring rain. 
When rain falls from the upper region of the air, we 
observe at a considerable altituae, a thin light veil, or a 
bazy turbidness; as this increases the lower clouds be- 
come diffused in it, and form a unifonn sheet. Such is 
tbe i/m/f/^ cloud described by Dante (v. 115) as covering 
the valley from Pratomagno to the ridge on the opposite 
side above Camaldoli. This cloud is a widely extended 
horizontal sheet of vapour increasing from below, and 
lying on or near the Earth's surface. It is properly the 
cloud of night, and first appears about sun-set, usually in 
Autumn ; it comprehends creeping mists and fogs whicli 
ascend from the oottom of valleys, and from tlie surface 
of lakes and rivers, in conseciuence of air colder than that 
of the surface descending ana mingling with it, and from 
the air over the adjacent land cooling down more rapidly 
than that over the water, from which increased evaporation 
i» taking place. 

In the description given by Dante, the valley 
became covered in its entire breadth 

Di nebbia, e '1 Ciel di sopra feco intonto, 

so tliat to the cloud of vapour formed below Avas 
*idded the cloud of vapour ])reeipitated froui above, 

Si, clie 1 pregno acre in acqua si converse, 

^nd a deluge of rain followed. At Purg. XVI., 
142— 1{, Dante notices the effect of the morning 
%lit upon a fog, giving it a white coloiu*: and 
at (^uito XVII., 1 — y, he describes very accu- 
rately the appearance produced by the Sun's rays 
penetrating the dense mists of the morning in 
Alpine regions. In the part assigned to the Demon, 
(Typhon) the Prince of the power of the air, 
**Principem potestatis aerls hujus", (Ephes. II., 2) 
in raising the storm in the valley of tlie Casen- 
tino, Dante has j)reserved a popular notion, de- 
rived from the superstition of an early age, and 


similar in character to that of Oain and his thon 
in the Moon. (Inf. XX., 126.)* 

CANTO v., VERSO 136. 

Disposundo m'avea con la sua gemma. 
Disposata ra'avoa con la sua gemma. 

Eighty-nine C()dici examined on this verse gai 

41 cxajMples of the first readinjif, 32 of the seeoii 

Other varianti were Disponsata 8, (including 1 < 

dispunsafa:), Disposafo 6; Dinpotisando 2. 

CoDici CONSULTED. Rome 31 ; Florence and Siena 11 
•North of Itaiy 17; London 12; Paris 7; Oxford 2, ai 
C. Roscoe. 

Tlie Codici with the last reading were the t 
Vat. 365, and the C. Landi. Those with the fourt 
reading (disposato) were tlie C Brit. 22.780, foi 
merly the (■. Antaldo; the C. XL. 2, in the Lau 
renziana; the Ci. Par. 7252% 4153; a Codice a 

* "That the evil spirits "are not without some influence 
on our torrcstrial habitation, and that in many places tlieii 
malignant influence is distinctly traceable is, at all events 
undeniable. And/ accordingly, some have supposed the 
monkey tribe not to be an original creation of the Deity, 
but a Satanic device and malicious ])arody upon man. as 

the envied tavourite of (lod That the Prince 

of this world can exercise a certain degree of j)en]ioiou8 
influence on the productive encM'^-ies of the natural system 
in its present corrui)t and vitiated condition, and that al^ 
there is in nature itself a ])ower to produce evil, are facts 
which do not admit of denial, and are no ways inconsis' 
tent with rcNtjlation.'* (Frederick vcui Schle^rel. PhilosopU; 
of Life. Lecture VL, p. 123. Hohn's Edit.) This wa 
delivered in s(»ber prose in the 19'*' Century. If of th 
l^)et we feel disposed to say ** (Juandoque Ifonus dormili 
J/omerus'\ what are we to say of the Professor? Bi 
Dante, likci Galileo, was ever ready to level his wit i 
the credulity of tlu? ignorant, and the superstition of tl 
learned. 1'he Typhoons of the Eastern seas, in name, st 
acknowledge the Demon once supposed to trive rise 


Parma and one at Modena. The C. Roscoe has the 

third reading. Among the Codici with the first 

reading were the Ci. Vat. 3199, 4776 ; the C. Barb. 

ir>:i5; the Ci. VilL, and del Buti; tlie Ci. Brit. 943, 

K>.r)S7 and 839. Among those with the second 

reading were tlie C. Vat. .*56G the C. Estense, the 

C. Par. 2679 and the C. Ox. 112. The C. Ox. 106 

lias '^Disposafa'\ 

Benvennto and Bnli, and all the early editions 
We disposatido ^ so also have the Accad., Lom., 
Pofffriali, who gives disposato as a variante, Bia- 
jrioli, Cesari, Costa, "the Four" and Witte. Dio- 
Jiisi j)referred disposata. Among recent editors, 
Fraticelli, 1860, and Bianchi have disposato. 'We 
read in the Vendeliniana. 

"Qui Itroduce a parlare un terzo spirito lo quale fue 
^na madonna Pia moglie di messor Nello da pietra da 
'^iena die ando |)er rettore in maremraa , e lie per alcuno 
Wlo che trovoe in essa si luceise. Et sepelo tare si se- 
petamente che non?i sa come morisse e pero dice. Salsi 
colui. Cioe lo marito il quale la sposo, e con ancUa e 
^'n gemma.'* 

Thi8 is all that Jficopo della Lana tolls us of the tra^^i- 
**^l death of the unfortunate Pia. Buti would sooin lo 
h«ive cojued it almost verbatim; neither he nor lienve- 
iinto, who remarks that Mcsser Nello caused it to be re- 
ported that his wife had fallen out of window, ever ima- 
Jsjned that Dante by the words ^'cohii che. innanellaia priii : 
^loi? lo detto messer Nello mio m.arito", meant to inform 
^Mliat Pia had been married before: this late discoverv, 
'•nkiiown to Cesari and Costa, and even to Fratieelli in 
IS37, appears in the editicm of Brunone Bianchi (184(>) 
^ an original note (for which he was indebted to the 
"egregia opera" of Sig. Rei)etti) along with the reading 
^posaiOy and has, with it, been repeated by Fratieelli, 
186i). The Postillatore of the Cod. (.aet. has left an im- 

Crtant a<]dition to our knowledge of this tragical event; 
states that while the injured Pia was standing one 
•ommer's day at an open window, a servant, by order 
•f his master, seized her by hc^ legs and threw her out. 
A less sudden, but not less barbarous death is popularly 
assigned to this innocent victim of unjust jealousy. A third 


account related is that the depraved husband got rid 
his wife that he might marry another woman. — Rec 
commentators seem resolved to spoil the simplicity of 
text by telling us more than we desire to know, or tl 
Dante ever intended we should. 


Ahi serva Italia, di dolore ostello, &c. 

At the epoch of Dante, the dissensions and tro 
bles instigated and promoted by the Papacy, ai 
the discord and violence of opposing factions, 
Guelfs and Ghibelins, spread terror, and snflferin 
and devastation thronghout Italy. The Repu 
lies, desirous to govern themselves in their o^ 
way, mostly sided with the Pope, and cherish< 
but one other sentiment in common, a mutuj 
distrust and hatred of one another. The moj 
military governments were the sport of adver 
turers whose fortunes depended on their swordf 
men to whom peace was niin, and who acknow 
ledged the authority of the Emj)cror only t( 
cover their own rai)acity. l^he P()j)es arrof^atec 
to themselves supreme temporal authority in ad- 
dition to their spiritual, prostituted the latter t< 
the advancement of the former, and extended th( 
power of the keys to every kingdom that niigW 
suit their political purpose. 

During the middle ages Italy needed nothing so mud 
as a controlling power, a ruler whose authority shoulj 
be respected and obeyed. The CJuelfs knew this as ire 
as the Ghibelins, but, unlike them, not only took ii 
means to obtain it, but sought in every way to jprevca 
it. Brunetto Latini states in his "Tesoro" (lib. 11., JS 
that "as envy increased and generated mortal hatred h 
tween the nobles of Italy, and there was no one wl 
might intervene to maintain the common weal of i 
country, the German princes (Eloctin-s) were establish 
as by a direct neci^ssity, that the nomination and electi 



li the «niiiipe niielit be made by them, and that tlioj' 

mtld be it» defenders and guardians". Bninetto Latiiu, 

1 llm» acknuwludciug tlie necessity of an Eniperor for 

e j^venimcnt iif ludy, soems to anticmate the subse- 

(ttent convictions of his jmpil. The Giudla aad Ghibelins 

"egsniwl the welfare of Italy from o)»po8ite points of 

">'tffi, aod wliUo eatrh stmght to work out its own schemes, 

l^t'iy wad no ttvemiHiijj power ti> stifince their differences, 

«itti procure peace and harmony. The (ihibelins consi- 

Jm-d the union i>f Ttalinns in a ijeneral policy, as a nation, 

"upitwibh' withiiiit a recognized head; the Ijiuelfa roiectod 

*wt head, because it was of foreign oriftin, and believed 

fl to be inctinipatible with the libertins uf the free com- 

Omieii; bnl that thin was not 8o, or not injiiriously so, is 

inown by the example of those cities in the North of Italy 

*l«ich rtTeiv^d their frci-dimi fmm the Emperor, and, to 

• *-"«_TtaiD extent, acknowledged hin authority, which so 

^"*Pr as it lasted kept thnn at pewi-o among tliemaelves. 

*• PTfal was (he hn-idia among tho nadve princes, that 

"*\y was fain to seek in Uennany the succour and sup- 

jinrt n-tjuiritl. In Un; tenth century, harassed by the 

lluii^ariaus in the north, and by the Saracens in the 

••''•ti, a !"■('/ to the contentions of the lordly vassals 

'■' tli^ defunct ('arlovingiaii dynasty, the hereditary go- 

^■^•"Jvirs of provinces, dukes and marquises, ready to rise 

•"t** tymiita when left to themselves, Italy turned fur 

l'r«t»|.cti<in to tHho the Oreat, and offered him her inipe- 

"?l cniwn. fhi the death of Otho the Third, in UHl2, 

'"thout heirs, after an ineffectual attempt to eMablish au 

''Mian kiug, the sovereignty was conferred on Henry theSe- 

'v?*'' " '^""^teral branch of the Imiierial Haxon family. 

^'tor him, as no Italian iirinee couhl be found to accept 

''• and other* refnsing, the cn>wn was offered to Oonrad 

Jl"- Sncoiid of Krune.mia; ami from thai time. 1024, 

li^lv [..■.iuuc subjected to the guardiaunhip of the Electors 

' I my, whose vote* sufhced to give her a control- 

i, though tlie king elect, as king of ihe Itomans, 

i"como Emperor until crowned by the Pope. This 

■ was Inily Civsur, and not only did the cilir.cns 

1 lake an oath of allegiance to him, hut the Pope 

I the IS*'- century-, however, lh!$ order of things 

i-ed, and the ifoly See set ilself up for au inde- 

'< [Uporal sovereignty, when the Prefect of the Em- 

I - compelled to swear allegiance to tlie I'oiie. llie 

i-i»rlune of Italy waa of home growth, as aialinctty 

r-<i.i.-ii .Mil by I>ante, it was the want of unanimity ari&- 


ing from that imidia which appears to have been the 
bcsettiug sin of the native heart. The Italian populations 
were not only divided in their politics , but s\so ajrainst 
one other, and w<Te more intent on j^ratifying their per- 
sonal animosities, and carrying ont their local feuds , tlian 
in nsing to the dignity of an inde])endent nation. 

Dante deeply felt the wounds which Italy inflicted on 
herself, and well he might, for every thrust she received 
thrilled tlinmffh his own bosom. Never did the virtuou* 
indignation ot a Patriot vent itself in so severe, so pun- 
gent, and so cnishing an invective as that which we nave 
here from v. 7() to the end of the Canto. For bitter re- 
proach, for sublime imprecation, for cutting sarcasm there 
18 nothing superior to it in all ancient and modem litera- 
ture. Biagioli thoroughly appreciate<l the merits of ibis 
marvellous apostrophe , and his opinion has been coniinned 
by succeeding critics. When the vehemence of the Poet 
is in part subdued, checked by the profound religioui 
sentiment called forth in his invocation to the Deih', 
and sorrow seems taking the place of >\Tath, a new cha- 
racter is given to tliis energetic philipi)ic. The remem- 
brance of his once happy home, and the joyous days of 
his juvenile hopes, witli all the evils he had subsequently 
suflFered flit betore his mental vision, and Dante turns to 
his native city with an expression of fondness — "Fio- 
renza inia'* — but only to pour upon her a flood of irony, 
ending in such stinging censure, that we could almost fant'? 
the famous Campanile, in the Piazza del Ouonio, nK-kin? 
with resentment at the rankling reproof. ( See Purg. X^ 1- 
.">S— 130, XX., 10—15: Pard. VIII., 14.">— S: XX.. ,V)-6<»'' 
and XXVII., 22—7, 37— G6, 139- 14S, &c.) 


K se ben ti ricordt\ e vedi luine, 
E se ben ti ricorda. e vrdi lume, 

TwKNTv-sKVEN CoDici oxainiiied on this verse 
• Rome i;{: Loiulon 12: Oxf. i, ami C Roscoe'i 
^jfave twenty-one examples of the first readinjr, J^ix 
of the so(*ond. Amonjr the former were the Ci. Vat 
3199, ;it)ti, 477fi; the C. Caet.; the C. Barb. 1535: 
the Ci. Brit. 943, S39, and C. Roscoe. Among 
the hitter the C. Vat. 365, the C. Ox. 106, and 


the 0. Brit. 19.587. Three of the Ci. Brit. (10. 
317, 21.1 G3, and 22.780) have ''Ma se ben'\ the 
two former witli ricordi^ the latter with ricorda. 
The same variante, with ricordi, occurs in the C. 
Vat. 2373, and the Ang. 10|. 

The earlv editions mostly have ricordi. So the 
first four; Vend., Nid., Land., and Dan.; and 
among later ones Lomb., Costa., Fraticelli, and 
Witte. This was the reading of Buti. Ben. pre- 
fen'cd ricorda^ and this was the reading of Aldus 
and Veil., tlie Crusca, Dion., Pogg., Biag., Cesari, 
ihe Four", and Bianchi. The Accd. regarded 
fmrda as the legitimate text, and ricoj*di as tlie 
variante, but, on the numerical authority of Co- 
dici and the old editions , ricordi should be con- 
sidered as the text and ricorda as tlic variante. 


Tant' e del seme sue minor la pianta, 
Tant' e del seme sue miglwr la pianta, 

Seventy -SIX Codici gave 64 examples of the 
first reading, 12 of the second. 

Codici consulted 

Rome 33 (w/wor 29) ; Florence 18 (minor 15); N. of 
Italy 0; London and Paris J 5 (minor 10); Ox. 1. 

-^11 tlie more important of these Codici, except 

f. Vat. ;U99, the C. Caet., and Ci. Brit. ni.r)S7, 

22.7S(>, had the first reading, as Ci. Vat. lUif), 

3fi6, 4770; C. Barb. 1535; C. Landi; (^odi. Vill, 

^ith a marginal note ''miglior'\ Buti, Vis., Tmj). 

JJi?.; (^i. Brit. 943, 10.317, 839, (\ Koscoe, and 

C. Ox. 106. With this result, Benv., Buti and the 

Caily editions agree, except those of Aldus, l)a- 

Uiello and the Crusca; also all the modem ones 

liOinb., Dion.. &c. down to Prof. Witte. 


"The Four" make a curious apology for their ancie«i^ 
predecessors, they affirm tliat it was a mistake of tVic 
printer, who liaving to set up two words minor and migiior'(^ 
the one at v. 127, the otlier at v. 132, changed their phicc^j^ 
and put th(> second before the first. But tliis is disprov ^^ 
by the note which the aceademici inserted on the seco«r^* 
blunder, to wit, tliat although they printed minor at v. 1.*^^ 
they tliought that mgliore was better and found it in all tl' 
commentaries they had consulted. Aldus was more car"^ 
ful, he put migiior in both places and so did Danielle 
But though the aceademici here printed what they believc?^^ 
to be wrong, they liad another motive for rejecting min^^ 
at V. 127, it occurred in the grcfit majority of Codici, armc 
was therefore, according to their usual principle of sc?- 
lection, rejected as too common for their very critic^*' 
text. Ab Englishmen, we should all be grateful to DanCc 
for the compliment he has paid to our Henry III., and 
his brave son, "il buono e valonte Re Adoardo d'lnghil- 
terra", so great a favourite with Italian chroniclers, an*! 
especially with Giov. Viliani, who says that he was one 
of the wisest and bravest of Christian princes, and suc- 
cessful in every enterprise he undertook. 


Le quattro chiare stelle 
(Mio vedevi staman, son di la basse, 
E questc son salite ov'cran quelle. 

There is no allcoorv here, but a statement of 
what would be actually seen by persons in that 
southern latitude. T\\q. stars alluded to are the 
three alphfv of the constellations of P^ridanus, the 
Sliip, and the Golden fish (see Portirelli). The 
realitv of these stars is a corollary to the reality 
of the other four (sec on Purg*. 1., y. 22 — 24). 

(^\KT() VIII., VERSO 94. 

Com' io parhiva, e SordeUo a se 1 trasse 
Com' ci parlava, e S(»rdello a se 1 trasse 

Twenty-four Codici examined (Rome 12, Lon- 
don 11, and C. Koscoe) jj^aye tln'rteen for the first 


?a(Hng , eleven for the second. Among the former 
ere the Ci. Vat. 3199, 366, 365, the C. Caet., the 
\. Brit. 943, 19.587, 839, and C. Roscoe. Among 
le latter (ei or ei) were the C. Barb. 1535, the 
'. Vat. 4776, and the C^ Brit. 22.780 (Antaldo). 

Bcnv. in tlie printed Com. has ''/V> paf*lav(i\ Buti 
as ^''com ei — cioe Virgilio parlava". And Virgil 
ertainly n>as speaking. The Edi. 1 and 2 
lave ^^comef\ 3 and 4 *'^comio parlava!\ Vend, has 
^cornel parlutd^\ the Nidob. ^^comei pa7lavd'\ Lan- 
ilino printed 

Chorae parlava sordello asel {iraxe) trasse, 

wliicli is, I think, the better reading, leaving ont 
tlie superfluons e which so embarassed Lombardi 
that he changed ''Comer to ''Con mcT (PMit. 1791), 

Con me 1 parlava, e Sordello a sc '1 trasse, 

giving a long note in self defence, which did not 
protect him from the attack of Biagioli. Aldus 


(.^om' i parlava, et Sordello a se '1 trasse 

Ull. gave "Com io parlava'' : Danicllo restcn^ed 
"^W /'', for "Com^ m\ as in the Com., though it 
rather re})rcsents Com' ei. The Accad. printed Com ' i\ 
Jindfrave the variaiite "eom l'\ another instance of 
their wisdom, for, as ''the Four'' are here con- 
^'traiued to remark on the reading "Comeiparlara\ 
— '*iie sembra che non possa mettersi in dubbio 
a verita della lezione eom' ei'\ Dion, lias ^"Cmn 
I /»arlava*\ but more modern Editors, as Costa, 
Vaticelli, and Bianchi prefer "Com' ei parlava'\ 
'rof. Witte still adheres to "Com' io parlava", the 
Drrect reading did not happen to occur in either 
f the four Codici on which he founded his text. 



La concubina di Titone antico 

Gia s'imbiancava al balzo doriente, 
Fuor delle braccia del suo dolce aiuico: 

Di geiumc la sua froiite era lucente, 
Poste in figura del frcddo animale, 
Che con la coda pcrcuote la gente: 

E la notte de* passi, con die sale, 
Fatti avea duo nel loco ov' eravamo, 
E il torzo gia chinava in ginso V ale: 

There can be no doubt whatever that by *^// 
frcddo animale'' is meant the Scorpion — "f///* can 
la coda pcrcuote la ycnlc\ 

No other animal strikes with the tail to menace 
and injure man. "Semper cauda in ictu est: nul- 
h)que momento meditari cessat, ne quando desit 
o(*casioni" says Pliny (1. XL, 3(>) whom Dante 
read. Quoting from Apollodonis, Pliny also states, 
that all Scorpions have venom in the middle of 
the day, when they have been warmed by the 
sun, thus intimating" that naturally they are cold i 
animals, hiding themselves in damp and shady : 
pla(»es, as luuler bricks and stones. Commenta- 
tors could never have imagined that by ^^H frcdi^ 
animalc\ here so distinctly described, the Poet 
ever intended a fish, it' they had not taken i paf^ 
of the seventh verse to mean the hours of the 
night, instead of the vlyilic^ en- watches ot* the 
night, which were its ancient and scripturjil re- 
cognized divisions. Landino, however, though lie 
held with the hours, did not reject the Scorpion. 
Hut Velutello was more consistent, for he explain- 
ed / passi as Ic rigilic. Had all the circumstan- 
ces related in the })revi(>us canto been duly con- 
sidered, connnentators must have seen that tliey 
indicated a longer time, and a later period of 
the nii>:ht than only two hours after sunset, and 
hence that 1)y the increased light in the Kast 
proceeding from 


La concubina di Titone antico, 

lot meant some eifFect of the rising moon, but 
i^urora as described by Virgil (G. 1. I., 447), 

Tithoni croceum linquens Aurora cubile. 

le eighth canto the Poet tells us that, when 
ight ceased, angelic guardians descended to 
away evil from the valley where, among a 
1 of pious souls, it was proposed to pass 
light in profitable discourse. Soon it be- 
8 so dark that Dante is unable to recognize 
igure of a dear friend until he comes close 
him, ^^Giudice Nin gentiV^ from whom he hears 
any interesting family incidents. After this 
ttention of the Poet is drawn to a remarkable 
) of. three stars, on which, like an ardent 
nomer, he gazes with eager eyes — 

Gli occhi miei ghiotti andavan pure al cielo, 

3 the southern pole was glowing with their 
a circumstance showing a somewhat advanc- 
)ur of the night. Subsequently the startling 
itiire occurs of the subtle serpent seeking 
ade the celestial watchers. This enemy of 
was seen by Dante, as he approaclied, at some 

Tra I'erba e i fior venia la raala striscia, 
Volgendo ad or ad or la testa, e '1 dosso 
Leccando come bestia che si liseia. 

ould observe its motions well, and even be- 
the angels rushed down to drive it away. 

if at a later hour of the night , Dante saw, 
distinctly, the distant approach of the serpent, 
,t an earlier hour he could not distinguish the 
)f a friend at tlu'ee paces off (fifteen feet), it 
vious that the light had grcfitly increased, 

so than could be attributed to tlie bright 
ig of the stars, and hence that the moon 



had then risen. But the history of that event- 
ful night is not yet over. Dante has a very im- 
portant conversation with the soul of Currado 
Malaspina, the father of one of his most devoted 
friends. Surely there are incidents enough here 
to keep the Poet awake far on towards the fol- 
lowing morning, but, according to the lunai 
theory, he falls asleep almost as soon as he joins 
this good company, and sleeps on for twelve 
hours, thus being made to show a strange indif 
ference for their edifying society, and an uttei 
disregard to the value of time of which there waJ 
none to spare. Dante, on the contrary, excuses 
himself for the short nap he did take. He had 
endeavoured to keep awake the whole time, bul 
vinio dal sonno^ his mortal part, quel' d^Adano^ 
yielded to the influence of sleep just as the third 
watch of the night was passing away, and the 
stars of Scorpio shone out like a resplendent 
crown on the rising front of the faintly visible 
aiu'ora. Not long did Dante sleep, for presso 
alia matina the vision occurs in which he is wrapt 
to the circle of fire. 

The only doubt that might be raised as to 
the freddo animale being the scorpion is derived 
from a passage in Virgil, in which this sign is 
called ardens (Georg. 1. I., 34 — 5.) 

— ipse tibi jam brachia eontraliit ardens 
ScorpiuS; et cceli jiist^l plus parte reliquit. 

Landino, who quotes this passage, following Ser* 
vius, explains it by saying that Virgil is her* 
speaking in respect to the nature of Mart 
"signor di questo segno, il quale e pianeta ar 
dente", and that Dante is speaking in refereno 
"alia natura propria del segno freddo, fisso, • 
notturno". lie also infonns us that the Astro 
logers call this sign "casa di morte etc", becaof 


f the dangerous effect produced by the dimin- 
hed temperature when the dun is in this sign, 
hich it enters on the 23'^'* October — "e come 
' Scorpione h aninmle pungitivo con la coda ; 
)sl il sole, quando h in quel segno, h cagione di 
aione etc." 

The remarks of Lombardi on this passage, 
id on the passi\ are verj^ judicious. Scorpions, we 
ay remember , like tlie Reptilia, which are cold- 
looded vertebrated animals, and hence Virgil's 
iffidus anguis^ hybernate, thus showing, from 
leh' cold nature , or low vital powers , that they 
•e incapable of exercising their functions under 
greatly diminished temperature. 

CANTO IX., VERSI 16—18. 

E che la mente nostra^ pellegrina 

Piu dalla came, e men da' pensier presa, 
Alio sue vision quasi h divina; 

Peregrina, for ^^pellegrina^\ and da^ dal or di for 
^ arc the chief differences in this terzina met 
ith in Codici. The early Italian writers wisely 
eferred peregrina to the less correct and more 
odeni word. In the majority of MSS., also, in- 
sad of ^Uld pensier presd^ we find 'V/// pensier 
esd\ An examination of 41 Codici (Rome 21, 
)iKlon 1 1 , Florence 9) gave for *W^/ pensier presd^ 
\ (Ci. Vat. 3199, 4776; Ci. 13rit. 943, 839.); for 
al pensier presd' 8 (Ci. Vat. 366, 365); for ^^dai 
nsier presd' 4 (C. Barb. 1535, C. Brit. 10. 317); 
r "///' pensier presd^ 2, one of wliich (C. Brit. 
•2) has ^^mente'^ for earne\ C. Brit. 19.557 has 
« pensier messd\ 

Printed Editions. Benv. has dai^ Buti dal. The 
rly editions, for the most part, follow the Co- 
ri more nearly than the later ones. Tims 1 
1 4 have ''da pensier'\ 2 has ''di\ and 3 ''dai''\ 



Vend, and Veil, have "rftf"; Nid. and Dan. hdv^ 
^^daV\ Landino has ^^daV\ Aldus printed "^tf C 
the Crusca "rftf' pensier\ and this has since become 
the usual reading, as in Lorn., Dion., Pogg., Biag'. 
Cesari, "the Four", Frat., Bian., and Witte. Bal 
Costa (1830) has ^^da pensier pres(i\ though his 
punctuation is defective, a comma is required 
after ^^carne^\ and there should be a semicolon 
after ^^dmnd\ In most editions there is no comma 
after ^^nostrd!\ but there should be, as in Roma- 
nis, Edit. 1821. 

Punctuation is a most important thing either for makii^ 
or marring the sense of the Poet. It is rare to find thto 
wholly satisfactory in editions; in Codici, happily ^ stops 
seldom occur, and when they do are usually of a later 
period. In the present ternary, a 'comma after "pelle- 
grina" would completely destroy the meaning of the Toet, 
but one placed before, though rarely found, would reBdcr 
it more obvious. Benvenuto remarks on this passage-^ 

"Ecco perche la rondine canta lamentando vicino al 
mattino, e che la mente noslra. piu peregrina^ piu sciolta 
da la came , cio^ dai sensi e passioni, e men dai pen- 
sier presa, meno occupata degli esterni oggetti, alle 
sue vision quasi e divina^ quasi e presaga ed indovins 
del futuro. I sogni sono vari — naturali, falsi, 
bestiali, spirituali ed anche di divina rivelazione". 

Buti's observations take quite a physiological turn. Hav- 
ing stated that the three powers (potenzie) of the intellect^ 
without which it can do nothing, apprehension, imagi* 
nation, and memory, each located in the brain, are nKtft 
free from the flesh when least under the influence of tli« 
five senses , as in sleep , when the latter are in a state w 
repose , so at no time are they so much so as when the 
stomach has finished its digestion, which takes plac« 
commonly in the morning towards sun-rise, and tberefw* 
the Author has fixed this time for his true vision. 

The intimate connexion between the stomach and the 
brain, and the influence of the fonner in modifying the 
action of the latter, and thus aff'ecting the operationa rf 
the intellect, were facts well known to Dante. 

Lord Bacon held that the mind , from the natural powei 
of its own essence, has some foreknowledge of future tningi 



Tanto, che pria lo scemo della luna 
TantO; che pria lo stremo della luna 

[BTY-TWO CoDici examined (Rome 14; Siena 
ndon 1 1 ; Oxford 2 ; C, Libri, and C. Roscoe) 
•or the first reading 24 for the second 7 texts, 
for sciender fC. Ox. 1 09). Among the former 
the Ci. Vat. 366, 365, the Ci. Brit. 943, 839, 
7, 22.780; the C. Barb. 1535, and C. Ox. 
among the latter the Ci. Vat. 3199, and 
C. Brit. 19.587; C. Libri and C. Roscoe. 
/• Brit. 932 has strecto, 

XTED Editions. The 1, 2 and 4, Vend., 
Land., Veil., Dan., Lom., Dion., *'the Four", 
hi, Witte, and the Commentaries of the Ott., 
and Buti all read "fo scemo'\ The 3, Aldus, 
rusca, Venturi, Poggiali, Biag., and Frati- 
lave "/(9 stremo^\ The Ott. explains "la Luna 
a gia alquanto scema della ritonditk". 

'., or rather his Italian translator, states "Quella 
iella luna che rimane oscurata e ch' e la prima a 

I'orizzonte: era luna piena quando Dante entrf) 
ferno, e vi stette tre di : si era lermato un giorno nel 
irio : dunque (erano) quattro di dopo il pleniluno. Si 
el canto precedente, che il sole era alto due ore: 
)ante un' altr' ora in questa via; dunque era ora 
assata rigiunse nello stesso secondo giomo a lecto 

coricarsi all' occaso". (sic.) And Buti remarks, 
is much to the purpose, that after the fourteenth 

the moon ^^lo lato lucido sta in verso levante e lo 
in verso ponente *, e per mostra questo dice lo scemo 

lo stremo we can only understand the extre- 
of the moon's disk, a poor and unpoetic 



L' altrui bene 
A te che fia, se iu il metti in oblio? 
A te che fia, se // tuo metti in oblio? 

Twenty- SIX Codici examined (Rome 13; Lon- 
don 10; Oxford 2; and C. Roscoe) gave for the 
first reading 13 texts, for the second 12. Among 
the former were the C. Barb. 1535, the Ci. Brit. 
943, 19.587, 22.780; the C. Ox. 109, and C. 
Roscoe. The C. Brit. 21.163 has ^^a te che vnl 
se iu 7 mecti inobblto^\ Among the latter were the 
Ci. Vat. 366, 365, 3199, 4776; the Ci. Brit. 839, 
10.317; and C. Ox. 106. In the Brit. Museum, 
6 Codici had the first reading, 3 the second. 

Printed Editions. Benv., the Edi. 1 and 4, 
Vend., Aldus, Veil., Dan., the Crusca, Vent, 
Lomb., Dion., Pog., Cesari, Costa, Biag., Frati., j 
"the Four", Bian., and Witte, all have the second, 
or ordinary reading. Buti, the Edi. 2 and 3, 
the Nidob. and Landino have the first reading, 
which seems, I think, preferable; the other re- 
quires an explanation , this needs none. The poor 
widow conies to seek justice, not to argue a moral 
question. She says ^^chc fia a ie Valirui bency se 
Iu il metfo in obli(i\ In otlier words — 'What good 
will it do you leaving this act of justice to be 
performed by another?' 'If you forget your dutyi 
its fulfilment by yom* successor will bring you 
no honour.' lienvcnuto's paraphrase is very simi' 
lar, "CA/' // far^a la giualizia del lno mccessore^ se # 
manchi ad essa\ that is ad cssa giustizia, ^^VaUftk 
bene^ has reference to the widow rather than to 
the successor of Trajan. Gimtizia e un dtmere \^ 
him who renders it, un bene to him who obtnin^ 
it, the party seeking this bene is the widow. Ill 
V. 89, if instead of bene we had dovere^ then 
indeed the reading // tuo would be very proper. 


iuti expresses Dante's meaning much in the same 

vay as Benvenuto — ^^E che loda e merito avrai 

u de [ allrtd ben fare^ se per te si lassa?^^ 

U altrui bene 
A te che fia, se tu il metti in oblio? 


O, dissi lui, non se' tu Oderisi; 

Lienor d' Agubbio, e Tonor di queir arte, 
Ch' alluminare e chiamata in Paris!? 

Frate, diss' egli, pii ridon le carte, 
Che pennelleggia Franco Bolognese: 
L'onore e tutto or suo, e mio in parte. 

Baldinucci (Notizie de' Professori delDisegno&c. 
Vol.1., p. 152) very justly observes that, but for 
the "tromba sonora" of the Divine Poet Dante, 
who has left this honorable memory of Oderigi 
da Gubbio , we should scarcely have heard of his 
name. That Oderigi was a pupil of Cimabufe, 
along with Dante and Giotto , as Baldinucci seeks 
to show, is justly ridiculed by Lanzi. Cimabufe 
was living in 1300—2, Oderigi died in 1299, or 
at least a few months before the period of Dante's 
poetic vision; Giotto was born in 1276; in 1286, 
when he was tea years of age and Dante twenty- 
one, Baldinucci imagines that both were pupils of 
Cimabue, and that the proud-si)irited Oderigi, who 
Was fully equal to Cimabub in reputation, and 
then upwards of fifty, joined this pupil class. 
The writer of the "Ottimo" states of Oderigi — "mi- 
niatore ottimo del tempo dell' Autore, il quale 
vedendosi cos\ eccellente nella sua arte, mont6 
in {2^ande superbia, ed aveva oppenione che mig- 
liore miniatore di lui non fosse al mondo". 
Benvenuto remarks to the same effect. '^Iste Odo- 
risius fuit magnus miniator in Civitate Bononia^ 
tempore Authoris, qui erat valde vanus jactator 
de arte sua". Oderigi was bom, in all probabi- 
lity, about 1233. His pupil Franco Bolognese 


is regarded as the founder of the Bolognese school, 
which derived its origin not from that of Florence, 
but from the Greek artists who worked at Ve- 
nice. Lanzi's sentence is no doubt the legitimate 
judgement in the controversy tliat once raged on 
this subject. From his own observations Lanad 
concluded "che in quel secolo avessero anco i 
bolognesi una loro scuola non cos\ elegante, non 
cos\ celebre; ma pur propria e quasi dissi muni* 
cipale , deriyata dai musaicisti anticlii , e anco da' 
miniatori". In 1S50 in the Palazzo Ercolani of 
Bologna there was a Madonna and child with the 
date 1312, ascribed to Franco Bolognese, an 
attentive examination of this picture convinced the 
Author that it was of a later period, and pro- 
bably by Vitale. It is much superior to the worts 
of Giotto and quite in a different manner. The 
head of the Madonna lias a soft and pleasing 
expression, is correctly drawn, and with an air 
of elegance. She is raised on a throne, and her 
child , seated on her left arm , is a well conditioned 
little creature with a peculiarly interesting look. 
The colouring is cheerful and of a lightish tone. 
The pictm-e has been restored. Lanzi gives its 
date as 1313, and regarded it as probably genu- 
ine; but neither Malvajsio, nor Baldinucci notice 
it. Vasari in his life of Giotto, mentions Franco 
Bolognese as a miniaturist much employed in the 
Library of the Vatican , and praises some of his 
drawings. Among his pupils were Vitale and 
Christoforo di Bologna. 


Credcttc Cimabiie nella pintiira 

Tencr lo carapo, ed era ha Giotto il grido, 
8i che la faiiia di coliii oscura." 

xVs Cimabuc was living at the epoch of the 
Poem, though not when Dante wTote these verses, 


and equally deserved, with Odorigi, to have a 
heavy stone laid on his proud back, Dante un- 
willing to omit the name of his old friend from 
this book of life, introduces it here in reference 
to professional pride which was soon destined to 
be humbled. The Ottimo says "Fu Cimabue nella 
cittA di Firenze pintore , nel tempo dello Autore, 
naolto nobile, de' piii che uomo sapesse; e con 
questo fii si arrogante , e si sdegnoso , che se per 
alcuno gli fosse a sua opera posto alcuno difetto, 
egU da sfe Tavesse veduto (chfe, come accade 
dcmia volta, V artefice pecca per difetto della 
materia in ch' adopera, o per mancamento che 
^ nello strumento , con che lavora), immantanente 
luella cosa disertava, fosse cara quanto si vo- 
esse. Fu, ed h Giotto in tra li pintori, che li 
lomini conoscono, il piu sommo, ed h della me- 
lesima cittk di Firenze, e le sue opere il testimo- 
uiano a Roma, a Napoli, a Vinegia, a Padova, e 
b piu parti del mondo", Giotto died in 1336, 
and as he is here described as still living, we 
have an evidence tliat this portion of the commen- 
!ary was wi-itten before that period. Dante was 
m very intimate terms with Giotto, and assisted 
im with his advice, and probably also witli 
ketches and designs for some of his pictures, 
specially tliose in the Chapel of the Arena at 


O Niobe, con che occhi dolenti 

Vedeva io te segnata in su la strada 
Tra sette e sette tuoi figliuoli spenti! 

There has been much question among writers 
A rt as to the number of Niobe's children whom 

J vindictive Latona induced Apollo and Minerva 
destroy. Dante here follows the usually re- 


ceived opinion, and assigns fourteen. The v 
known group of Niobe and her family , at Flore 
which M. Clarac thought might be after the Gi 
sculptor Scopas, who flourislied in tlie beginn 
of the 4^^ Cent. B. C, was found near the P( 
S. Paolo at Rome in 1583. Pliny (lib. XXT 
IV, 8.) mentions a Niobe group existing in 
time at Rome, in the temple of Apollo Sosiai 
but whether by Scopas or Praxiteles was uncerb 
The figures which we see at Florence are v 
unequal in merit. 

Had Dante seen a Niobe group? The sub 
at least was familiar to his mind. The figure 
surpassing excellence, the terrified youth kneel 
in supplication, as the vindictive Apollo is s 
l)Osed to point towards him his unerring d 
and known as the Ilioneus, now in the Glyj 
thek at Munich, was not found along with 
group which we see in the Gallery at Florei 
nor does it belong to it. 


Qual di pcnnel fii maestro, e die stile, 
(Jhe ritraesse lombre e i tralli. ch' W\ 
Mirar farieiio tin ingcgno sottilc? 

Sixteen Conici only have been examined 
V. 65 (Hrit. Museum 10; Rice. 3; C. Ox. K 
C. Libri and C. Koscoe). In only one of wlii 
(■. Ox. 106, was found the incorrect readinjj < 
Ten of these Codici had ef or c iratii^ five ha 
/ iraifi (Ci. Brit. 21.163, 10.317, 839, 3513, x 
0. Rice. 1005). Atii for 'V/v////" was first introdu 
by some ignorant scribe who knew nothing ah 
Art. Daniello states that he had found it in 
dici. It occurs in Buti, in the Nidob., in Lf 
{e gli acti)^ in Lomb,, Costa, and Biauchi. 


Dante states that the sculptures here described were 
miagW\ that is in relief, and he uses the two artistic 
vords proper to such representations, ^H' ombre e i trattV\ 
The shadows and the outlines. In sculpture i iraiti are 
(be lines which indicate form and expression. In nature 
it is reflected light, or colour, which separates the forms 
of objects from each other and produces a distinct image 
of tiiem on the retina. In nature there are no iratti. And 
the painter usually makes them only as preparatory to the 
distinction of figures by colour, and to assure himself of 
their correctness in drawing. In the early schools, how- 
ever, the iratti were in general very boldly and distinctly 
drawn, and are characteristic of an infancy in art. Colour 
renders forms and figures more obvious, thus at Canto 
XXII., V. 74 — 5, the Poet says 

Ma perche veggi me^ cio ch' io disegno, 
A colorar distendero la mano. 

The use of colour to bring out form was more practised 
in early and mediaeval times than it has been since, but 
now the principle is again recognized and acted upon. 
Tie reading gli atii is no explanation of "i iratti'', as sup- 
pwed by M. Blanc, but shows a misconception. The 
C. Brit. 943 has ^'quivi'^ for ch' ivi. 

Thirty Codici examined on v. 66 (Rome 14; 
Siena 3 ; lirit. M. 1 ; Oxford 1 ; C. Libri and C. 
Roscoe) ;^ave for "w/^ ingegno' 23 texts; for ''^ogii 
ingegno' 7. Among the former were the Ci. Vat. 
3199, 366, 365 and 4776; the Ci. IJrit. 943, 
I9.5S7, 21.163, and 10.317, which hitter has the 
variante ^H\ omne\ The (%)dici with tlie second 
readinjr were the C Barb. 1535; Ci. Hrit. 22.780, 
S30, 3513; the C. at Siena No. 31; C. Ox. 106, 
and C. Roscoe. 

TwENTY-TWo Printed E^ditions consulted gave 
ifi for the former, 6 for the hatter, these were 
Benv., liuti., Land., Frat., Bianchi, and Witte. 

Had Dante been familiar with the best sculpture of the 
rreeks; he could not have described in a more vivid and 
tistic manner the ^supreme excellency of the art. In fact, 
e mi^ht argue from his account of these ideal sculptures, 
\ only that he possessed the perfect conception of what 


such works ought to be, but also that he had seen pro- 
ductions suggestive of them. 


Dove secondamente si rilega 
Dove secondamente si riscga 

Thirty Codici examined (Rome 13; Siena 3; 
London 1 1 ; Oxford 1 ; C. Lib., and C. Roscoe) 
gave for the first reading 20 texts, for the se- 
cond 10. Among the former were the C. Vat 
3199; the Ci. Brit. 943, 10.317, 22.7S0; C. Ox. 
1 06 ; C. Libri , and C. Roscoe. Among: the latter 
Ci. Vat. 365, 366; the C. Caet., the C. Barb. 1535; 
Ci. Brit. 19.5S7, 839, 932, and 21.163, the last two 
of which have ^^Quc'^ for Dove. 

Printed Editions. Tlie twentv-tliree Editions 
consulted showed how modem Editors follow the 
leader. Henvenuto, the four early Editions, the 
Vend., and Nidob. have the first reading with 
^^Dove^\ ex. Ed. 3; all the others, beginning with 
Buti, have tlie second witli ^^Oir'\ Buti was fol- 
lowed by Laiuliiio, who was folloAved bv Aldus, 
who was followed bv Vellutello, who was followed 
by Daniello, who was followed by the Crusca, 
which was followed by Ventm'i, Lombardi, Dio- 
nisi, Poggiali, Cesari, Costa, Fraticelli, ''the 
Four \ Bianchi and Witte. 

But here it must be confessed that the modern Editors 
have the advantage ovor their elder brethren, and th»t 
risega is a better reading than rilega. not only because it 
expresses more correctly the character of the scala ^'che 
ristringeva il montc", which was thus gradually diminished 
to its summit, as are the walls of buildings m which the 
lessenings of their thickness at the floors as we ascend 
are called riseghe^ but also because the other word rUeff^ 
is too like the word lega in the fourth verse to soimd agree- 
ablv. I scarcelv think that Dante wrote this word, or if 
he did, he corrected it afterwards. The Editor of Bufi 
states however that it is the reading of the Cl Estense, 


which Prof. Parenti thought mi^ht come the nearest of 
any to the original Autograph oi the Poet. To me it did 
not seem to deserve this praise. 

Col livido color della petraia. 

Dante invariably associates his description of 
accessories with the circumstances of the souls 
irader review. So here in the second balzo of the 
purgatorial mount, where invidia is atoned for, 
the colour of the rock is significant of the offence 
^lividezza d' animo' being a figurative expression 
for it. In Piu-gatory, evil dispositions are brought 
into nominal relation with their opposite virtues, 
and a practical hint is thus given for curing them. 

Here among the souls of the invidiosi^ voices are 
heard in the air expressing the sentiments of love 
and kindness, and graciously offering 

Alia mensa d' amor, cortesi inviti. 

On hearing the third spirit of the air utter 
''Amate da cui male aveste", Dante's conductor 
becomes aware of tlie nature of the locality and 


Questo cinghio sferza 
La colpa della invidia, e pero sono 
Tratte da amor le corde della ferza. 
Lo fren viiol esser del contrario suono: 

The souls found crouching at the side of the 
fock have mantels of the same colour (47 — 48), 
and their eyes are closed up. Truly those who 
^nve way to invidia are blind to their own inter- 
ests, individually and collectively. In Dante's 
time, this was the prevalent sin of the Italians, 
md especially of the Florentines. It may be re- 
garded as the primary moral cause of all the 
vils and disasters which afflicted Italy. Invidia 
estroyed civil and political union, it filled Flo- 

222 PUR6AT0RI0. 

rence with crime and cruelty, broils and bloodshed, 
(Inf. VI., 49—50; Pard. IX"., 127—9.) it prevented 
the Italians from becoming a nation, and rendered 
their country an easy prey to foreign invaders. 
This same vice in the Court of Rome made it 
covetous of temporal power and territory, and 
as ravenous for their possession, as it was un- 
scrupulous, and profligate in the means used for 
acquiring them. It Avas this odious vice that had 
so changed the character of the inhabitants of 
Tuscany, as Guido del Duca remarks to Rinieri 
de' Calboli, (Piu-g. XIV., 42) 

Che par che Circe gli avesse in pastura. 

It was invidia which had caused the country 

Tra il Po e il monte, e la marina e il RenO; 

to become ''ripieno di venenosi sterpi", and led 
the same self-accusing conscience to confess 

Fii il sangiic mio d'invidia si riarso^ 
Che se vediito avessi iiom farsi lieto^ 
Visto \\\ avresti di livore sparso. 

Di mia semenza cotal paglia mieto. 

And finally it was this which had raised the Woli 
of Rome, ^"la maledetia Lnpd' which the promised 
Liberator of Italv was to drive back to Hell, 

La onde invidia prima dipartilla. 

Dante in indicating inridia as the primary moral 

cause of the evils which desolated his country. 


addressed himself as well to her then present *^^ 
to her future necessities; and like a wise physician 
who could put his finger on tlie seat of the disease, 
having recognized the malady, resolved at ouce 
to prescribe a remedy that sliould root it out 
His politics would cause him to cast a longing 
look at Caesar, but his philosophy would direct 
him to regard the hiunan heart (See on Parg* 
XV., 49-51). 


Cosi air ombre quivi ondio parF ora, 

Thirty-one Codici (Rome 15; Rice. 3; Brit. M. 
10; Ox. 1 ; C. Libri and C. Roscoe) gave twelve 
various readings of this verse. 

The above was found in 7, (C. Barb. 1535, 
three Ci. Vat., and three Ci. Brit. 3488, 21.163, 
22.780). It is the reading of Buti and Landino. 

Cosi air ombre qui ond' io parlo ora, 

\m found in 4. (Ci. Vat. 365, 366; C. Brit. 3513, 
and C. Roscoe). With dov' for ''ond'\ it would 
igree with the reading of Benvenuto. Ci. Brit. 
19.587, and 3460 have "^w/e?/ ovio parlo ora^\ as in 
^ ellutello. Other readings have the verb in the 
>ast tense, as in C. Brit. 943, 

Cosi alP ombre cu'io parlava ora. 

our Codici, including C. Ang. lOf, and C. Rice. 
024, had ^^quivi av* io parlava ora\ as in the Edi. 

and 2. The C. Brit. 10.317 reads ''qui dov io 
ar/av' ora\ The Ci. Vat. 3199 and 2865 have 
i^e verse without ^'quV\ 

Cosi alP ombre dov' io parlava ora, 

•^ in Ed. 3, Aid., Dan., the Crusca, Vent., Loinb. 
1791), Cesari, ''The Four" and Bianehi. It is, 
crhaps, the best reading, but there are others 
till to choose from , as that of the C Cact., 

Cosi air ombre di eh' io parlav* ora, 

reading which so pleased Romnnis that he sub- 
:itiited it (Ed. 1821) for that of Lombardi which 
as licttcr, though Costa and Fraticelli did not 
link so. But the writer of the (J. Cact. had his 
isgivings about this reading, and added the va- 
nite '"qui ond' io parlavd\ Some texts have the 
verb ''Ur after ombre, as the C. Brit. 932 , 
Cosi air ombre la dov' io parlav' ora. 


The C. Libri has *7tf r' io parlava ord\ as re- 
cently printed bv Witte; and the C. Brit 839 "* 
vi par lava ora\ along with the variante ^^aliri. pttr- 
lavan hard'. This plural form occnrs in the C. 
Vat. 4776, 

Cosi air ombre clie parlavan hora. 

The C. Vat. 4777 has a reading different from 
any of these, 

Cosi Tombre quivi ovio parlava ora. 

Printed Editions. Eleven varianti were found 

in IS Editions. Ed. 4 has ^^Cos\ aV ombra qmi 

ovio parlo oro^ The Vend, lias ^^Cosi alf ombre 

qui ovio parlo ora''\ the Xidob. differs from this 

by having the verb in the past tense ^^parlav^ orf. 

Dionisi, Avith scrupulous regard for grammar, 


Cosi alP ombre, ov' io parlava allora, 

if we arc to read di che with ora^ the vtfb 
should be in the present, 'V// cK io parlo ora^'\ but 
with dove or ove this is not needed. Witte's readingt 

Cosi air ombre, la v' io parlav' ora, 

is a very good one. 


Letizia presi a (utle allre dispari: 
Letizia presi ad ogni ailra dispari : 

TwENTY-FOUR CoDici examined (Rome 12; Brit. 
M. 10; C. Libri and C. Roscoe) gave 21 for the 
first reading, li for the second. The latter were 
C. Vat. ;U99; C. Brit. S39 \nth a variante "< 
lu/li' altrc\ and the C\ Libri. 

Printed Editions. Twenty-two consulted gav^ 
11 for each. With the first reading were Buti; 
the Edi. 1, 3, 4; Vend., Nid., Land., Veil., Louib.. 
aii\l Witte. With the second Ben., Ed. 2, Aldus, 


Dan., the Crusca, Vent., Dion., Cesari, Frat., ''The 
Four", and Bianchi. But as the later editors, 
excepting Dionisi, are mostly mere copyists of 
the Crusca, their authority is of less weight. The 
iirst of these readings is certainly to be preferred 
to the second, not only because it is found in 
nearly all the best Codici, but also from its being 
more expressive. The contrite Sapia speaks with 
all the inlness of a woman's feelings, not Avitli 
the measured caution of an Accadcmico ; nor does 
she seek to lessen her offence, this would be in- 
compatible with penitence, and with the sense of 
her obligations to Peter Pettinagno. 


Ma piu vi perderanno gli ammira^li. 
Ma piu vi meieranno gli ammiragli. 

TmRTEEN Codici (Brit. M. 1 ; Oxf. 1 ; C. Lib., 
*nd C. Roscoe) gave 6 for the first reading 7 for 
the second. The Ci. Brit. 943, 21.163 and 23.780, 
^ith the C. Ros. had the former; Ci. Brit. 19.587, 
839, 10.317; C. Ox. 106, and C. Libri the latter. 

Printed Editions. Out of Twenty-four, 8 had 
the first reading — Ben., But, Land., Dion., ''The 
^\\\y\ Frat., Costa and Bianchi ; 1 6 the second — 
Ott, Edi. 1, 2, 3, 4; Vend., Nid., Aid., Dan., the 
C^Vusca, Vent., Lomb., (altered by Romanis, Ed. 
lS20, to the first) Port, Ccs., Biag., and Witte. 
Velhitello's notes explain the first reading, tlie 
text gives the second. 

The second reading would seem to be the elder 

of the two, and was suj)posed to refer to a fa- 

Diily who had spent much in seeking for the 

water Diana. (See Benv.) In the C. Cassincse 

there is a postilla given by Romanis, ^^omni anno 

mittunt ammirayliosy qui armalee galearum hubent assis- 


(ere, et cum mni ibi propter malum aerum ui phart 
mum mornmtury These were probably Port Ad 
mirals, as the Senesi had not enough galleys fo 
an Admiral to command, so Buti, who explain 
the text of those vain glorious persons, Admiral 
in posse ^ who hoped some day to become so ii 
esse. Talamone was always a losing affair, thougl 
the Senesi climg to their castle building witl 
patriotic tenacity, as we may see in the fresc( 
of a very grand fortress by the sea side, figurec 
in the Sala delle Balestre in the Palazzo Publico 
and lettered in large capitals Talamone, the worl 
of Ambrogio Lorenzetti in 1338. 

With Diana the Senesi were more successful 
the water was found at last, and the well ma) 
be seen in a court -yard of the convent of thi 
Carmine, in the S.W. angle of the city, it is very 
deep ; but, from the Author's personal experience, 
the purity of Diana is not equal to her repu; 


Infin Ik, Ve si rende per ristoro 

Di quel che '1 Ciel della marina asciuga, 
Ond' hanno i fiumi cio che va con loro, 

To appreciate here the science of Dante, we 
may compare his theory of evaporation from the 
waters of the globe, as the primary source of 
rivers, with the notions of his preceptor Brunetto 

Brunetto says (Tesoro lib. ij., c. 36). Above the Earth 
is the water, that is the great sea, called Ocean "di cui 
tutti gli altri mari, e bracci di mare, e fiiime che 80ii<> 
sopra la terra, escono, e tutte le fontane indi naseono^ ® 
quindi nacquero primieramente , et li medesimo ritomano 
a la fine." The Earth, he adds, is hollow in places, anJ 
full of veins and caverns ; and therefore the waters whid 
proceed from the sea, pass to and fro in the Earth, am 



riae within and without, nx the veins lead them here &nd 
there, jnst as tlio blood in the human body is carried by 
tlio veins from head to font, Umnotto also assures ua 
thai tbe sea is tiighcr than the land, and thnt this is the 
csiutt vf nattirtil fountains, tlie element seeking its own 

The only part of this chapter suggestive of a tnie the- 
orv. is tliat which relates to hot sulphurous springs, and 
voUnnic action. When the water comes in contiict with veins 
of Hilpliur, tlic latter, ho says, become very hot, and raise 
the water to an intense heat. And when the air eon- 
QuntMl in these cavorus is thus brouglit into violent action 
with the water and the earth, so great is the force exertod 

a the air to eseaiie, that the ground is burst open, and 
the walls and buildings on it are engulfed. But if the 
mvand nbovo bo so thick and strong that it does not 
gjve way, but only trembles, then we have an earlli- 
qnake. 8vr Brunette's tlieorv was probably due to the 
ejcctitin of water and inud from the crater of Veanvius, 
■Dd its evident connection with the water of the adjoining 
shown during eruptions. 
[eariy three fourths of tlie Earth's surface are covered 
water, the evaporation from which, falling down in 
'crs or mists on tin: land, and percolating through 
irrs in rocks and porous beds, produces springs (Purg, 
VIII., 121 — 3), which, along with the solution of glacial 
and snow on the mountains, are the chief sources of ri- 
I, the waters of which are increased by falls of rain, and 
Ing enow drained into them from the adjacent slopes, 
having contributed to irrigation, nnd to maintaining 
normiu quantity of vapour in the atmosphere, arc 
iwl either into larger nvers, or directly to the sen, 
thn« oveiitiially relumed to the great body of deep 
largo a portion of tlie surface of our 

1 eiivcnng « 

Inliii 1^, 

! si rcnde per ristoro. 


SanguinoBO escc dclla triata selva; 

Uantfi in the courHi; of Iiih grciit Poem explains 
I meaning as lio jjroreetls; anil here we have 
e of those keys to iin allejjorical aeiiHe, which 



he has furnished to reward oui* study and encou- 
rage our diligence. 

In the opening terzetto of the Inferno, the Poet 
finds himself gone astray ^^per una seha oscvrf^ 

Che la diritta via era smarrita. 

At V. 5 it is called ^^quesia selra selvaggid\ and here, 
as the ^^iris^a selva'\ is put for Florence. 

With the early eommentators the selva into which Dante 
had fallen was the ^^setva erronea di questa vila\ the woild 
of sin and sense, the Valley of the shadow of death; and 
the Poet was the sinner exclaiming with king Hezekiih 
"In dimidio dieniin meonini vadani ad portas inferi" 
(Isaias xxxviii., 10). The trc fiiTt were Lust, Pride, and 
Avarice, three supposed besetting sins all attacking him at 
once, though admitted to belong to different periods of 
life. The mount at the end of the valley was that to 
which the Psalmist looked when he exclaimed — "Levari 
oculos meos in montes, iinde veniet auxiliiim mihi. Anri- 
lium lueum a Domino, qui fecit coehim et terram" (Psalm, 
cxx., 1 — 2), and the Sun rising was supposed to mean 
Jesus Christ, the Sun of righteousness (Pd. xxv., W) 
shining on the Apostles (Pd. xxv., 38). 

No political sense was then suspected. As to the three 
representative sins being attributed to Dante, it was re- 
membered that the Poet himself confessed to the second, 
and what he suffered in the upper cornice of Purgatory 
(0. xxvii., 40— ol) was thought to justify imputing to 
him the Hrst, but to charge him with the third was con- 
trary to what they all kne^, for Dante had not then 
attained to the age of avarice, and his subsequent po- 
verty prevented its attacks. 

That the tre fieri, however, did represent three rices 
was as certain as that they infested tne sefva. The Flo- 
rentine Ciacco tells us what were the vices of his fellow 
citizens (Inf. vi., 71 — 5). 

Superbia, invidia, ed avarizia sono 

Le tre faville, clr hanno i cuori accesi. 

Thus identifying the Selva with Florence, an agreement 
subsequently confirmed in the Purgatorj', and showing' 
by analogy, that the Lonza meant, ^^ifnidia'\ A sflva^ 
a locality where aged trees grow thickly together, and 
ferocious animals cons:re<rate. To such the Poet likened 



orence. We thus get the literal and the figurative aonae 
'ended, but there waa also a third, or moral sense,* 
Klva signified a state as well as a plat-e. A disor- 
dered and most dangerous state of political factions, which 
had nearly cost the Poet his life, and from wluch he 
Mi;aned like a sliipwrecked mariner from the perils of 
the deep (Job. XXX,, 14). This state of things was not 
peculiar to Florence, or to Tuscany, it previviled, more or 
less, over all Italy during Dante's life, though it was only 
trom the period of his Priorato, that he became involved 
kin its dangers, and continued so until he finally bade 
^tdicu to parties and politics, and chose a safer and surer 
■«»y of working out his long metUtated regeneration of the 
llbliiin mind. 
' Avarice is set down as tlie more especial vice of priests, 
"i ■*papi cardinali" flnf. vii., 48—8). And the Lupa, its 
rmijof, was eventually applied to the Papacy. (See on 
., 10—15.) When tl»e political sense of the open- 
g Canto of the Inferno, first pointed out by Dionisi, 
BW the attention of commentators, the (re fieri were re- 
rtted as symbols of Florence, France, and Rome. In 

I versatile character of the Lonza, with its speckled 
in. significant of the Bianchi and Neri, we have a 
wbo! of the Florentine people, among whom invidia was 
iDi|Nint (Inf. VI., 49—50), And in the Lupa we may 
icognize the insatiable, wily, and pernicious temporal 

t**er of the napacy, or t}iat unholy spirit which its first 
Saporai ncauisition engendered (Inf. XIX., 115 — 7). It is 
'^ the significant symbol of f hielfism , to which is opposed 
a inonarcbical policy symbolized by tho I'eUro. That 
e Lion was meant for Franco, or Cnarles of Valois, as 

II as for the pride of the Florentines, which eventually 
*caruc the chief impediment to Dante's return to his 
■Hive city, admits to a certain extent of historical evidence, 
'oiigh it dors not harmonize so well with the general 

nry as do the other symbols, 
nifaz* '"^" ■ 1 ■ ■ 

Ronifazio VIII. had long been planing the subjugation 
I *f Florence by the aid of the French prince, but in the 
Bring of 1300, at Easter, before Dante had entered on 

'Dante in his Convito Trat. U, c. 1 describes the four 

pnies in which poetic language is to be understood, the 

\rral, .4llf{/orkiil , Momt. and Anagoffical. See also his 

T to Can grande. Diirandus in his work on Sym- 

n, distinguished four senses also in the Sacred Scrip- 

», Historic, Allegoric, Tropologic, and Anagogic. 


office as Prior, it can scarcely be said that France was 
opposed to him, and less so Carlo di Valois. In fact the 
whole scene in tiie Selva, considered politically, is less ap- 
plicable to the exact time there indicated , than it is tea 
subsequent period when Dante had Florence, France, and 
Rome against him. If, however, we extend the inten'al 
to which this introduction will apply, up to the year 1314, 
before which, by internal evidence, the Inferno was not 
finished, then the political coincidences become more ob- 
vious, but there is still a difficidty about Carlo di Valoi*. 
Dante was drawn, or led, or fell, he scarcely knew 
how, into the perilous arena of political parties when he 
first entered on public life (1297), consequently he was 
in the Selva before he held the office of Prior (1300), and 
for many years after, until he gave up the political 
struggle. It may bo said that in a vision we must not 
expect an exact chronological sequence of events, and 
that it is sufficient if the more important and prominent 
be alluded to. If this be admitted, then there is less 
difficulty about the Lion being symbolical of Carlo di 
Valois. The night which Dante passed in the Selva should 
be understood to include the space of time between his 
banishment (1302), and the restoration of his hopes throng^ 
the coming of the Emperor Henry VII. (1310), the Sun 
to whose rising the Gliibclins looked. (See on Paradise 
XXX., 133—8.) It was at tliis time that Florence so im- 
peded the purpose of Dante, when it refused to senA 
ambassadors to the Emperor, opposed his progress, with- 
stood him in arms, raised comoinations against him, and. 
in league with France and Rome, brought ruin on his- 
expedition, and overturned, for ever, the hopes of the 
Poet, who then might truly say 

Ch' i' perdei la speranza delF altezza. 

It was more especially the Papal Wolf, take it in what- 
ever sense we will, that rendered abortive every attempt 
of Dante and the moderate party to give peace, and order, 
and good government to Florence and Italy.* 

* In 1297 Dante enrolled himself in the companv of 
Physicians and Apothecaries, the Sesta of the Arti Slag- 
giore, to enable nim to take office under the Republic; 
but it seems probable that in the capacity of Ambassador 
to Carlo II. of Naples, he had been employed by the state 
as early as 1295. He held the office of Prior from Jun^ 
15'^ to August 15'^ 1300. Carlo di Valois entered Florence 



Lk ove (oV e) mesticr di consorto divieto. 
Lk ve ('v' c) meetier di consorto divieto. 
Ore (ov" b) mestier di consorto divieto. 
Dove (dov e) meatier di consorto divieto. 

TwKNxy-NlNE CoDici (Rome 11; Brit. M. 10; 
^lor. (Rice.) 3; Siena 3; Oxf. t: aud 0. LibrJ) 
&f»ve for tliese forms respectively 12 examples, 7, 
^, and 5. 

First form — Ci. Brit. 19.587, 10.317; Ci. Vat. 367, 
1776, and C. Ang. lOf, &c. 
Second — Ci. Brit. 943 and 21.163 (di consorH); 
i. V«t. 3199, 4777, &c. 

Third — C. Caet.; C. Vat. 366; Ci. Brit. 839, 932 
(rf( consorle), and C. Libri (di consorti). 

Fourtli — C. Vat. 365; C. Barb. 1535, and C. Ox. 
106 {di cunsorle); C. Brit. 3513, and 22.780 with di 

November 1" 1301. On January 27"' 1302, Dante was 
untcncod to two years banishment, and to pay a fine of 
SOOO lire, this not being paid, his house and etfocts were 
confiscated, and on March 10"' following, himself, and 
otters, were condemned, if taken, to be burnt alive, hi 
1308 he went to France, and probably visited England 
between that year and 1310, when he returned to Italy to 
WwpI the Emperor. In 13U ho was declared by the Re- 
pohtic of Florence to be irremediably banished for ever 
■Vim the city and territory. On September 12"" 1312 the 
fcnperor laid eeige to ilorence. On the 24"' of April 
1313 he died at Buon Convento. Pope Clement V. (fied 
Ajiril 20"' 1314. Dante then no longer delayed to give 
JIp finishing louthea to his Inferno, and to let the world 
Jwve it, and shortly afterwards the Purgatory, and ere 
*^iig (1317) a portion of the Paradise, for the whole of 
*lie I'liem was perfectly arranged in the Poet's mind, 
*nil probably, the greater part of it written out with its 
lut improvements, before any of it was made public. 
After the death of the Emperor, Dante never more^ en- 
tered the Florentine territory, never more sojonmea in 
ihe Valley of tlie Amo, "quella valle", as he says, "che 
' ivea di paura il cuor eorapunto", nor did lie ever 
'' ' I mix himself up in the turmoil of Italian ))olitics. 


Twenty-two printed Editions gave eleven dif- 
ferent forms of the words in this verse, 

La ove (ov' e); Lk 'v' fe; Ove e; Dove e; mestier, 
mistier; consorto, consorte, consorti; divieto, o di- 

The reading of Aldus 

Lk V b mestier di eonsorto divieto? 

was followed by Veil, (ov' fe), Dan., Lombardi, 
Dion., Pog., Ces., Costa, "The Four", Frat, Bian., 
and Witte. 

Benv. has ^^consorie^\ so Buti, with "/>m?' e* and 
''mistier'\ Land, with ''meslicre'. I1ic Ed. 1, 2, 4, 
Vend, and Nid. have the first reading (1, 4 and 
Nid. ''mistier''). The Ed. 3 has ''ove e'\ 

The Accademici printed 

Lk V 6 mestier di eonsorto o divieto? 

Thus making nonsense of the verse, which means 
esclusione di compagno^ as explained in the following 
Canto, verses 44 — 57. 


Si m' ha nostra ragion la mcnto slretta. 
Si m' ha rostra ragion la mente stretta. 

Thirty -SIX Codici (Rome 13; Flor. 8; Paris 
2; Brit. M. 10; Oxf 2; and C. Roscoe) gave for 
the first reading 26 examples, for the second 8, 
and 2 (Ci. Par. 10, and 7255) had "nostra region'!' 

With the first reading. Ci. Vat 365, 366; Ci. 
Brit. 839, 943, 19.587, 22.780 ("mi« mente''):, C. (H. 
106, and the Ci. Rice., &c. 

With the second reading. Ci. Vat. 2359; C. Barb. 
1535; Ci. Brit. 3488, 10.317, 21.163; C. Ox. 109, and 
C. Roscoe, &c. 

Printed Editions. Twenty-three gave 10 for 
the first readinj^, 10 for the second, and 3 for 
"nostra region' (Nid., Lomb., and Costa). By this 


8t we are to understand *'//? bruta decade fiza di 
amagna patria di Guide che parla^\ Romanis altered 
onibardi's reading to the second, the Paduan 
Iditors retained it. 

Ren., the Edi. 1, 2, 3, 4; Vend., "The Four", Frat., 
Bian.y and Wittc have the first reading. Buti, Land., 
Aid., Veil., Dan., the Cnisca, Dion., Cos., Rom., and 
Biagioli have the second, meaning "/a ragione umand". 

The first reading is, I think, better than the se- 
cond , of which "The Fonr" fcike no notice. The 
louls in Purgatory show that they possess "/^ ra- 
fme Nmana^^ in an eminent degree, by the excel- 
ent speeches they make. And it is stated , Canto 
SXV., V. 83 — 4, that they have memory, intel- 
ligence, and will 

In alto, molto pin che prima, acute: 

N'liich may well account for it. 

CANTO XV., VERSI 19-51. 

Pcn-h** s' appnutano i vostri dcsiri 
Dovr |»rr conipagnia |)arto kI accma, 
Invidia miiovo il niantaco a' sospiri. 

Thr Poet having described the fatal effects of 
*r/>//// in tlic two preceding (Santos, here pro- 
'^hIs l»y tlio mouth of Virgil, to point out the 
Jioral cause of it, and to show how it is opposed 
l^ that luiiversal love and good will which is 
rt^lv shared l)v tlie blessed in heaven, and in- 
Tta^is the amount of their collective felicitv 
^*- r»2 r»7). To the question 'How those who 
^"ure in any possession receive more, the greater 
'K-ir number', A'irgil replies in a short philoso- 
'm'ral disrourse. founded on first principles, and 
^*»rthy of the most enlightened Christian Pastor; 
V. r»l 7r>) l)v whieh it is sliown that, as (Jod 
^ love, and imparts this divine beatitude accord- 
ng to the capacity of the soul to receive it, the 


happiness of all in that blissful communion be- 
comes greater the more there are to partake of it, 
and to reflect it on one another v. 67 — 75. 

Qiieir infinite ed ineffabil bene 
Che lassu fe, cosi eorre ad amore, 
Come a lucido corpo raggio viene. 

Tan to si dk, quanto trova d^ardore; 
Si che quantunque caritk si stende, 
Cresce sovr' essa 1' etemo valorc. 

E quanta gcntc piii lassii s' intende, 

rii v' e da bene amare^ e pii vi s' ama, 
E come specchio I'uno air altro rende. 

Felicitious description of that blessedness which God has 
prepared for them that love Him! As philosophical and 
profound; as it ts beautifully and happily expressed; and 
showing that the Poet had familiarizea his mind wiUi the 
joys of heaven while still winding his way up the peiu- 
tential mound. No Physician of souls ever prescribed t 
better antidote to the world's most deadly poison, tbBO 
did Dante Allighieri in these immortal verses. 


Del cui nonio tie Dei fu tanta lite, 
Del cui norae (ra' Dei fu tanta lite, 

Forty- FIVE Codici (Rome 26; Siena 3; Paris 
2; Brit. M. 10; Oxf. 2; C. Libri and C. Roscoe) 
gave 40 examples of the first reading, 5 of the 
second (Ci. Vat. 477R, 7566; Ci. Cors. 60, and 
368; and C. Brit. 3513). 

Ci. Vat. 365, 366, 3199 &c., C. Caet, C. Ang. 
10|; C. Barb. 1535; C. Ox. 106, &c. were among 
the Codici with the first reading. 

Twenty Printed Editions, including all tto 
early ones, gave 4 for the reading "/rfl' Dei^\ Bnfii 
Land., Veil., and Fraticelli , "/r/7/", 1 837, "/hr i"" 
1860. The others had the ordinary reading. 

The reading "/rtf' Bet^^ has not hitherto be«i 
noticed, I think it is better than fra\ and macli 
better than "«^' De^. 

PmiGATOBIO. 235 


VERSI 58—114. 

lo sentia voci, e ciascuna pareva 
Pregar per pace, e per misericordia, 
L' Agnel di Dio, che le peccata leva. 

Pure Agnus Dei eran le loro esordia. 

After Pride and Envy, the offence of Anger 
eceives absolution, and, as in the former balzo, 
he spirits of the air recount the opposite virtue, 
lo here of irascibility ^'van solvendo '1 nodo". 

In this canto, v. 58 — 114, we have the famous 
political discourse of Marco Lombardo on the 
evil influence of the Pope's temporal power, to 
which the description of imidia and its effects, in 
the forgoing cantos, formed the introduction. 
Dante asks the reason why 

Lo mondo fe ben cosi tutto diserto 
D' ogni virtute — 

in order, as he says — ^^cK to la mostri al(rui^^\ 

Che nel Cielo uno, ed un quaggiu la pone. 

A question which under a seeming simplicity 
Covers a deep design. Marco replies with all the 
wisdom which clironiclers have given him credit 
for. iVfter a preliminary sigh, he proceeds, as 
is usual with Dante on great occasions, to draw 
his argument from first principles, assuming the 
fi'eedom of the will as a necessary consequence 
^f the justice of the Deity, thus showing the error 
^f predestination , along with the false notion of 
^he fatal influence of the stars. 

The soul is described as issuing from the hands 
of its Creator, with a natural desire for that which 
gratifies it, hence is apt to mistake in its choice, 
irlience laws become necessary to guide it, and 
an executive to enforce them, and thus we arrive 
8t the gist of Marco's discourse — That the un- 


holy union of temporal with spiritual power in 
the Popes, is the source of fill the evils which 
afflict both Church and State. A proposition 
confirmed by St. Peter from his place in heaven, 
when, glowing with celestial ^vl•ath he denounces 
with vehement indignation this hateful aposfcicy 
in his unworthy successors (See on Pard. XXVII., 

The services, however, which the Papacy ren- 
dered to modern Europe as it rose into existence 
from the ruins of the Roman Empire, can never 
be forgotten. But society outgrows what it needed 
in its leading strings, and new arrangements are 
necessary for its continued well being. So of 
Italy. As temporal inilers the Popes were no 
worse than their neighbours, and often much 
better. The arguments used to show the evil 
effects of the union of the sword with the pastorale 
have been confimied bv the results of five him- 


dred years more, and, at length, the former has 
passed into the temporary hands of a foreign 
host in its transition to the Italian government. 

CANTO XVL, YER^l 119-120. 

Per quahmque lasciasse, per vergog^iia 
Di ragionar co' biioni, o d' appressarsi. 

SiXTY-FH'E CoDici cxamiucd (Rome 37 ; Florence 
10; Brit. M. 11; Siena 3; Oxf. 3, and C. Roscoe^ 
gave the following result. The C. Barb. 1535 
had ^^Da quahnxqm* lassasse'\ and the C. Cors. 60 
^^Per riascuno chc lassasc'. With the exception of 
lassasse for lasciasse there was no other variation 
of V. 119; but of V. 120 were found the varia- 
tions "<?' appressarsi'' (4), and 'V d' appressarsi^^ (€). 
The former C. Cors. 1365, and tlu'ee Ci. Cliig.; 
the latter Ci. Rice. 1024, 1027, 1033; Ci. Sen. 


JO, 31 ; and C. Brit. 932. C. Brit. 22.780 has 
'o da c/ios/arsi'^^'j and C Brit. 3581, "^ apresiarsf^ 
writh a "i?. apresarsi'\ 0. Brit. 943 has ^^c\i\ others 
have ^^con^\ 

Twenty-three printed texts gave five variations 
of V. 120. "<? d^ appressarsi'\ as Ben.; Ed. 1, 2, 
4; Vend., Aid., Veil., Dan., the Cms., Pog., Biag., 
Rom., "The Four", Bian., and Witte. 'V/ appres- 
mrsf\ as Buti and Landino. *'^ad apprcssarsi^ as 
the Nidob., Lomb., and Costa, ^^o appressarsV\ as 
in Ed. 3, and lastly 'W appressarsn^ as Dionisi 
and Fraticelli. The latter reading is noticed by 
"The Four" in their text , as one approved of by 
them; and it is, I think, the best. 


Ricorditi, letter, so mai nelP alpe 
Ti colse nebbia, per la qual vedessi 
Non altrimenti, one per pelle talpe; 

In the amount of vision here ascribed to the mole, we 
luive another instance how much Dante's knowledge as 
i Naturalist surpassed that of his contemporaries and 
Juecessors. Until very lately the mole was considered to 
^e blind. Brunetto Latini says of it (Tesoro 1. v., c. 64) 
*Et sapiate, che la talpa non vede lume, die natura non 
'olle adoperare in lei d' aprire le pelli de suoi occhi si 
■he non vede niente, per che non sono aperti. Ma ella 
»*e<le con la mente de cuore, tanto che ella vae, come se 
*Ila havesse occhi." That the mole possessed rudimentary 
■yes, covered and hidden by the thick skin and the fur 
^ver them, was well known to Aristotle, who describes 
teir parts very accurately (De Animalibus Hist. 1. IV., 
J. 2), and mentions two nervous connexions between these 
indeveloped eyes and the brain "Sunt enim a cerebro, 
jua conjungitur cum medulla, meatus nervosi duo validi, 
|tti juxta ipsas oculorum sedes decurrentes terminantur 
d superiores exsertos dentes."* But though from these 

• Taylor has rendered the passage in Aristotle, begin- 
jig ilal yuQ ano xov iyx8q)dkov, etc., as if he had received 
hint from some physiological friend. "From that part 

238 PUBQ4T0K10. 

Htatcmcnts it miglit be inferred that the aiunial had soot 
faint faculty of vision, Aristotlo aftiiius positively Uial it 
cannot sec at all "omnino onim non videt". Pfiny wj* 
the eaue thing "Quadrupediim talpis viaus non est: ocu- 
lorum effigies inest, si miis praetcntam detrahat membn- 
nam." (Lib. xi., 52.) Virgil, however, took away their eje*: 

Aut oculia capti fodere cubilia talpic. 
It was reserved for modem science to demonstrate th* 
accuracy of Dante, and the tmth of his description. N*' 
only hae the mole eyes, and nervous filaments passing 1^ 
them from the base of the brain, but it can see, atleuli 
to distinguish light from darkness, which is all the miw* 
of vision thp natural habits of the animal require,' aUIs^ 
Kdwards (EliJmens de Zoologie, 1834) states "Anasi loan 
yeux Bont-ils rdduits a un ^tat do petitesse extreme ^ 
ne paraisscut-ils pouvoir dietinguer que la lumi^n in 
I'obscuritfi. Ces organes somblent mcme manqner i'ti 
nerf optique proprement dit, e ne devoir leur sensibility 
■lu'h ime Dranche du trifacial." M' Robert Gamer, in *, 
the "Natural History Review" (vol. Vi, 1659, p. 154) speakiif | 
of the eye of the mole, says "However, tliis eve wo bfr 
HcvG to have a true but minute optic nerve, as describe 
by Cams and Treviranus, and which apponrB to whitfli 
under the action of alcohol." "The optic lobes or corpcn. 
quadrigemina are f^rly developed, though the {wEterim 
ones are not so well marked, but still more ao, apparently) 
than they would be, if they were only related to the KIW 
of light." 

The sense of smell in the mole is very acute, anclfti 
is that of sound: Thus Shakspoare — 

Pray you tread softly, that the blind mole may n 
Hear a foot fall. 

in which the brain is conjoined with the optic nerve, t*0|l 
nervous and strong avenues extend to the seat of At 
eyes, and are terminated in the upper teeth of tlic inoU-' . 
Aristotle, like Hippocrates before nim, confounded nerve 
with tendons: it was nearly a century later tlmt Hcn)|At-' 
lus, of Carthage, hrst demonstrated the nerves, but eTS> 
he still described the optic nerves as the optic jmres. (Seft 
ilamilton's Hist, of Medicine, Vol. I., p. 84.) 

*The Tafpa cteca, found by M. Savi in tlie ApenfdMli 
is smaller than the common mole, Tiilpa Europwa, botfte 
eyelids have also an opening, though less than in dM 
former. (See Diet, Univ. d'Hist. Nat, par M. C d'Orbigny-] 



CANTO XVll., VERSI 91-139. 

The MctH physical and Moral Philosophy of 
Dniitc arc derived from tlic fundiiniental truths 
«if Rt-asuii, as developed by Aristotle, and cou- 
firuicd by CliriBtian Ethics. Every sentient and 
rational creature desires its own good. — It is a 
fundamental law of Nature that all living things 
seek it Plants organically; Aninials organically 
Mid instinctively: Human beings, orgaiiicaily, in- 
stinctively and rationally. Dante condenses the 
utciits of volumes into sentences. 
Ni creator, nk crcatura mai, 

Comincifi ei, tigliuol, fu (tcnzn amorc, 
O natnrak^ o d niiimu; e tu 1 aid. 

b11 might Virgil say that Dante knew tliis. In 

I Convito (Trat. lU., c. I, 2; and l\^, c. 22) 

have the same thing stated more fully in 

I the good which sentient creatures seek, the 
Bona] only can err, and the Poet proceeds to 
bw how, 94—102. 

By "fflHimo" U undf-rstood "salamenlc quello che spella 

r paric raziaiuilet Hoe la voloniii e lo intelMtu" (Trat. IV., 

Tlic ap)>cUte of the animo, which tlie Greeks call 

ten (c. 21) is th« first and tntott noble off-shoot which 

lat forth; its earliest direction is the result of a senlioiit 

hence, "ntl prmciph guaai ti mostra turn dmmile a guello 

tjwr da naturn nuHiimrnle viene"; but subscqucntlv it 

iM under Uie iniluonee of rational and moral tnotivos, 

I U>e "umani tippelili per diverti colli tlal principio sc ne 

Kt, r utto atlii culle e pietlo c/ie nm mena alia nostra pace." 

Clove is the grent prime mover, io die clforts made to 

' I that which wo most desire, it beeumca tlto source 

sry virtue, and of every vice (103 — 5). 

\a\e had already defined Uic love of the human soul 

"wuaumUt tpHiluale. dell' anima e dtUa cosa amala; 

I tmimetilo di jnapria sua nalura fanhniM rarre Imlo 

\fBmdoche e libera o im/icdi/a" (Trat. III., c. 2)> 

^ by Uic (Cnuit law of Natun-, desircH it« own good 

, uid loving itaelf, it naturally Iovca tlie source 


from whence it proceeded, its first cause (109 — 111% 
without which it woidd not have been, for if it were to 
do otherwise, it woidd hate itself, which is contrary to 
nature and irrational. 

The mind perceives itself in itself, and knows itself 
through itself. Hence the knowledge thus obtained is the 
most perfect of any, and it is thus led to the conviction 
of the existence of a supreme mind whence its own is 
derived. Aristotle's idea of Deity was of an eternal, ne- 
cessary, indivisible Substance, of essential energy, the 
tirst cause of all motion, working by love, and he con- 
ceived that in the exercise and contemplation of this 
energy, the ineffable felicity of Deity consisted. (See Pari 
II., 127-136; VII., G4-6G; XIII., 52-58, etc.) Kant 
has stated, what is a felt conviction, that the idea of 
Deity is necessary to perfect and crown the system of 
human cogitation. From the necessity of the conception, 
the necessity of the reality follows, and "i7 ben deli* w- 
(elletto^^ thus revealed to the mind only, is desired as its 
supreme good. 

The soul when free to follow its own innate 
impulse, turns with joy to its Creator, and this 
affords an evidence of its divine origin, and is 
a promise of its immortality. 


L' animo, ch* e create ad amar presto. 
Ad ogni cosa c mobile clie place, 
Tosto die dal piacere in atto e desto. 

Dante here expresses a simple fact, and re-^ 
peats what had been said on this subject in th^ 
Convito (Trat. III., 2) that love is the spiritual 
union of the soul with the thing loved, by wliich 
one may know what is in the soul, beholding 
what it loveth. 

The ^^poienze' of the soid are three ^'livere, sentire e 
rag onare' \ "muovere e una potenzia congiimta col sen- 
tire." The "sensitiva e fondamento della intellettiva, cioe 
(lella ragione'; and in virtue of reast)n the soul ^^partidpn 
della divina nalura a guha di sempiterna Intelligenza/ In 


the soul are many faculties {virtu)^ which united constitute 
mind [mente) , but the will {volonia) is not included in 
these, when that is spoken of by Dante in conjunction 
with intellect; the word animo is used. Menie "e quella 
fine e preziosissima parte delP anima, che fe Dietade." 

Pietro di Dante remarks in his Commentary (p. 52) 
"Est in anima similitudo Trinitatis, scilicet mens, notitia 
et amor. Quae mens est ilia pars animse quae pereminet 
ei, ut tectum domui. Nam anima dicitur anima in quan- 
inm corpus vivificat, et dum cupit, dicitur animus y dum 
wV, dicitur mens, dum recolit, dicitur memoria, dum judi- 
cat, ralio, dum spirat, spiriiusy He also states, that as 
the soul derives its origin from God, it ought, naturally, 
to desire to return to Him again (p. 21), "existens m 
mundo isto ut peregrina quasi in cammino." At first the 
soul is "ut tabula rasa, in qua nihil est depictum". Hence 
Dante says — v. 55—59 

— la onde vegna lo 'ntelletto 

Delle prime notizie, uomo non sape, 
E de' primi appctibili V aflfetto, 

Che sono in voi, si come studio in ape 
Di far lo mele: 

That is, there are no innate ideas, but there is the capa- 
city to receive impressions, to reflect on them, and to 
l^orni ideas from them, and these are to be regarded as 
ultimate facts — the theory of Aristotle and Locke: 

e qiiesta prima voglia 
Merto di lode, o ai biasmo non cape. 

CANTO XVni., VERSI 49-54. 

Ogni forma sustanzial, che setta 
E da materia, ed e con lei unita, 
Specifica virtude ha in se colletta, 

La qual scnza operar non e sentita, 
Ne si dimostra, ma che per effetto. 
Come per verdi fronde in pianta vita: 

Dante's admiration and respect for '';7 macsiro 

\ a color che sannd\ who then reigned m the Scliools, 

is shown throughout the entire Divina Conunedia. 

Everywhere his authority is either directly 

ippealed to, or tacitly admitted, and even the 



essence of Sacred tilings is distilled tlirough the 
alembic of Aristotle and his Arabian commenta- 
tor. Plato, however, is not forgotten, his more 
spiritual doctrine is occasionally introduced to 
modify that of his pupil. Plato called the «- 
teUigible or essential forms of things, ideas {idim) 
and regarded them as the eternal archetj'pes 
subsisting in the I )ivine Reason , from whom they 
emanate. The union of these with matter con- 
stituted, in his system, the objective realit}' of 
bodies. Plato and Aristotle both regarded matter 
as eternal , but this was not body. (See on Pard. 
IL, 106—8.) 

It was primitive matter without quality or form, 
but capable of receiving all qualities and fomis, 
itself eternal, shapeless, and confused. Out of this. 
7V> y/;'«fror, the CJood, created all things, accord- 
ing to their })reexisting types. Aristotle discarded 
the ideas of Plato. With him nature takes pre- 
cedence, and is the sum of all existing things. 
He places matter first, which is similar to tbat 
of Plato, then follows form, as the second prin- 
ciple, or that which makes any thing to be what 
it is. Matter and form therefore are the constiuient 
princi})les of things, with which an accidental 
condition, privation^ is associated that may or may 
not be. Form is here a mere name, though re- 
garded as a substantial reality, or as somethinj^ 
subsisting per se. J)ante uses the words ^''form^ 
siistanziar for the human soul , as having a distineC 
subsistence fi'om matter, but it is evident tlia*!^ 
the notion of such a substantiality iuiplies, i^ 
not the idea of Phito, at least somethinff verv^ 
like it, as existing in the Divine Reason onlv ^ 
The Author of Psalm CXXXVIU. (Ed. Vulg.7 
speaks in this sense. Mental conception does no "^ 
imply objective reality. There are but two kind * 
of existences, or states of being of which w 


have any knowledge, the ideal and the material, 
of the former the mind alone takes notice, the 
hitter is known by means of the senses. The 
conventional forms used to convey the objects 
of tliought, and enable us to reason about them, 
he they words, letters, or figiu'es, are no part 
of the things themselves. Nor is there such a 
thinor as form separated from matter, save that 
^^'liich is ideal, or imaginary, and present to mind 
only. (See on C. XXV., v. 61—66; 79-108.) 


Or, perche a auesta ogni altra si raccoglia, 

Innata v' e la virtu che conaiglia, 

E deli' assenso de' tener la soglia. 
Quest' fe il principio, lii onde si piglia 

Cagion di men tare in voi, secondo 

Che buoni e rei amori accoglie e viglia. 

The first impulse of the soul is natural, as is 

tho capacity to be moved ; but the moveable power 

is Kiibject to tlie will, which, in tlic natural order 

<rf things, is subject itself to the highest faculty 

t>^ all, the divine element, reason — so Milton, 

"in the soul 
Are many lesser faculties that 8ei'\"e 
Reason as chief:" 

This brings on tlie subject of the freedom of the 
^^'ill, which the Poet siuns up in, few words — 

Innata v' e la virtu che consiglia, 
E dell' assenso de' tener la so<(lia. 

The will may assent or not; but whatever is done 

'\V the individual, as his own act, is done with 

^'<>nseiit of the wnll, which is naturally free to 

choose — 

Color che ragi<mando andaro al fondo, 
S' aceorser d' esta innata libertate, 
Peri) moralita lasciaro al mondo. v. 67—9. 



Cudworth in his treatise on "Free wilP', (Parker. 1S3S) 
says (p. 26- Ch. VIII.) "It is a very material question 
which Aristotle starteth — 'What is it that first moveth in 
the soul and setteth all the other wheels on work? Tliat 
is — What is that vital power and energy which the soul 
first displayeth itself in , and which in order of nature pre- 
cedes all its other powers, it implying them, or setting 
them on work?" 

Dante reasons on this question better than the Author 
of "the Intellectual system", who thus continues, 

"We conclude, that the ro TtQcitfog xivovv^ that which 
first moveth in us , and is the spring and principle of all 
deliberative action, can be no other than a constant, rest- 
less, uninteiTupted desire, or love of good as such, and 
happiness. Tliis is an ever bubbling fountain in the 
centre of the soul, an elater or spring of motion, botli a 
primum and perpe/uum mobile in us, the first wheel that 
sets all the other wheels in motion, and an everlasting 
and incessant mover. God, an absolutely perfect being, 
is not this love of indigent desire, but a love of over 
flowing fulness and redundancy, communicating itself." 

Cudworth's remarks form here a commentary on Dante. 
"There are several things which have a face and mien, 
or alluring show, and promising aspect of good to vj^ 
(p. 29). Many of these he enumerates and concludes the 
list with Avhat is most excellent ''knowledge, and truth, 
in opposition to the evils of ignorance, folly, and enror, 
since no man would willinglv be foolish, no man would 
err or be mistaken." Ho tlien adds — "But above all 
these, and such like things, the soul of man hath in i^ 
(idvrav^d rt, a certain vaticination, presage, scent, aa** 
odor of one summum honum, one supreme highest ff^^ 
transcending all others, Avitliout Avhich they Avill be a^* 
ineflectual as to complete happiness." 

The love and desire of good, as good, in general, *•* 
not a more passion or horme, but a settled principle, *tl^^ 
verj' source, fountain, and centre of life." (See on Par^' 
v., 19-24.) 



Ncir orn clie nun jiinS I cnlor dim-no 
Intiepidar piii il iVeddo dt'lla luna, 
Vinto da Terra o talor da .Satiimo; 

Tlie Ancients helievccl tliat the moon radiated 
i'mM; tliia notion ))revailed amonjf tlie Sanskrit 
ti{>eakin^ neoiile of India, as anioiij? the Greeks; 
and i.s still a popidar error. Tlie increased cold 
felt on flear mooulijrlit nights is explained by 
the free radiation of heat from the earth , without 
the interposition of clouds to radiate any portion 
uf it back again. Dante would seem to have been 
aware that the ground of a night becomes colder 
ihan the air in contact with it, by his expression 
C/JWw */a Terra. The planet Saturn was also be- 
lieved to be of a cold influence, and to have 
an Hjtprcciablc effect on our atmosphere when 
above ilie horixon. Modern observations have 
shown that the moonlight i:^ capable of producing 
beat (See Cosmos Vol. IV.) The coldest time is 
about an boiu" before daybreak, when, according 
l« TjAndino, we are more under the influence of 
the stars than at any other time, and hence the 
Gcomanti choose this hour for their mode of 
divination, at the ri.-sing of Aquarius and Pisces, 


\o voUi gli oochi III tmon ma(^i>trn i^ meiitre 
Vi>ci ffimc ttirnae mirgi o vioiii : 

lo vftlKi gli ■■eclii ir 7 buon maestro almen Ire 
S'oci /' ho metse dicca surgl r vimi: 

f orrr-ONK CoDtci examined on tliis verse — 

_ itom e 17; Florence 7; Siena 3; Brit. M. 10; OsiorA 

^k^KBoscoe and C. Labri • 


gave for tlie rcacliiijr of v. 34, ''al buon maestro r 
mentre' 2S Codici : for the reading 'v Ubtion maestro 
almen ire'^ 13 Codici. 

Among the former wore Ci. Vat. 365, 367, 4776. 
4777; C. Ang. Of; Ci. Brit. 943. 932, 3513, 10-317; 
Ci. Ox. 106, 109; C. Kos., ami C. Lib. 

Among the latter Ci. Vat. 366: 3199; C. Barb. 
1535; C. Min. d. IV. 1; C. Ang. io|; C. Caet.; Ci. 
Brit. 839, 19.5S7, 21.163, and 22.7S(K 

^^Mossi^^ for vo/si was found once only in the first 
reading, C. Brit. 943; four times in the seeond. 
" Virgilio'' for maestro occuiTed 6 times in the first 
reading, 5 in the second. C. Brit. 3513 has 'V 
mio maestror 


In V. 35 ^^comc dicesse' mostly accompanies "/?/" in the 
fii"st reading of v. 34: "/* ho mcssc dicea' goes along with 
"£? 7". But in the C. Vat. 32(^0, the latter is found witli 
the first reading of v. 34, and in the C. Brit. 19.5S7 the 
first of V. 34 is found with the second of v. 35. 

Printkd Editions. Here also the readin«rs be-* 
long to two classes; tlie first, or earlier, as in 
the Edi. I, 2, 3, 4, Vend., and Xid.; the second, 
or later, as in Land., Veil., Aid., Crnsca, etc. The 
Ottimo also indicates the first reading which is, 
no doul)t, the more correct one. 

In V. 35 there are a few slight differences. Ed. 1, .3 
and 4 have ''come se (ifcesi>i"\ Ed. 2 has '*voce cofnesse (ft- 
cea surge e licni'i and tlic Xid. **i'oc/ comcssc disse/^ Beu. 
and Buti have the second reading. Landino has, 

'*Io volsi gl' ochi et el mio maesti*' almentre 
Voci to messe et dieea surgi et vieni": 

Aldus, (»r rather his Editor, who fixed the text such as it 
remained for three hundred years, i>r nearly so, printed 

I volsi gli ocelli: e '1 buon Virgilio, al mentre 
Voei t* ho messe, dieea: surgi, e vieni: 

So also Rovillio. But Daniello gave ''Almen fre'\ and 
with this alteration the versos have ever since appeared, 
except in the Ed. Udine, Is23. Dionisi put a semicolon 
after vieni; '*the Four" a comma, and so Witto who has 
^^mussi" for roisi. 


Viviani restored the first reading, showing that ^^vocV\ 
or "^focvT is a verb, though no other example is known 
of it. Varchi in his "Ercolano'^ (Ed. Fir. 1730; p. 80) 
says that the verb bociarc, in Tuscan, though it signifies 
^''chiamare uno forte per ucceilarlo^ e fargli baia, sebbene si 
pifflia (incora per dare una t^oce at alcuno, cioe chiamarlo 
f'orie'\ and Pietro Rcmbo (**Lo Prose etc.'' Verona 1743, 
|». 177^ remarks of B and V "ehe spcsse volte si piglia 
una per altra"; of which interchange, Salviate, in nis 
•*Avvertimonti etc." (Venezia 1584, lib. III., p. 292) under 
th** title **I)elle parentele, e amista tra le lettere'^ gives 
many examples as voce for boce^ boio for vo/o, bomicare for 
romicare etc., so that vociare for bociare would only be 
analogous to these; but not so vocire. 

The reading ^^almcn tre voci /' ho mcsso\ is cer- 
tainly not (hmtesqiie , and as it is much more 
proh<1ble that the Poet >\T()te "//? vobi gli occhC\ 
than ^"lo mossf gli ocvhC\ the former of which re- 
quires the comj)leti()n of the sentence witli 'W 
huon muesfni\ I think v. \\\ ought to stand tlms, 
whatever reading be preferred for the following 
*uu', whether vori or vori as in the C. Vat. 3200, 

I<» vols! gli occhi al bu<»n Virf^ilio e uiontre 
V<»ci t' ho niesse dicca surgi c vieni. 

'^Vw on tills suhieet nlso (V^sari and Mianchi. 

'■!«• reading *V' apvrtn' in v. .'<(> with Dionisi and 

'^•tt^'. is better than """la portn^^ of 'Hhe Four", 

^'» ^ iii.rli loiind in C'odici of authority, or than 

' tiptrfii^ of Aldus, the Crusca, and Lombardi. 

(\\NTo XIX. VKKso :»:,. 

Vsi\ ii»: (Mill tantu suspicinn ta iniii 
Kd i<»: con tanta sos/wrtton ta iniii 
Va\ io: con tanta snspcnsion fa iriiii 

1\vi:m v-si:vi:n Conici (lionie !;">; Hrit. M. II; 
""*^id (\ Koseoe) gave for tliese respective readings 
* ^ . \K and 7 examples. 

r* nadin*:. Ci. Hrit. 10..^)^7. 'XVli d Vat. 2S65 
..siispizion), .'U*J7 sitspitiun), so also 4777, 360 {^sospic- 


cion). Ci. Brit. 10.317 and 21.163 sospiiion and so$- 

2"** reading. Ci. Brit. 943, 3460 {sospeccion) ; Ci. Vat. 
365, 3199 (sospeccion), and so also C. Ang. lOf. 

3'^* reading. C. Caet., Ci. Vat. 4776, 3200, 367; 
C. Barb. 1535; Ci. Brit. 3488, 3459. 

Printed Editions. Out of twenty-four consulted 
not one had the third reading, thougli it is given 
by "The Four", as a variantc of the C. Pogg., 
and affirmed to be that of Aldus 1515. Now 
the reading of Poggiali is sospeccion^ and he says 
in his notes ^^ Sospcccionc dal latino sustantivo 
suspicio vale proprianiente sospeUo\ qui al v. 55. 
per metonimia vale tcnsionc di spiriio\ The read- 
ing of Aldus, 1515, is 

Et io; con tanta suspition fa imii 

as in Rovillio , and the Bembo Codice in the Va- 
tican (3197). 

The following list will sIioav how the readings 
are affiliated. 

YA.\j\ sospeccion, Ruti sospizion, Bon. smpicioifi 

Vend, sospeccion, Kd. 2 sospi/ion, Aldus siispiiifi*^ 

Nid. sospectiON, Ed. l\ sospicion, '*Thc Four" sitspizwrti 

Crus. sospeccion, hsiwd. sospiiion^ Bian. snspizio^^ 

Lomb. sospeccion, Veil, sospe/ion^ Witte suspi:i(f'*' 

Dion, sospeccion, Dan. sospiction, 

Ces. sospeccion, Frat. sospicion, 

so also Costa, Pogg.? Viv., and Martini. 

Sospecrione^ sospiccione^ sospczionc, sospizionc^ and sHSp^' 
zione all have the same meaninji;' in the Vocab. of the 
Crusca — sospctlo. We arc not, however, to suppose 
that a sense of mistrust, nuich less of futiu'e evil, 
is what Dante meant, but merely an impression 
of doubt, un credere eon dubitaziorw^ hence the word 
sospee/ion is ])referable to suspizion^ and probably 
sospension would be better than either, as more 
definitely etmveying what the Poet intended to 


CANTO XX., VERSI 10—15. 

Maladetta sie tu, antica lupa, 

Che pill che tutte V altre bestie hai preda, 
Per la tua fame senza fine cupa! 

O ciel, nel cui girar par che si creda 
Le condizion di quaggiu trasmutarsi ^ 
Quando verrk per cui questa disceda? 

Dante in his letter to Cane della Scala, the 
irst and most valuable of all commentaries on 
the Divina Commedia arid its necessary intro- 
duction, has said that, putting aside all subtile 
distinctions and investigations of different senses, 
the object of Iris poem may in few words be 
thus stated — **quod finis totius et partis est, 
removere viventes in hac vita de statu miseriae, 
et perducere ad statum felicitatis." This funda- 
mental principle is recognized by Boccaccio and 
all the early commentators , and by it we must be 
guided to the meaning of the Lupa, "/« des/ia senza 
P^ce^\ which has a much larger sense than what 
^s commonly imdcrstood by avarice only. Hoc- 
^aeeio likened the tre fieri^ as the best adaptation 
'ici could rind, ^'^alU tre noafri prlncipali neviici ^ rioe 
1^ varne, il mondo^ e H fUavol6'\ understanding by the 
ff^nza the lusts of the flesh: by // /eo/ie the pride 
'^f life; and by /a lupa the devil. The moral and 
folinrious sense of the Divina Commedia, in rela- 
tion to man, embraces the whole human race, 
l^nd though it has an cs])ccial reference to Italy, 
's equally applicable to all the rest of the 
World. To the voracious lust of power, domi- 
nion, gain, and whatever else is coveted with 
avidity, or sought after with violence and ra- 
pacity, with deceit arjd cunning, the ''^Lupa^ must 
be likened. 

Whether with Buti we tr«ice its prcdeitory doings 
o the time of Cain, or with Benvenuto and others 


to the records of Eden, or to the still earlier 

prehistoric attempt of Lucifer, this beast is still 

the ^^aniica lupa^\ ^^mnladetta^'* from time imme- 

The personality of the VeUro, the antagonist to the 
Lupa^ i8 shadowed forth in the remarks of the earliest 
expounders, but without a definite form, and long before 
any thing of the sort was attributed to the latter. With 
some, the Veltro was supposed to be Jesus Christ, witb 
others a sidereal influence operating on all mankind, or 
on some chosen individual .of humble parentage, who, as 
a divine messenger, was to effect a moral regeneration of 
the world, and especially of Italy and Rome (Inf. I., 106). 
On this point all the commentators were agreed, and 
the Ottimo w^ell expresses their opinion — "Are, che fia 
questo VeifrOy universale Signorc^ salute ed esaltazione di If alia." 
Benvenuto da Imola says "// venluro principe sard la prin- 
cipalc salute deir Italia, e specialmente di RomaS' And Bar- 
gigi — ^^Viene a dire., che questo grand' uomo salvera Roms^ 
che^ considerata f altezza nella quale gid /u, appare umiltam 
e vetiula al basso, e tirannizzala pOi che gli altri paesi'\' this 
is very like, what we find in Pietro Allighieri. But how 
any individual was ever to drive the evil beast, 

Che mai non empie la bramosa voglia, 

back again to Hell, 

La, onde invidia ])rima di|>artilla, 

was not easy to explain: Jacopo della Lana, who took 
the Veltro to signify liberality (larghezza), as opposed to 
avarice, states — "<.)r dice che questo signore reggera.lo 
mondo atanta larghezza che questa avaritia non sera nel 
nnrndo ma ritornera alio inferno: del qual luogo lo dc- 
monio ])er la invidia alia natura overo spetie humana la 
dusse nel mondo." What Jacopo meant by this he pro- 
bably did not know himself. Benvenuto's hypothesis tf 
not more satisfactory — "scacciera da ogni parte i sacer- 
doti avari." 

Invidia is here exi)lained by Pietro Allighieri, *'id e»t 
niabolus'*, and he (piotes the Book of Wisdom (c. II., v. 24) 
as his authority for this, taking^ the envy of the evil-w* 
to be synonymous with his person. Boccaccio was mow 
consistent. The tre fieri are found in Jeremiah (c. V^ 
V. 6), and the Lion and the Wolf are introduced by 
Boethius as figurative of pride and avarice. 


But these symbolical correspondencies arise from an 
uitive perception of analogous relations between the 
iracters and actions of men and those of animals. The 
olf, as a symbol, frequently occurs in Scripture. Its 
lelty and ferocity, conibined vdth its cunning and cow- 
lice, under the influence of a Avide spread superstition, 
idered it, in a popular sense, suggestive of the enemy of 
mkind. It was once so much the terror of the British 
C8, that the Devil himself could scarcely have been more 
Well, therefore, might Giovanni Boccaccio be dis- 
sed to recognize him in this character. 

Brunetto Latini says of the female wolf when in heat, 
nolti lupi vanno dopo la lupa. Alia fine la lupa se da 
piu laido che vi sia.'' This remark reads very sug- 
stive of Dante's verse, 

Molti son gli animali, a cui s'ammoglia, 

id its application. 

WTicn the personality of the Veltro had been established, 
became necessary to find some one to stand for the 
upa. Various coincidences combincid to effect this. From 
le earliest period of Roman history, a she-wolf had been 
ie ensif^ of the Curia Romana. We may still see on 
le Capitol an antique wolf of Etruscan art, lean and 
aik, suckling the twin infants of Roman romance. The 
ialian word CNe/f had its origin in the old Saxon name 
»r ro//*. The Guelfs by Dante are called Wolves (UWe) 
Inf. XXXIII., '2\)^, and they looked up to the Pope for sup- 
«rt, like the lupicini to their venerable dam. 

The CJuelfs and the Ohibolins were mortal enemies^ like 
'olvos and dogs, however near of kin, or descended the 
ne from the other. The Vcllro, the (jhibelin hero, had 
T his antagonist the Lupa, It was the Emperor versus 
\^ Popo — the monarchical prinei])le against the pa])al 
rincij)I<i, and as the former s])irit was not confined to 
nc, neither was the latter, but (filtered into n)any (Pard. 
., l.*V>; xxvn., r)5). Other considerations also assisted the 
Jution. The enormous ambition shown by the papacy, 
5 frreadiness to obtain secular rule and aggrandizement, 
e personal avarice of many Popes, the cruel and per- 
muting spirit which Rome launched against those who 
Fered from her in their religious convictions and politi- 

views; the divisions thus fomented, and the hatred 
s excited, all helped to indicate who or what was po- 
ally signified by the symbolical Lupa. 



Come, diss' egli, e parte andavam forte, 
(Jome, diss egli, e perche andale forte, 

Twenty-six Codici (Rome 14; Brit. M. 1(>; Oxf 
I ; and C Roscoe) g^ave only foui* exceptions to 
the reading "^ parie\ these were the C. Vat. 3 1 99 
which had ^^e poi andava forte'' \ the C. Brit. 3460 
^^€ puoi andava forte^\ the C lirit. 932 "^ mentre 
andava forte ^ ] and the C. Ox. 10(> "^ pur andm^ 

^^Andava^^ occurred in 8 Ci. Rom, among them were 
Ci. Vat. 3197, 3199, 366, and 4777; also in C. Ang. 
lOf. In C. Ox. 106, and in 6 Ci. Brit 

''Andavatr' was found in Ci. Vat. 365, 367, 4776; 
in C. Barb. 1535; in C. Caet., and in Ci. Brit. 943, 
21.163. ^^Andavam^^ occurred in Ci. Brit. 3459, and 

Printed Editions. Twenty-four gave t\vo classes 
of varianti. One "^ parte andavam (andavan and 
andava) forte^ Tlic other ''^e perche andate foruT 

First class. Andavam, B(^n., Buti (who seems, 
however, to hav(^ preferred the other); Edi. 1, % 4; 
Dion., Viv., Parenti, I Padovani, Bian., and Wittc. 
Andavan Ed. 3, and Vend. Andava V(»il., Lomb., Cos., 
and Costa. 

Second class. "^ perM andate forte^' Land., Aid., 
Rov., Dan., the Crusca, Biag., and "The Four." 

Prof. Parenti found andavam in tlie 0. Estense, 
and reofarded it as tlie ori<2:ina] of Dante. Th^ 
Paduan Editors adopted it witli a summary <>* 
learned reasons. Ccsari ridiculed it. If we read 
^^parte\ tliis is the word to accompany it. The 
lezione volgata is little better than nonsense. Tb^ 
speech of Statins after ^^Come'\ is continued 
with "AV voi siete etcT Tlie other reads like the 
pretended correction of some silly copyist The 
reading of the C Vat. 11)99, supported by the 


C Brit. 3400, is worthy of consideration, but that 
of the Oxford Codice is preferable. 

Non nigimla, non brina piu 8U cade, 

1 >ante regarded dew and hoar-frost (tliat is frozen 

<lew) as falling. 

Aristotle considered dow as a 8i)oeie8 of rain formed 
in the lower stratum of the atmosphere, from its moisture 
iM'inj.^ eonden.s(»d by the cold of ni^ht into miinite drops. 
Dr. Wells, in his experiments, found that a body always 
li»'c«inn*s colder than the air in contact with it, before 
:uiy ileposition of dew tJikes places, the quantity being 
ih'tcnnincd by the ditterenc(? between them, ami by the 
quantity t>f moisture susp(»nded in tin* air. The formation 
of d<*w is thus precisely analo<^ous to tlu; C(Uiden8ati(m of 
vapour on the surface of a tumbler of cold water when 
brou^^ht into a warm room, and to that on the windows 
<»f i»ur chambers on cold frosty nights, lint the pheno- 
nnMia of d<*w, and its de])osition on some bodies, not <m 
others, wouhl still have been inexplicalde had not th(» 
diih»o|ihir Leslie made known the phen<»mena of radiant 
H'at tliat all bodies radiate caloric, and receive in 

n-tuni caloric radiated from <'ach other • lik(^ th(; li^ht 
• •t i«»y ililVuse<l anion;:; the l)lessed spirits in Dante's pa- 
radi>e i Pur*;. \v., "m— 7). The amount of vap(Mir in the 
;itiiinsph«re increases with tin' temperature (»f the air, the 
biirlit-r this is, the le>s is th(^ <litl'erence re<piire<l in sub- 
*lanet> in contact with it f(>r the deposition «»f dew, as 
iiidieat<Ml bv the temperature of the drrv- pninl^ and the 
;.''rfMl«'r will be the <|uantity deposited. In the ^(Miial alMH»- 
-pli»re imagined by the I*oet, tlie temperature of the ni^ht 
w.i.- the >ame as that «»f the day, nor did tin* surface of 
ih»- umund ever Ix.'conn* c<dder than the air above it. 

(^VNTO XXL, VKUSO 12(1. 

Furtr a cantar de«;li uomini v d<*' Dei. 
Forzii a cantar de«r|i uomini e de* Dei. 

TwKNTV-KKiHT ( 'oDK'l (lioiiie II; Hrit. M. 11; 
(Jx(. 1; C Lib.; and C Koscoe) gave for the 




first reading 16 examples, for the second 11 a- *^ 
1 (C. Brit. 22.780) for/ezza. 

Among the former were Ci. Vat. 3197, 3199, 4776^ 
4777, 36r), 3G6-, Ci. Brit. 943, 932, 3459, 3460, 35S1- 
C. Ox. 106 (di Dey), C. Ros. and C. Lib. (dei Dei). 

Among the latter Ci. Vat. 367, 2865, 3200; C. Caet; 
C. Ang. 10|; and C. Barb. 1535. 

Twenty -TWO Printed Editions gave 14 ioT 
the first reading, 4 for the second, 2 (Buti aii^J 
Landino) had ^^Forse^\ and two (Veil, and Dan-^ 
''Forze'\ Ed. 2 had ''Forza''— and so Costa, Biaa., 
and Witte. Ben. and all the other Edi., the Vend., 
Nid., Cms., &c. had ^''Fortc^\ cioe '*in tuono forte''. 
(Biag.) The majority of Codici have 'W Def' as 
the Nid.; the Vend, has ^^di dey'\ Land, ''fie dn\ 
Aid. and Rov. 'WV Der\ Veil, de Dei. 


Per ehe non reggi tu, o sacra fame 
Dell' oro, V appetite de' mortali? 

Twenty- NINE Codici. (Rome 15; Brit. M. Hi 
Ox. 1; C. Lib., and C. Roscoe) showed little 
variation from the ordinary reading. The C 
Vat. 3199, and C. Caet. had ''A ehe v(cr The 
C. Vat. 2373 '^A ehe mm 7\'ij(ji fua [li) sacra {am\ 
and the C. Libri ^'Perrhe non reyyi tu la salia famt » 
l)ut this wants a nominative, and does not agrK 
with the Virgilian verse alluded to ^'fjuid f^ 
mor/alia pcctora coy is ^ Aiiri sacra fames/'' ^ncid- 
III. 5C. 

Twenty -FOUR Printed Editions showed that 
three readings of v. 40 had found favoiu* with 
Editors. Pcrc/fc, Per che^ and A cite. 

First Reading. Kill. 1, 4; Vond., Land., Aid., 
Voll., Rov., Dan., tlio Criisca, and l^ianchi. 

Second Reapixg. Buti; Edi. 2, 3; Dion., Biag., 
C(»sta, Cos., "The Four", and Witte. 


Third Reading. Ben., Nidob. (a qui), Lorn., (al- 
tiTfd by Rom. 1S21 to the second), I Pad., and Fra- 

^'ery {^ood reasons may be adduced for eacli. 
riie third reading, 

A ehe non reggi tii, o sacra fame 

is in the minority of 3 Oodioi out of 29; but 
i.** tree from ambiguity, and gives the sense of 
Virgil better tlian any other. 

If \\w Padre Venturi, who quotes the translation of 
Ann. Caro, 

Ahi de r oro empia e<l esccrabil fame! 
K che per tc non osa, o ehe non tenta 
C^uest' umana ingordi<ciJiV 

liad seen this n»ading, he would not have made the fool- 
ish stat<-m<*nt he did, that possibly Dante had mistaken 
the st'usf of **'.s7/rr/i fames''. In (Nnliui, ^"Perr/ie" is almost 
invariably written as one word, but without an accent, 
;is in tiie early (*ditions down to I)ani<'llo. In the Crusca 
it b«-rauH* l*t'rchi'. Hianrhi has def«*ndrd this readini^, 
r«'Uiarkin«r that "Dante ha iutrso il vrrlx* roz/f/v* nrl scnso 
ili fmuirr , cnuicntTv ^ r ha pn'sso 11 //^//V/ p(»r sinonimo di 
f'w/*. tMidi li.i s|»ii*;rato: pnchv, o maledctta tann' ch'H' oro, 
nun rrtjf/iy nnn rr^^oji , nou rontimi nci ;;iusti contini /Vi//- 
fttttin flri mnrlaiL i «juali o s<»no dclT on* troppo avidi e 
i-iiaci. o l«i fj«*ttano vanam«'nt(* smza misura.'' This is 
inidnubt<-dly th«* nu-anin*; of Dante, whatever that of 
Vir^ril may havr been. Had l»ia»^ioli sr<'n tho text of 
hi*>iiisi. *•/*/•/■ /•//<• <7/-.*\ he mii^iit hav(* >pared himself 
tip ri*iiiark i»n V«'ntiiri **>tnmaeato d»'lla sua pr«'>untuosa 
ijU' •ran/a '. and the abuse of Londiardi* ''al selitti, "ruasto 




Ale una v«ilta di Inr fauno scliiera, 
Alenna vnlta /// tier fanuo seliiera. 

Sixty Conici ilfome ;>:>; jlrit. M. II: Flnr. S; 
Kt'. 1: i\ Lib., :ind (\ KN)S<mh) njivr 21> ex.nnples 
'f eaeli, and two other variant!. (\ Vat. 2r>() 


Alcuna volta fanno di se schiera^ 
and C. Brit 21.163 

Acuna volta innanze fanno schiera. 

Among the Codici with the first reading were the CL 
Vat. 3197, 3199, 4777, and three others; C. Ang. lOj; 
two Ci. Barb.; four Corsini, and four Olugiani. (J. Rice. 
1012, Oi. Brit. 943, 19.5S7, 839, 932, 10.317, and 3460; 
Ci. Ox. 106, 108, 109; C. Kirk., and C. Roscoe. 

Among the Codici with the second reading were the CL 
Vat. 365, 366, 4776 and four otliers. The C. Barb. 1535 and 
three others. C. Caet.; three Ci. Corsini, and 2 Chigianl 
Ci. Rice. 1005, 1010, 1025, 1027, 1031. Ci. Brit. 3513, 
3459, 3518, 22.780; C. Ox. 97; C. Kirk. 2, and C. Libri. 

Some difference occurs also in the word ^^aer'\ In C. 
Brit. 3459, C. Ox. 97, C. Vat. 365 and others it is written 
aier, C. Lib. has "w^// aiere", C. Rice. 1010 "w^// aere", 
and C. Brit. 3518 "wtV/ aeire." 

Twenty -FOUR Printed Editions gave of the 
first reading 16 ex., of the second 7; Ben. has 
^^ Alcuna volta di sc fanno sclticra^\ a reading very 
similar to that of C. Vat. 206, and which is, I 

think, preferable to tlie more usual one. 

With the first reading were Buti, Ed. 3, Vend., Kid^ 
Land., Aid., Rov., Veil., Dan., the Crusca, Lomb., Ces.? 
Biag., Costa, ^'the Four", and Bianchi. With the second 
Kdi. 1, 2, 4 (nel aero) l)ion., Viv., Frat., and Witte. 

I do not much admire tlie second readinjTi 
though, in point of antiquity, it may faike pre- 
cedence of tlie other. 


Sangiie perfetto, die mai non si beve 
Dall' assetate vene, e si rimane 
Quasi alimento die di niensa leve, 
&c. &c. &c. 

To appreciate tlie physioloj^ical science shown 
by Dante, in his masterly ?rsi/nuf of the formation | 
and developemeut of a human being from tk 
first mysterious movings of embryonic life to 
the completion of the foetal economy, and the 


th of an immortal soul, we must go back to that 
:iod when little or nothing more was known of 
J function of generation than what had been 
d by Aristotle and repeated by his commen- 
or Averrhoes. Had the Poet been professor of 
ysiology in the University of Bologna, and 
§ired to preserve a memorial, in his immortal 
rk , of the state of the science at that period , he 
lid not have given a better account of it, or 
)wn more judgment in the selection of his 
ts. For not only does he avoid many of those 
ors into which his contemporaries and succes- 
•8 fell , but he seems to anticipate much of that 
e science wliich the latest investigations liave 
>ught to light, especially in reference to the 
leral developement of embryonic life. 

Vristotle often reasoned rightly on general principles 
en his particular facts adduced in support of them 
re wrong, for he had the sagacity to .perceive the 
itions of things, though he was often not aware of 
ir particular states or conditions. Thus he knew that 

biood furnished the support of the body, that the 
retions were derived from it, and that whatever was 
icrated was from this source. As a general fact, we 
)w no more now, but we know the various steps in 

process which Aristotle did not. So also with refer- 
e to embryonic and foetal life, we have learnt to search 

their progressive 'changes, and to scrutinize the se- 
t operations of nature, but we can not give a better, 
more philosophical account of the primary agent con- 
Tiorl , than was ^ven by Dante, when, going to the 
uitaiii head of life, he called the male generating fluid 
gue perfetlo, 

ilippocrates seems to have been uncertain, whether 
! veins, by which the blood was supposed to be car- 
d to the tissues for their growth and support, had their 
gin in the heart or in the liver, but inclined to the 
:er opinion. Plato thought they had their origin in 
heart. Aristotle would seem to have been of this 
ul also; but Galen assigned them to the liver, and 
; was the jiminion held in Dante's time, and for con- 
es after. Tlie arteries wore known to have their origin 


258 I'URGAToaio. 

in the heart, and Galen hud ascertained that dtirii^ fi 
they contain blood, and are filled by the contraction ^ 
the heail, in consequence of which they pulsate; but, * 
their name imports, they were supposed to contun chi«fl 
spirits (or the more uubtle parts of the blood) and sLl 
The elements of the body were held to csist poteaUali^. 
in the blood which supplied tht^m. It had been a qncstifM 
in Aristotle's time, whether all parts of the body coRbQ 
buted to supply the mdimenls of a now indiWdual tu lb* 
blood, the Fhdoeopher decided that they did not, um 
seems to have made no essential distinction between tl» 
blood which became procreiitivc , and tliat which w*i 
merely nutritive. 

Dante however drew a wise distinction between tb«Ki 
and called that which effected the highest of all functiflM 
by a more noble name, 

Sanguo pcrfetto, che mai non si beve 
Ball' as&etate vene, ■ . . 
What foUows 

si rimane 
Quatii alimento che di mensa leve, 

is remarkable as being almost a poetic version c 
totle's words. The Philosopher had called the n 
nuti'ition, excrement, and had spoken of tliis as tlie ttft' 
and most useful part which remains of that of which tke 
body is formed. * He therefore described it as the exete- 
mcnt of the sanguineous nutriment which is last of ill 
distributed to the members — "excrcmeutuni alimooti un- 
ffuinoi, quod ultimum in membra digeritur." licucdcW 
Varchi, discoursing on this subject more than two huHln^ 
years after Dante's death, with all his learning, vta» li- 
able to a<ld any thiug new to tlic subject, except hi«>^ 
miration at Dante's dehuition so caretully framed on lb* 
orthodox principle of combining in it the genus tnd tbf i 
difference. ** I 


*"£rgo utilis superflut pars aliqua somen e»t; utifid^ 
mum aulcm, quod ultimum est, et ex quo jam nnitf^ 
quodque gignitnr menibmm." Aristoteles De*AntinaHtf [ 
Generatione Lib. I. cap. xvin. j 

** Lezzioni di Benedetfjt Varchi &c. Fircnze M. I>. IC. 
The dis<'ourse on thb passage in llie Divina Comm 
was read before tlie Florentine Academy June 25* J 

PDROATORin. 259 

By ^pfTfena" wc are to understand, aaja Varclii, "di- 
gcat'>, « smaltJtti, dopo rultima digcationc '', that is after 
the fourtli, which wiis performed by tho "asBOtatc veiie"; 
Bti«l Jio iidds "iierche mediantu le vene, ei sparge il nutri- 
mento ii tutto il cnrpo: ne c alti'a difTerciiza (si puo dire) 
dallr rcDv all' arteric se non che nelle vene eta piii san- 
iru« chc Mpiritu: e nell' arterie piii spirito ehe Hangue." 
Such was the oxplanation given hy one of the moat learned 
men in Florence in the middle of the le"" century. 

Uiuitt.', after Anstotle, affirms the heart to be the organ 
where the vital fluid accjuires its formative power "virtule 
tufunnaiiva't and was taithfully followed by Buti, who 
i](!M-ribos tlie heart as having two ventricles and two veins, 
one of which carries the blood from tlie liver to the heart, 
wbcrtr it mceivfs its fonnative power, and the other takes 
it back again. Though Francetsco da Buti was reader 
"f thi' L>i\-iaa (Jummedia at Pisa in the latter part of the 
H"" century, his remarks, especially on v. 45 "socr" al- 
Inii saaffue ' arc in advance of those by Benedetto Varchi.* 

The diffcrimt names which vital phonomona receive in 
Uii: courfto of ages, do not bring ua any nearer to their 
iuBCTutablv nature. Thus the vh plasiica, and the vis esscn- 
fimlis, and thu nitux /'ormalivtis of Blumenbach, did Dot 
make the loamed any wiser tlian tlie "virlutr informaliva" 
of Daiilc, nor were tfioy so expressive. In the verses which 
fwlK'iiv l-lfJ— 4SJ we cannot but admire the skill with wliieh 
the I'oet defines and explains the active and passive of a 
aabjivt which has involved physiologists of more recent 
times in <lisputeti. Among the 2Gi fancj* 
ful theories which Dretincourt, at tlie close of the 17"" Cent., 
coUccli-d for llie amusement of posterity, uno , not lesa in- 
■tnirtivi' tlian many olhers, supposed that the whole 
human race, to the end of the world, hod a germinal 
rxi*t'-m-<- in ihc ovaries of our primitive mother. 

" Ualen supposed there was a pasaogt! of tlie blood in 
the heart through the septum uf the ventricles, and wan 
mKj Diwrly diitcovcring tlic pulmonary circulation. Ser- 
TvCaa waa the tirst to direct attention to Uic latter (see 
■ Im work "Dc Kcstitutione Christianismi"). The Arteries 
^fprim itijp air, and r^i/ta to hold) show in their name 
ihi- fuwiion originally ascribed to them; thi- vital uphil 
I.A« b'^-'ome oxygenated blood. It was not tilt I(>2S tliat 
tlif d<'iilile circutntion was established by Harvey's cele- 
t^ntli^l Thesis ''E.yrrciMlin dt iliifu I'ordit rl Stinffninis." 


By "/o perfeiio luogo^% commentators, with Varchi, moetb 
understood the uterus, but the Padre Lombard! suggestei' 
the heart, in reference to v- 59, 

La virti, ch^ fe dal cuor del generante. 

In the C. Roscoe, over perfetio luogo is written, in aha' 
of equal antiquity, ^^core'\ In the preceding verse, vi 
in the following. 

Dove natura a tutte membra intende, 

we have an explanation of verses 40—41, and oiur stto* 
tion is again directed to the important fact there stotel 
Dante evidently regarded the heart, in more than f^^ 
pular sense, the primum vivens et tUtimum moriens, as tke 
most noble organ in the body , and as giving not only * 
physical, but also, in part, amoral character to the bang 

The changes which the human embryo undergoes ai« 
next described, verses 52—60, 

Anima fatta la virtute attiva, 

Qual d'una pianta, in tanto diiferente, 

Che quest' e in via, e quella e gia a riva, et& 

These and the following verses, though intended** 
express only the resume of the Aristotelian doctriP^ 
contain a correct summary of the general law of ih^ 
changes now known to take place in embryonic Ufe, 9i^ 
which the French Physiologists call "/c principe des an^ 
de developpemenr . M. Milne -Edwards thus describes it 

"Chaque etre organist eprouve, en se develoupant, de^ 
modifications profondes et varices : le caractere ae sa straC" 
ture anatomique, ainsi que les facultes vitales dontile^^ 
dou6, change k mesure qu'il passe de I'etat d'embryo^ 
naissant a retat d'animal parfait dans son cspace. Off 
tons les animaux qui d<5rivent dim meme type fond*' 
mental marchent, pendant un certain temps, dans lam^^ 
voie embryogenique, et ils se ressemblent pendant nn^ 
p^riode d'autant plus longue de ce travail d'or^anisatioDr 
qu'ils ont entre eux une parente zoologiquo plus etroit; 

Suis ils devient de la route commime et acquierent chacnn 
es caracteres qui lenr sont propres. Ceux que doivent 
avoir la structure la plus parlaite, s'avancent dans cetW 
voie plus loin que ceux dont I'urganisme s'etablit a moiD* 
de frais, et il en resulte que souvent, n certaines egardfi) 
r^tat transitoire, ou embn'onnaire dun animal superior 
ressemble d*une mani^re plus ou moins frappante ji letal 


{>ornianent dun autre animal moins elevc dans la meme 
sorie zoologicjue." * Danio then continues — 

Tan to ovra poi, chc gik si muove e scntc^ 
Come fimgo marine; cd inde imprcnde 
Ad organar le posse, end' e semente. 

Or si spiega; iigliuolo, or si distende 
La virtu, oh' e dal cuor del generante, 
Dove natura a tutte membra intende. 

Klliotson remarks, in his "Physiology"', that however a 
human embryo is always a human embryo, "still man is 
at first a kind of zoophyte", (p. 933.) 


Ma, como d' animal divenga fante, 
Non vedi tu ancor: quest' e tal punto 
('he pill savio di te gia fece errante, 

Si che, per sua dottrina, fe' disgiunto 
DalP anima il possible intelletto, 
Perehe da lui non vide organo assunto. 

The theory of Avcrrhoes (Ibn-Roshd) on the 
hiiiiiaii intrllect here alluded to liy Dante, is that 
of Aristotle's third book '' De aninia", interpreted 
with the subtlety and niysticisin of the Arab philo- 
sMpliv. (Sec M. Kenan ''Averrois ct L'Averroisme", 
isr,i; p. 122.) 

At'c-ording to Averrh(>(»s, thore an^ two intellectual prin- 
riph-s, analogous to inattor and form, the one piissive, 
x\\i' iitlKT active. Th<* jK-tivc iiitcllert is impersonal, eter- 
nal. scnarate<l from iiidivi(hials, but partici])ated in by 
tln-in: tn<* passivr, or p«»ssil)lr intellect is j>erishable, and 
raniiot .-^ub.sist without tin* active. The subsccpient ex- 
|i««ninh*rs of Aristoth* caiiir t<» rc;:ard th<i passive intellect 
a> an aptitude to receive ideas, th(» intelhrt hi pntcnza, 
l>ut rripiiring the intiuence of th<' active and eternal to 
:i waken its pow(;rs. Ah'xander of A]»hrodisiaS; who floii- 
ri««hed A. 1>. 200, taught that the fact of consi-iousiiess was 
i;»u>ed by tlie intervention of (Jod. who "s'eiiipare de 

'**l-e«;ini^ ftur hi riiysioh»;;ie etc." par M. Mihie-Kd- 
wards, l*aris, |sr»7 (J>. 2SI. Se«^ also Isidore (J eotf toy Saint- 
Hihiire '*inrttoire NaturcUe ^^enerale <les Kegnes organ- 
iijues." 18r>4. 


la faculte individuellc comme d'un instrument*' — "mii« 
Dieu n'entre avec Tamo quo dans nn rapport passager: 
il n^en est que la came molrice extcrieure; il ne Femp&he 
pas do retomber bientot apres dans le neant." (See Renan.) 
The doctrine that there was but one universal separated, 
absolute and eternal intellect, of which all mankind ptf* 
take, though sanctioned by Scripture (John I., 9), WM 
held to be heretical, and subversive of the merits of saints. 
S. Thomas Aquinas opposed it. Dante sought to reconcile 
the philosophy of Aristotle, as expounded by AverAoes, 
with the principle upheld by S. Thomas, of the person- 
ality of tnc human intelligence, and to show how the 
mortal and the immortal became one, the former, as the 
less noble, being absorbed into the latter. Brunetto La- 
tini had previously taught him that "L' anima c vita de 
P huomo, e dio fc vita de T anima." A principle, I sus- 

Eect, almost, if not quite as old, as the human race itself, 
lut whether Ser Brunetto was quite orthodox in what he 
added, may, perhaps, be questioned. — He says, that the 
body only is the man, the soul is not the man; and sub- 
sequently "U anima si habita dentro dal corpo, c per 
questo congiungimento dclla carne, ella e appellata nu- 
omo." "L' anima non e divina sostanza ni divma natnra, 
(did Dante put his old master in Hell for saying this?) 
et non e fatta anzi ch' el suo corpo, ma a quella bora 
medesima e creata , che ella e mcssa dotro dal suo corpo. 
There arc many noble qualities, lie adds, in the sonlj 
but its nobility is diminished by this unequal union. * 

*The soul, however, preserves its superiority by koepij^l^ 
to the brain, and not suffering itself to associate vri^^ 
the less noble senses — hear Ser Brunetto — "Ma tnt^^ 
queste cose (the senses) sormonta I'anima, la quale ^ 
assisa ne la mastra fortezza del capo, e si guarda p^ 
suo intendimento sanza ch' ella el corpo non tocca, e c*^ 
non viene infino a gli altri sensi del corpo. Percio dico^ 
li savi, chel capo ch' c magione de 1' anima, ha tre ccll^ 
una dinanzi per imprendere, T altra nel mezzo per (M>nc>^ 
cere, e la terza dictro per memoria." (See also II Tcs^ 
retto. c. VII. V. 247— 258.) 

Nol capo son tre cello Nel mezzo e la ragione 

lo ti diro (li quelle. E la discrczione, 

Davanti e lo ricctto Clie ccrnc ben da male, 

Di tutto lo 'ntollotto, E 1 torto dall* igualo. 

E la forza d' apprcndorc l)i dietro sta con gloria 
yiicUo, che puoi intcndere. La valente mcmoria, &c. 


Diintr was » bettor mctaiihysiciiin thftti his old master — 
Thu im-jiul fonn nf life on Eiu-tli rouat needs take its 
cluirBcl4.T and coriditioii iVoui a liighcr intcllis^cncc. ILc 
thorefon- aiitipoBt-s tliat "Lo motor primo", an AristotijliaQ 
cxpreBititin tor Iho Oreator, vivifies the humnn soul, the 
■DDstiuicu of which (in potcnza) already exists, tlirough 
• perwonnJ voinmimicadon , much in the same way as uio 
Slagyritc imagined that God liwl originally act the World 
in motion by an intt^lk-ctual impulse given to the primum 

— sappi, chc si toato come al felo 

L' articolar del cerebri v pcrfctto, 
Lo Motor primo a lui si voige licto, 
8ovra tant' arte di natura, e spira 
Spirit" niiDTo di virtil repIcUi, 
Che eiJi chc trova attivo qiiivi, tira 
In 0ua sttstanzia, e fasai uu' alma sola, 
Chfi vive c sente, e at- in siV rigira. v. (iS— 75- 
An iugcnioiu expedient, and dciivcrcd in so noetic a 
apirit, that we eannut but be charmed with it, however 
cuDtmry !•• Taet. 

The I'itet ha<l previously described the human soul a« 
iwnipH; from the bandii of its Creator , "mosaa dn licto 
F«tuire" (I'urg. xvi., «— ixi.) which is snbswiuontly con- 
firmed by licalrice, in whom rhilosophy received its apo- 
thoo><it> . and whose word* are worthy oflhe divine Wisdom 
(Hapu'nEn) wluch inspired them — 

»Ma noatra vita eenza mezzo epira 
La somma beninnnza, e la naminora 
Di B^, ti die poi oenipro la diftira. 
(I'ard. VII,, l«-4.) 


K porvhji ni«no aniiiiiri U pamla, 
(iuarda I calor del Sol, chc t\ fa vinu, 
Ginnto air umor, chc dnlLa vite cola. 

Ciccru iu hifi Cuto Major de ScucctuU-, c. 15, 
53 Bayn, npeakiit^ ot* tlic vine, "a qtm oricns 
urn iie«c ofttciidit. miHr ct ttiiL-co tvrrat ct ualnrc 
nolis nuffCtfcniH jiniiio c'St pcracurbn {Ciutatii, 
jttintlc muturata tliilci'scU, t&c." Tliitt Iihs Ijcen 

nosetl (see Ciiry) to liu%'C' bueii ihu xutirce 



whence Dante drew his theory of wine, repeated 
by Galileo tlirec hundred years later. But Cicero 
says no more than what every vine - dresser from 
the days of Noah was perfectly aware of, that 
the sun ripened the grapes , and that his warmth 
was necessary to the elaboration of their juice. 
Of the chemical action which then takes place, 
as also of what occurs in vinous fermentation, 
neither Cicero nor Dante nor Galileo were aware. 
But Dante wisely conceived that 

Lo ministro maggior della natura 

acted the cliief part in tlie ti'ansmutation , and the 
Poet was right. Without moisture and heat there 
would be no life, tlie sun is the groat vivifying 
agent, and the absorption of his rays effects the 
change which the Poet describes; so that, as mo- 
dern science has demonstrated, in quaffing the 
generous liquid thence derived, we are actuaUy 
drinking down sun -beams, and our souls are 
cheered and warmed by their inward effects, bb 
mucli as our bodily members are comforted by 
their outward radiance. 


E qiiando Lachcsis non lia |)iii lino, 
S«)lvesi dalla carne, vA in virtute 
Seco no porta c Y uniano c '1 divino. 

Dante's tlieory of ghostly forms contains i^ 
summary of all that lias been said on the sub- 
ject, with something more of his own. Positive 
science lias long since banished these visiou«*iry 
beings from the creed of the Philosopher, ani 
forced them to take refuge with Poets and Theo- 

At the base of tho mound of Pnrpjatory, Dante expres- 
sed his fear of having been abandoned by Virgil, when 


no shadow of Um accompanied his own. (Purg. III., 10—24.) 
He had previously liad a proof of the aerial nature of 
departed souls when he sought to embrace his friend Ca- 
soUa, and his arms returned empty to his own bosom. 
(C. 11., :«— 81.) 

In the obscun* and lurid regions of Hell, the Poet's 
mind, impressed with terror and amazement, had little 
opportunity to reflect on this subject, nor was it sug- 
gested by the supernatural luminosity of Poets' Castle. 
It is only when the association of ideas is renewed with 
the experience of a sun -lit world, that Dante takes up 
til is subject. 

Virgil's shade, when required, acte<l the part of a solid 
h^idy, but this is quite consistent with the character of 
dreams, whtTO visionary forms do whatever the imagina- 
tion assigns to them. 

Souls wlicn freed from sin and the frailties of the 
flesh, become, in Dante's theory, specifically lighter 
(Purg. XXI., r>H— 03; XXXIII., 145; Pard. I., i:i«i— 141) and 
bene*' ascend to the phice pr(^])ar(»d for th(»in. That in 
Heaven the right(»ous become more beautiful is shown in 
th«» ease of the amiable Piccarda (Pard. III., 40—51), and 
by the transcending loveliness of Beatrice as she ascends. 
Tli»- liidfonsness of sin ilo(»s not sri'in so much to alter 
t)i'' t'«-atun's of th<" bad, as the beauty of holiness im- 
pr«»vrs th*' expression of the good. 


[/ altn* ]»«»ten/.e tntte fpimitr mnte; 
L" altn* potonzi* tntti* fpnisi niutc: 

Tmimv Comer (Komo 14: IJrit. M. II; Flor. \)\ 
[^\\\ \\ V. \aK and C. lioseoe) jiMve !>:{ for the 
''f>st nadiii^r: I •'> f<>r the second; uiul 2 with ''y////////* 
"'''aa" the (\ Cnet., nnd (\ Vat. :n07. 

-Aiimii;; the ( 'nilici with tin* lirst P'ading were Ci. Vat. 
;'f}*;, WV^X 4770, and three others. The (\ Aug. lOj. 

». Wu'v. 1012, 1021. io2r». 1027, lo:;:,. v\, Hrit. \\\x 

^'•-.•is7. <\% 2l.n»:{, 22.7SO, an«l three others. Ci. (>x. 07, 

!'*S, ami Io*». Among the (NmUc! witli the sr'cnnd read- 

"»Vr w.-P- ri. Vat. :Um, Mu, 4777 ('''lUttsi fn/fr mtifr''), and 

"lie Mth.r. (\ P.arb. l.Vr». d. Kiee. 1003, lOlO, lO.']!, 

^•»:n. ri. Brit. :{|.'i9, :MG0. lo.:n7. ('. <)x. lor), agreeing 

^itli i . Vat. 4777; i'. Kib. and (J. Koscoe. 


Twenty- TWO Printed Editions gave for the 
first reading 14, for the second 7, and 1 (Dion.) 
"/ii/fe e quante mute^\ 

With the first were Ben., Edi. 2, 3; Vend., Aid., Ror, 
Veil., Dan., the Crusca, Biag., Ces., ''The Four'', Biiii, 
and Witte. With the second Buti, the Nid., Land., Lomh., 
Viv., Costa, and Fraticelli. 

The second reading is , I think , preferable to 
the first. 


Quando i' udi' nomar s6 stesso il padre 
Mio, c degli altri miei miglior, che mai 
Rime d' amore usar dolci e leggiadre: 

Guido Guinicelli, by profession a judge, and 
in politics a Ghibelin , as were most of the early 
Italian Poets , who with the sacred mantel of their 
art, also inherited from the Proven9al8 a hatred 
of the papacy, was the chief of that new school 
of poetry which arose at Bologna in the middle 
of the IS"" century. Dante, in his passage through 
Purgatory, pays him the highest compliment 
vouchsafed to any Italian writer; and as be 
gazes on him with respectful delight, being asked 
by Guido why he does so , replies — 

Li dolci detti vostri 
Che, quanto durerk T uso modemo, 
Faranno can ancora i loro inchiostri. 

But, as if Guido were resolved not to be sur- 
passed in modesty by Dante, he points to the 
celebrated Proven9al poet Arnault Daniel , as un- 
rivalled in love -songs and romances in prose* 
This judgment of Dante was confinned by Pc* ' 
trarca. Guido died in 1276, in the prime of lifc 
From the close of the 12**' Century to the time 
of Dante , or beginning of the 1 4'^, Italian poetry, 
as distinct from the Proven9al, may be classed 


,T three periods. The first, from 1190 to 1230, 
lat of the early Italian rhymers , whose com- 
tions though rude , show the germs of a new 

and occasionally rise into expressions of 
ity and sublimity, as in the celebrated hymn 
he Sun by S. Francis of Assisi. The second, 
Mcilian period is from 1220 to 1250, or a 
3 later, from the time that the Emperor Fre- 
c II. fixed his court at Palermo, until his 
:li; though it did not become entirely extinct 
I the death of his natural son, Manfred, in 
6. The third period is from this time to 
advent of Dante, when conventionalism was 
Jtually superseded by the highest poetic ge- 
. Guido Guinicelli is believed to have been 
first who gave a philosophic tendency to 
ian poetry, probably however this was owing 
er to the studies of those who cultivated it. 
he Tuscan school this character was encou- 
id by Brunetto Latini, whose pupils Guido 
alcanti, Francesco da Barberini, and Dante 
fj^liieri became philosophic poets, and intended 

tlieir writings sliould be received in other 
<es, beside the liternl whicli the words con- 
ed. (See a note on this subject p. 229.) 


K (En) r onde in Gange di nuovo riarse, 
E r ondc in G<angc da nona riarse, 
E r ondc in Gange da nova riarse, 

IXTY- SEVEN CoDici (Romc 40; P^lor. 7; Siena 
Hrit. M. It; Oxf. 4 ; C. Lib., and C. Roscoe) 
? for the first readinj^ 19 examples, with 7 
*V//? novo^\ For the second 18, with 3 for 
nono'\ For the third 15, with 2 for ^^di nova^\ 
3e with the first reading had the additional 



variaiite '7' ombre'' (C. Vat. 2865; C. Cors. 601 
/' onhre)\ and C. Brit. 21.163 '"-Et lombre en gmge 
di neve arriarse'\ 

With the first reading were Ci. Vat. 3197, 3199 (both 
with En)^ Ml^y and two others. C. Min. d. IV. 2. Two 
Ci. Cors.; C. Ang. 9|; two Ci. Barb.; three Chig., in C- 
213 with the var. "e/a ntiova''] Ci. Rice. 1012, 1027; CS. 
Brit. 19.587, 22.780, and C. Ox. 106. With ''da nmT 
C. Vat. 2373; Ci. Rice. 1004, 1010; Ci. Brit. 932, 3459, 
10.317; and C. Ox. 108- 

With the second reading, Ci. Vat. 365, 366, and fonr 
others; C. Caet. with the var. "rfi ni/oi'o"; Ci. Barb. 1535, 
2192; Ci. Rice. 1005, 1025, 1031; C. Cors. 60; three GS. 
at Siena, and two in the Brit. M. 839, 3460, the former 
with the var. "nuovo'\ With ''da nono'% C. Brit 94% 
C. Ox. 109, and C. Roscoe, in both the latter altered to 
novo. Between nono and novOj from the similarity in tke 
gothic character of the n and the v {u) it is often difficult 
to distingiush; and this remark applies also to nonay and 

With the third reading, Ci. Vat. 378, 2358, 4777; two 
Ci. Cors.; C. Ang. lOf; Ci. Barb. 1536, 1737, and tiro 
others; Ci. Brit. 3581, 3513; C. Ox. 97; C. Lib., an^ 
Ci. Chig. 292, 167, 251 the two latter with "di nova'\ 

Twenty- NINE Printed Editions gave for time 
first reading, "rf/ nuovo'' or 'V// novo'\ 14 examples; 
for the second, ^^da nona'\ 11; and for the thirdi 
^^da nova'\ 4. 

With the first reading were the Ott., Ben., But., Ed. *^? | 
Land. {En, and so in the following Edi.), Aid., Rov., Dan- 
(^'w), the Crusca, Vent., Dion. {E'nV onde il iian^e^ 
Pogg., Biag., «and Martini. 

With the second, the Nid., Veil., Lomb., Costa, Viv-» 
Ces. {E in V onde il Gange), I Pad., "The Four", Frat- 
Bian., and Witte. 

With the third, Edi. 1, 2, 4, and the Vendeliniana 

^^ Grand imbroglio di parole c di cose'\ exclaito* 
the Padre Venturi, merely to signify that tk ' 
sun was setting. But the only imbroglio is that 
of the conmientators , increased by Venturi who, 
guihy of what he falsely attributed to Vellutello, 
received at the hands of P'raticelli (Ed. 1837) tlie 



Tection deserved. There is still no better chtosa 

V this verse than Vcllutello's "A' cadendo I' onde 

T GaHfff riurse da mna etcV In the explanation 

■vcu of the entire passage by Pietro di Dante, 

! words "noiMf fst in Gange flumine orientali" would 

i<jw tliat the text he used had the readings of 

lie Nidobeatina, which was preferred by Vellu- 

plo, and is so far better than the volgata as it 

lids the imhroglin occasioned by the little « in- 

loduced into the latter. It is true , this a is found 

I C'lidici, but it is very ]ieri)lexing. Editors are 

1 iMKue as to whether it is meant for part of a 

*po«ition or part of a verb, and whether it 

ould be written En or E'n, for E in or E en 

w). Landino was the first to |irlnt it, but 

t not say what he meant by it. Aldus retained 

but Vellutelhi rejected it. The Crusca took 

I up, and there it has remained ever since. Nei- 

Beiivenuto nur Buti notice it, and Venturi 

rtled it as au intruder. Dionisi found it in 

[ C. Viilani, and so gave it. 

E n r wndc il Gang*: ili nuwvit rinse, 
f reading in liaminny with the remark in the 
"Quasi dira: ogiti di H Sole lo riarde una 
r ftrr ia sua prossimi/adf." 


L(t Kciuimo Ken, vhv solo ceso a sc^ |iiiicr, 
fWf r uom buono. a benif, e ^ueslo loco 
XHedc per arra a lui d' tJtcnin [lato. 

|iJlXTEEN Oowci (Itrit. M. M; Oxf. 3; C. Lib., 

1 C. lloKCoe) gave no Ie»s than ten variations 

F ihid vewe, not inchuUng "Fe" for "/Vrc". IJut 

ley are all of n trivial kind »o far as the letters 

: cuucertied, and mostly mean the s:ime thing 


We have ''buono a bene e'' (Ci. Brit. 10.317, 351* 
and C. Roscoe); ^^buono e bene e'' (C. Brit. 22.780; 
C. Ox. 106); ''buono e bene a" (C. Brit. 943; C. Ox. 
103); ^'btiono et bene ad'' (C. Lib.); ^'buono e a heme" 
(C. Brit. 21.163; C. Ox. 9); ''buono et a bene ad" 
J (C. Brit. 932); ^^bwno: bene a questo loco'' (C. Brit 
3581); ''buono e da bene e" (C. Brit. 3459); ^^btm 
el {e'l) ben di questo loco'\{C. Brit. 3460); and lastly 
''buono el (e'l) buon dt\ as in C. Brit. 19.587. 

Twenty -FOUR Printed Editions gave for the 
ordinary reading 14 examples; for ^^buono et U^ 
a'\ 4; for "^ Y ben dV\ 5; for the reading '*M 
bene, e'\ 1, (Witte). 

With the first reading, Ott., Ben., Buti, Ed. 2, Lanij 
Aid., Veil., Dan., the Crusca, Lomb., Dion., Biag., Ces, 
and "The Four". 

With the second, Edi. 1, 3, 4 and the Nidob. 

With the third, Vend., Romanis, Costa, Fratt., ari 

This latter is given as the reading of the G 
Caet., and is noticed by the Crusca. It certainly 
is preferable to the ordinary reading , but that of 
Witte is better still, as more clearly and fully 
expressing the Divine Benevolence in the crea- 
tion of man. 

CANTO XXIX., VERSI 82-154. i 

Sotto cosi bel cicl , com' io diviso , 
Ventiquattro seniori, a due a due, 
Coronati venian di fiordaliso. 
&c. &c. 

Dante's sublime pageant of the Church Militant 
is one of the most marvellous processions ever 
marshalled on paper. In the invention, arrange- 
ment, grouping and colouring the Poet has shown 
himself a great master in art, familiar with all 
the stately requirements of solemn shows, festival 
and triumphs. Whatever he may have gathered 
from the sacred records , and from classic writers, 


fyr seen iu early niosaies, or witnessed in the 
■trectrt of Florence with her joyous population, 
her iHiiy-day dancers, and the military pomp of 
her magnificent Carroceio, like the arc of the 
voveiuint going forth with the host, has here 
Ikcu surpassed in invention and erudition, and 
a |iicture produced at once as original as it is 
impressive, as significant as it is grand. Petrarca 
wuK, probably, indebted to it for Ids "Trionfi", 
lui frequently iu favour with Italian artists. 
This canto, with the four that follow form a 

C>eni which though an essential portion of the 
ivina C'onimcdia, may be separately considered 
aa the continuation of the poetic vision mentioned 
in the Vita Nuova, and the fulfilment of the in- 
tention there expressed. 

It representH the symbolical passage of the 
Christian Chiu'ch preceded by the Hebrew dis- 
|>ensati(tn, and followed by the disastrous effects 
o( Kchiiiui, and the con'uptions induced by the 
unholy conduct of political Poutiifs. The soul of 
thiit tfidemn exhibition, the living and glorified 
principle of the beatitude which Religion pure and 
noly confers upon those who embrace it, is per- 
sonified iu the "Donna" to whom Dante from his 
earliest youth had been more or leas devoted, the 
Bentriee uf the Vita Nuova, "Loda da Dio vera", 
who Concentrates in heraelf the divine wisdom 
mill which the Churcli in iucpired, whom angels 
delight lo honour, and whose advent on earth 
kad been prepared from all eternity by the moral 

Ueatriee ia here presented as the principle of 
divine bitiititude, or that which conferH it, and 
bears a resemblance to the figure of the New 
Jtrrusaleni seen by St. John descending from 

uven "as a bride adorned for her hnsband" 

ev. XXI., 2); a representation of wliicli, in the 




manner of Raphael , occurs in one of the tapestriev J 
of the Vatican, and though not arrayed in the ^ 
coloui's of the Christian virtues , Faith , Hope and 
Charity, white and green and red, as was Bet- 
trice, may yet be regarded as a Roman vewioa 
of her. 

Divine Wisdom is personified in Scripture a« a 
female to be desired and cherished. The early 
Christians thus represented the personal character 
of the Chm'ch, as may be seen in the wall paint- 
ings in the Catacombs. * 

Dante, therefore, in setting before us the bea- 
titude of the Saints in the form of a beautifid 
woman , did but follow the example of the Hebrew 
writers and of the early Christians. In modeni 
times the wisdom of the Church has been identi- 
fied with the Madonna herself. 

In the explanation of this procession given by 
commentators , we find much difference of opinion 
on the seven candelahri^ the setie liste^ the *• 
roie^ the duo vccchi^ the foiu* in umilc paruta^ and 
the veglio solo Avho brought up the rear; wliil® 
other portions of the glorious company have been 
universally recognized. Thus the Carro has always 
been supposed to mean the Church of Rome; the 
animal binalo^ or \\\c yrifon^ Jesus Clu'ist; the Yenit 
quattro senion\ the tAventy-four books under which 
tlie Hebrews classed the Avritini^s in the Old Testa- 
ment from the time of the Talmud; the tre d^ 
in giro about the right wheel of the car were al- 
ways the three theological or Christian virtue^ 

*When visiting those of Santa Agncse in 1S55, ^A 
the Padre Marehi, Professor of Christian Archeology in 
the Collegio Kouiano, my attention was partieidarly drawn 
to tliis fact by the wortliy Padre, wlio remarked that these 
tigures of th(» personified clianns and wisdom of the Church 
nnist not bt* mistaken for figures of the Madonna , which 
had not then been introduced. 


|itfa, Hope, and Charity; and the foiu- about 

t left wheel were the cai'dinal or moral virtues, 

udeuce. Justice, Temperance, Fortitude, who 

bpared the way tor a more perfect rule. The 

peels have iu geueral beeu taken for the two 

uents, or covenants, tlie old and the new, 

jDUgh in the Coin, of Jacopo della Lana they 

1 explained as the contemplative aud active life, 

1 by Dante (I'ard, XII., i06J are mentioned as 

, Dumenico and St. Francesco. 

■The seven cmHdahri which at first seemed to be 

jreu «/jVri' d' oro, but on a nearer approach were 

pre distinctly seen to be the seven golden can- 

wticks of the Apocalypse (I., 1 2) animated as were 

^'■lekeeU" in the vision ofKzekiel (I., 19 — 21), 

moving forward slowly and stately, have 

Uly been received as the seven gifts of the 

ply Spirit, the antidotes to the seven deadly 

But in the vision of the Evangelist they 

the seven churches of Asia, and it has been 

pught by Costa and others that Dante may also 

Vc meant them for such, though the Church of 

e was leas indebted to these than to the 

■ch of Jerusalem for its origin. 

ritey wcrt;, no doubt, mc-ftnt fur tho gifts of the spirit: 

i qiuli (loDi neuesHarii) sono bUngnovoli alhuoiDU clie 

ble cwcn? fidclc (rmliaao ": (Nidob.). Jacopo deecribea 

n in coiitraat witli ibe sinit to wliich they are opjwaed, 

1 lh» lirst, "pirta", \» opposed to "mvidia"; the second, 

, is ominsed to "xup^rbta"; the third, "sciimfia", 

B****"; the fourth, •'fwlitudme" , to accidia; the fifth, 

'", to '^superitia"; the sixth, "intflltrcto" to "iuxv- 

: aod th« seventh, •'sapienlla', to "goto". Piotro Al- 

mKntimiii othvr explanati'^ns which have been 

prml of these seven candelabri . such as the seven or- 

of th«' cloray, llie seven precepts respecting the 

mity of (.'hnst, the seven articles of the Christian 

, of which he only mentions live, but he preferred 

tore general sense attached to them >if the seven 

■ of tlM> Holy i^pirit, in which comtnenlatnrs are mnsily 

> agreed. 



The seven iridescent streamers, ^^liste^\ (Ezechit 

L, 28) are explained by Buti, who enters very fiill^ 

into these details, as the seven sacraments pre 

ceeding from the seven spirits, these are crism 

baiiesimo, ordine^ eucarista, peniienzia, istrema mzim 

and matrimonioy a strange place for the latter, and 

gives their corresponding colours rossa, vermi^ 

sangvdgno^ verde, bianca, verde, rossa, vermiglk b 

sanguigno^ a series by no means corresponding to 

those delicate tints 

Onde fa \ arco il Sole^ e Delia il cinto. 

Landino expounds \i'ith much learning this admiriU^ 
vision; with nim Matilda is the Christian doctrine, irli0 
here '^dimostra P ordinc, c il proccsso delF humana salnt^ 
dalla creatione delP huomo in sino all* avvemmento A 
Christo. Adunque il sole, che vede prima, figura il »ok 
dello Spiritosanto, il quale illumino il Paradise de' dilettL 
et Adam et Eva primi nostri parenti". The slow mov** 
ment of the canalesticks , the seven gifts of the Holj 
Spirit, signifies that ''innanzi all* incamatione del divio^ 
verbo, venne tardamente negli huomini, et a pochi, perch* 
ancora non era il tempo della gratia". But Velluteflo e«" 
plains this slow movement^ slower even than that whidi 
lor modesty and gravity is observed "^« noveUe spoit*^i 
"A darne ad intendere, clie la scientia di tanto alte, ^ 
excellenti cose, vien nel' intelletto nostro speculando, • 
poco a poco, e per lunga operatione in quelle, che* 
tutte ad un tratto non ne puo esser capace." Both ^ 
here equally right. 

In the meaning of the "/^/Wv passt" (v. 81.) for 
the ten conmiandmcnts , Landino followed Butii 
and Avith him for "/// fuorf read da fiori^ "eioe d* 
terra, la qual era fiorita", understanding the "<&*• 
pas^r between the streams of light behind and 
those 'V// fuori'\ as the distance they were raised 
from the ground; but Vellutello coirected thi* 
and explained, "Quei di fuori, ciot*, Li due post 
a le j)arti estreme". 

From what is said in v. 1 1 ()., of the wings c 
the Grifon extending, 

Tra la mezzana e le tre e tre liste, 



! was evideutly a central one, placed at an 

I distance from those on eacli side, and tliiis 

I two "(/(' fuofi'" were out of the line of the 

ibtsfure and the pair behind, the six occupying 

points of a hexagon, with the seventh in the 

nd all at "tlieci passi" from each other. 

lie streams of light were the illuminations of 

Ifipirit, and their being supposed to signify 

Tseveu sacraments, seems, as Lombardi ob- 

j inconsistent. 

Jiiello places '■^penitenxia " before **eucarisia ", 

^Lombardi affirms that the place for the lat- 

% the third in the series. The ten command- 

) have retained their original standing as the 

i fmssi". 

, tile slow movement of the "a//« cose", and 
fc demousti-ation by Matilda, Buti has an im- 
Jit remark. 

esta turdessH nun fioge nui I' autore eeoea cagione: 

|ltro autore iingo cUc Matelda It dimostri queste cose, 

Kid h altrii a dire se nou die la dottrina dei predi- 

\ dimostra a lui, et a' fideU cristiani 1* online e '1 

t dell' iiniana Baliite dal principio del mondo e da 

uiouc do r OHIO infinG a I' awenimento di CriBto, 

I prima finge come vidde, e questo si dt intendere 

ido o ndeudo de la dottrina de la santa Clii«aa, etc." 

Iwuald aeera to have had his tlioughts directed to that 

■of the Vita Nuova, between the sixth and seventh 

, where Dantfl relates hiii having been conducted 

} friend "ove niolte donne gentili erano adunate", 

; whom lie saw "la gentiliesima Beatriee", where a 

r effect is described to have been produced to that 

I took place when Uante again beheld her in Pava- 

*"che non mi rimase in vita piu che gli spiriti del 

or quest) rimaaero fuori de' loro strumenti, 

thfc Amore volea ataie nel loro nobilissinio luogo per 

t la tnunirubile donna", (f^t. Pesaro.) A repetition 

_ I tatenae gaxing, gives riae to a general exelaina- 

I of "Troppo fiso", among the "Dt^e" prnsent in the 

J^iwiise of delights. (Purg. xxxil., U; see also Convito 
"rtl. n., IS.) 

; fuHf and twenty Seniori crowTied with lilies sym- 


bolical of the purity of their faith ^ looking forward to 
the coming of Christ, and \vho move along singing a 
hymn in praise of the Virgin ilarj-, are the four and 
twenty elders in white raimi*nt (the righteousness of saints > 
descnbed by St. John TApoc. iv.. 4), except that the latter 
had golden crowns. Their transformation into symbols of 
the canonical books of the Old Testament, an invention 
ascribed to St. .leromc from a ci^rrespondence in number, 
is believed to have been adopted by Dante. 

The Hebrews reckon their sacred books as twentv-four. 
These arc — The books of the law, T) : the earlier Prophet*. 
4 i^ Joshua J Judges, Samuel, Kings); the later Prophets. 4 
(^Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezckiel, and the twelve minor Pr>- 
phets); the holy writings, IJ (Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Song 
of Solomon, Kiith, Lamentations, Kcclesiastes , Esther, Da- 
niel, Ezra and Nehemiah,- and the two books of Chroniclesi. 
But the latter division, the " Hagiographa ', as these books 
are called, is given ditterentiv by Jacopo della Lana who 
enumerates Esdras and Paralipomenon i Chronicles) , Ju- 
dith, Esther, Daniel, Job and Banich, Tobit, Psalms, 
Books of Solomon, Ecclesiastes and Book of Wisdom. 
Proverbs and Parables, and the book of ilaccabees. Pietn» 
Allighieri gives the second division, Joshua, Judges, Ruth. 
Samuel, or the 1*' and 2'*'' of Kings, Malachim, or the 3"* 
and 4'*' of Kings, so that all four reckon only as one. 
and in this he has been followed by Lombardi; but in 
his third division there is a mistake, and in fact, with 
the exception of the Pentateuch and the eight following 
books of history and prophecy, commentators here differ 
considerably. The excuse alleged for inserting the boob 
of Maccabees among the twenty- four, is that thev were 
sanctioned by the third Touncil of Carthage A. f). '2o2. 
nearlv eiL^htv vears before St. .leronie was born, whose 
ianciful notion seenife scarcely consistent with the solem- 
nity of these venerable men who take so important a part 
in this triumphal procession, and whose prototypes were 
seen by the LvangeHst, in his ecstatic vision, seated around 
the throne of (/lud. 

The representatives of the ancient faith, who first re- 
ceived the outpourings of the Spirit, and transmitted to 
future ages the analytic characters of the divine Ught, 
svmbolized bv the //.\7f' in the varied colours of the solar 
spectrum streaming into an eternity which our mental 
vision cannot reach, were surely never meant for the 
arbitrarv svmbuls uf names *»f boiiks, several of which 
are ascribed to the same writer. Nor do 1 think, as Yel* 



a observes , that tlie originals of the Evangelist were 
led for the four and twenty priests whom David 
ed (o assist in the Tabernacle at the celebration of 
e service (1. Chvon. xxiv., 7—10), but should rather 
Bitf (hat they are meant for tlie holy men of note 
e names figure in the sacred writingft from the earliest 
I Hich ae Seth, Enoch, Noah; the Covenanted Fathers 
irael, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; Moses, Aaron, 
un. Job; David, Samuel, Solomon; Elijah (Elias), 
a, fsaiali, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Haggai, Zacha- 
i&Ialachi, Ezra, and Neheroiah. I merely, however, 
est this as a more satisfactory hypothesis in some 
Kte, than that wliich admits several ropresentativea 
« tame author, althongh the latter be the received 

le "qualtro am'mali" (Ez. r., 5—1(1; Apoc. iv,, 6—81 are 
rded, from their symbols, as the four Evangelists, 
are crowned wilh "verde fronda" to signify the live- 
I of the Christian hope and the vitality of Christian 
ine. Their wings are sj-mbolical of the divine perfec- 
, and their eyes indicate extreme vigilance. They 
Itind the "carro" of the Church as its chief sup- 
n, and so far this carro may be considered as signi- 
of the nniveraal Church , but more strictly it is the 
ira of St. Peter. (See on xxxni., 37— iri,) 
the (rrifon the divine and human natures of Christ 
hich is 
... , wording 

i, Lana., Veil., and Vent., extend up to heaven, thus 
ing whence they are derived, and tliat Christ's king- 
is not of this world: the human part is supposed to 
iddy with the blood of the passion and crucifixion. 
« "Irf ftontie" dancing about the right wheel of the 
with Hope in tlie centre, are led sometimes by Ftuth, 
"iines by Charity, those being the two active virtues 
! Christian character. The four moral virtues about 
[ft wheel are led otT by Prudence with three eyes in 
)rehead, to show that in guiding things present she 
also to the future, and does not neglect the expe- 
I of the past. These virtues are "in porpora vestilc" 
iw their authority and right to mle the world; they 
speciallv required in kings and govemers. (Para. 

) "dBfl wefchi" who follow the car, according to Ja- 
ddln Lana, Pietro AUigbieri, and Buti, with Land., 
Dan., Vent,, and the majority of the modems, are 

irmbolicallj- united; from the former 

>ld, two wings, put for Justice and Mercy •■ 


St. Luke and St. Paul , the writers of the "Acta" and ll« 
Epistles; but the Ottimo Bnd fieovennln explain thmatti 
St. Peter and St. Paul; or. ndda the Utter, ae <ilh^ 
think. Moses and Paul, or Enoc and Elias. One of dMNi 
18 evidently St. Paul, and if the following fonr "in m^ 
parvte", be the fonr Doctors of liie Churfh. dn^rutu^ 
Gregory, Jerome and Auibrose. ae staled by Jaei>{)0. [ten 
and Benvenuto; by Vent., Lomb., and various other hhk 
dems, among whom is Paolo Costa, then the eumpuiiai 
of Paul, one would think, must be Peter, with whom ht 
is usually associated. The charge of our Lord to Ihs 
latter, "feed my sheep", and the power of the keys » 
pularly believed to have been confided to him, as u» 
the tradition of his having been the first Bishop of Ban^ 
would render the procession incomplete without his viiibk 

If, however, the "qvatlro" he considered, with Bnti, 
Land., Veil., Dan., and others, as the foar disciples wh- 
wrote the Epistles, James, Peter, John, and Jude, which 
in all probability they are, or rather those writings- pet- 
soniSed, then the companion of Paul will be Lnice tbt 
beloved Physician, who, according to Jacopo, "parlapn 
della miaericor^a che I' altri Evangelisti". The OttiBs 
considers the four to be the four greater prophets, ami 
the "Veglio soio", Moses, an eridence, at least, of ori- 
ginality. Fietro Allighieri and Benvenulo thought t^ 
Utter was put for S. Bernard, represented asleep fmn 
his contemplative habit. 

After the four doctors of the Church, Benvenuto con- 
sidered that St. John, as the writer of the Aiiocalypaft 
would be out of place, but Jacopo and Buti did not, tnJ 
here have the modems on their aide. The seven iHi» 
follow the car are crowned with red roses siguificaol of 
their ardent love. 

The apparent difficulty in deciding jwsitively on tk* 
names and functions of these seven, arises from the (asR 
cause as that which carries confusion into tlie rank and 
file of the four and twenty, for if those in "umite panle' 
be put for the writers ot* the lesser epistles, tlien w« sba& 
have three representatives of John, twi- of Paul, and tw> 
of Luke. This, however, may be solved on tJie princi^ 
that Dante had no intention whatever of representing tvi 
persons but only iutellectual subjects, forms of his om 
thoughts, having no more objective existence tiina fignma 
in dreams, and in fact, the ultimate an^ysis gives '^^ 
result; wo have a series of anagogical concepti* 

gives ty^ 


before as in forms derived from sensible objects, where 
doep underlaying intellectual truth is veiled by congenial 
•vperficial fiction — ^^una veritk ascosa sotto bella men- 


La rivestita voce aiteviando; 
La rivestita voce alleluiando; 
La rivestita came alieviando; 

Twenty -TWO Codici examined (Florence, Rice, 

7, Ci. Kirk. 2; Cop. 1; Brit. M. 11, and C. Roscoe) 

gBve of the first reading 1 1 examples , of the 

second 10, and of the third 1 (C. Brit. 19.587), 

which had been altered to this from voce. 

Among the first were Ci. Brit. 22.780, 21.1637 
10.317, with "boce": the C. Rice. 1031 with this read- 
ing had alielujando as a variante. Among the second 
were Ci. Brit. 839, 943; originally, but since altered 
to the first, 932, 3459 {''boce% 3581, 3513, and C. 

Twenty -EIGHT Printed Editions, gave of the 

first reading 4 examples, of the second 9, of 

the third 15. 

Those with the V^ reading were the Edi. 1 and 4, 
^ the Vend., and Nidob. With the 2"^ Ben., Dion., i Pa- 
dovani, Viv., Cos., Costa, Fratt., Bian., and Witte. 
With the 3*^'*. Buti, Edi. 2 and 3, Land., Aid., Veil., 
Dan., the Crusca, Vent., Lomb., Pogg., Biag., Ro- 
manis 1821, "The Four'', with a note of the second, 
and Martini. 

The typographical history, so to speak, of this much 
controverted verse, is interesting as it shows the influence 
of Buti, acting on Landino and Aldus, and through them 
on a string of Editors down to the time of Monsignor 
Dionisi, and even beyond, until following the example 
of that illustrious Dantophilist, they began consulting Uo- 
dici for themselves and found how wrong their prede- 
cessors had been. 

Vellutello remarks "Alieviando, cioe, Alleggerendo la ri- 
vestita came, perch^ allhora tanto i beati, ouanto i dan- 
nati, ripiglieranno i corpi loro. Ma quelli de' beati saranno 
leggieri, et espediti a salir al cielo, E quelli de' dannati 


aggravati per niinar a 1' Inferno." And Duiii 
"alleggerendo la rives/ita came", but in the text 
ando". Th!s may have led to the supposition thitt 
gerendo was found in Codici, eee the note of Alt 
in the Ottirao, Vol. II., pag. 528. 

RomaniB, in liis Ed, of 1816. printed the iroprctved . 
ing of DioQJBi, taken from the C. Villani, and found _._ 
in the C. Caetani: this drew down upon him so fiwte 
tempeet of abuse from Bin^oli, that in the following E4., 
1821| frightened perhaps by the fury of his adrenaryi 
he fell back upon the old error for shelter and proteclioft' 

In this encounter, the Parisian teacher of Italian, wfco 
followed Ugo Foscolo, permitted his irascibility to gettbt 
better of his reason : hia violent language on this qqimoim 
has been justly characterized by Prof. Parenti as "un mi»- 
cuglio d' ingiune e d" inezie poco degne d' aomo ernfito 
ed accostumato". Lombardi found the second readinff si 
various (Jodici . and that voce commonly occnrrcd in iMrt 
of came with alteviando, from this he seems to have ihouriit 
the ordinary reading wrong, though he adopted it. Mf 
own examination of Codici afforded no authority for tl* 
reading came, the only case in which it occured b«iii|> 
subsequent alteration. With this the Ottimo, and ft* 
majonty of the early editions agree. Benvenuto rciuarin 
'■'Alleluiando idest cum gaudio canlando AUcluja; et SsA 
la voce rweslita, scilicet a eorpore, quasi dicat roasEOinplit 
organie corporalibus". 

Prof. Parenti found this reading in the C. Gstense. "rf* 
solo", he says, "vale per cento''. The histor)* of lb* 
error is obvious: At first an / was omitted in n/Zc/uAoiA; 
and the word was written alleuiando, as in the Cofio 
consulted; next, voce was held not to agree witli it, W" 
so came came to be substituted. Vi^-iani stales thftl ^ 
found the correct reading in more than fiftj- Codici. Cc**^ 
also found "voce" in all those which he onsnlted, M* 
rightly concluded, with the Cav. Monti, that "alMujaaia 
was the proper reading. 


Per gli altri legni, ed a ben far la incuora, 
Per gli aid legni, ed a ben far la incuora, 

Forty -SEVEN Conici (Rome 28; Brit 
Siena 3; Oxf. 3; C. Lib., and C. Ros.) g. 
examples of the first reading, h of the i 


Tie Ult^r were C. Brit. 21.780; Ci. Vat. 3197, 

6; Ci. Cora, 368, and 1365. 

[Among those with the firwt rending wore Ci. Vat, 

T5, 3199. -1776; C. Barb. 1535; C. Caet.; and Ci. 

ril-943. 19.5S7. 10.317, 2l.lfi3 &c. The C. Vat. 366 

M "At gli tillrui Ifijtti" . We tind the last two words 

litten in varioUB ways, "laneora" for la incora, or 

'ncora, a« in C. Vat 3197; "lincora", "Uttchuora" , 

"fflhteorn". In the C. Ros. we have "laricnra" 

rod to laneora. Benibo rendered a great service 

' intmdueing jnmrtuntion in the copy he made. 

ESTY-FouK Printed Editions gave for the 
: reading: 14 examples, for the second 10. 
\ The fonner were, Ben., But., Ed. 2. Vend., Nid., 
"rod. (with "fflaerora"). Vol!., Dan.. Lomb., Roro., 
^ laU. flSWt). "tlie Fmir"', Bian., and Witte. 
I The Utter were, Edi. 1, 3, 4. Aldns, the Criiaca, 
' r^ in noticed in the marginl, Vent., Dion., Biag., 
. and CoBta. 

(ToL'withKtAndiiig' the majority in favour of "aZ/ri", 
^nk tlic Academicians were here right in foi- 
ling Aldus. '^A/H" gives an idea of war galleys. 
of large and lofty vessels hnilt for fighting, and 
jrop lic" also what the other reading expresses at 
Kb expense of pictorial effect. 

^■)u« rutio and the rnllowtng relate almost entirely to 

H» pcrvonal ptatc of Dante in reference to the object of 

lb f*rly inlellectiial lovo. The Padre Ponta very jnatly 

•twerven (".Vi/ot-o Exjtrrlmm/o", Roma, IS43J "Si legge nrima 

Milk Vita \u»va la Hua infelicitji e convrrsiow. qtiinai sn- 

Wto il canln treuteairoo e tnnitiinestmo del Purf/atorio, e 

t1 n ravriiHTA la ivni conlinuationt del pensiero, quasi 

ckefiMii4>ro ftcrilti Hegiientemente itenjta intemizione". One 

iM^ht, in fact, nlniont imagine that this woh the Rnt por- 

(■m of the Divina Ofmniedia which the Poet cnmpoHed, 

fifcrmt ^pvlions nf which boar the internal evidence of 

« (YmteinponineoiiH eoiinif of thought, and were written 

•o • dilTerrnt order to that whieh they now occupy. 

r^anle undergoeH a new baptism "f t'llal iininerHJon before 

Bdmi«n<in to the hit^her nn'steriea; after thii» pilrilica- 

""* Twwtl, Iw U woJered optblff of »i»twiii 



Mai non t' appresento natura od arte 

Piacer, quanto le belle membra in ch' io 
Riiichiiisa fui; e sono in terra sparte. 

Jacopo della Lana in expounding this passage 
makes no reference to any mortal Beatrice of 
flesh and blood; neither does Pietro di Dante. 
But the Ottimo does, ^^seeondo la coricccia di fwrCy 
as the compiler, in another place, judiciously re- 
marks; and so also does Benvenuto da ImoL0i 
but in a way which shows that he attached littt* 
value to this literal sense of the Poet's won^-' 
compared witli the deeper and more importar^ 
signification intended by them. Buti remarks ^ - 
these verses. 

^^Secondo la lettera pare che Beatrice fusse una doi 
la quale Dante molto amasse; ma cUi inlese de la san^^ 
Scritfura, (fc fa quale fortemente fu inamorato mentre ~ 
fu ne la puerizia; e pero, per servare la fizione, 
parla come di cosa corporale, inletidendo sotto questo pa^~' 
lare i aUegorico hUelletto, Ecco socondo 1' alleggria per 1« 
belle membra, in die fu rinchiusa Beatrice, sono i ubri « 
li testi de la santa Scrittura li quali contegnano la sanC^^ 
8crittura, come le membra corpurali dell' omo contegiuui** 
r anima; e questi libri e testi piacqueno uel ditto temp^ 
pill a 1' autore, che niuna altra coea naturale o artificial^ 
ehc mai aves^^e vcduto. e che; cioe e le quali membr*^ 
sfi n terra: cioe sono in terra, spnrte: cioe, secondo 1» 
lettera, sepolte; ma allegoricamente sono libri e li testi d^ 
la santa Scrittura sparti per io mondo in diverse partiP 

This agrees with Benvenuto's observation: "i* 
quest' ultimo scnso le belle membra sono gli scritti tt^ 
loijiri sparsi in ogni lHogo'\ The earliest commen- 
tators on Dante, no more perceived a real lady 
here concealed under the figurative, than did the 
expounders of the Bible a lady beloved by Solo- 
mon under the material aspect of Divine Wisdom. 
This discovery appears to have been made by 
Boccaccio, and the notice of such in the Ottimo 


vould tend to show that its anonymous compiler 
ived somewhat later than is usually supposed, or 
ihat additions were made to it in subsequent times. 
Jacopo della Lana here says. * 

"Qui redargue (responde) beatrice Dante (a lauctore 
peroche) per en' ello nella seconda etade non scgui a theolo- 

Setcome ello (clli) fece nella prima (etade). Li miei disiri. 
oe le pogitioni theologiche sono (chenno) li articoli della 
fede. Quali (quay) fosse. Cioe quali ineonvenientie et 
qaali ai^omenti in contrario cosi (cossi) ti visemo. Et quali 
*^vole (agevoleze). Cioe quali vertudi (virtu) trovasti 
piuin altra seientia che in theologia. perche lassasti essa: 
^ tenestiti allaltre e quelle volesti studiare (e tenere): 
' theologia abandonare." 

All that follows has reference to Dante having taken 
^ less serious studies. 

Pietro di Dante explains the passage like a 
^wned man: 

£t incoepit sic: nunquam natura^ idest naturalis scien- 
^, vel ars, scilicet hberalis seientia ^ praesentavit tibi 
^qoid placibilius membris meis^ nunc in terra dispersis, 
lest libris Biblise et aliis theologicis novi Testamenti et 
Etuctorum per mundum diffusis. Et ita est: nam quid 
^n pulcrum? quid non dulce? quid non rhetorieum in 
^ theologia reperitur?'' The death of Beatrice is ox- 
LHined — "id est propter mortificationeni ipsius theologiae 
f corde ipsius auctoris, ut morlalis, quae res mortalis etc. 
t fuit cum, dicta theologia relicta, ipse Dantes so dedit 
^i^olettae, idest poesi, et aliis mundanis scientiis'. 

In reference to "/« dicenne seie' (Purg. XXXII., 2) 
^nd what follows, Jacopo repeats no more than 
"^bat is found in the poem, taking the words 
first in their literal sense. 

"Imperqnello che dece anni erano passati che Beatrice 
Cfi inorta et elli avea avuto sete di vederla. quasi adire 
eke dece anni stette vagabundo et errante. Che gli altri 
wnsi. Cioe chera tutto adatto a speculare et ogni altra 
delectatione era spcnta et admorzata. Et dissi quinci e 
qoindi: cioe tanto delectabile era qlla vista cliessa era 

•The words within brackets are the readings of the 
^m. in the Nidobeatina. 


parete a non las.saro allni ahro spei'iilare. Quando per 
forza. Xoia the lautori* tioiie chol suo giiardare ad 
Beatrice sia iiatiirale. Inipenjuello chella e suo dove. 
i'ioe lo luogho o\ sejjno ache dee es^ere dritta ogni spe- 
culatione humana. Et cosi si segue che essendo lantore 
1 tale s]>ccuIatioiie et olli attes^c adaltro che tal moto 
fosse violento et pero dice per forza." (xxx.. 12'2: XXXI^ 

Pietro hero states — ''dicit primo figurate qua- 
liter per decom nnnos stetcrat relicta visione Bea- 
tricis, id est studio theologico". And the author 
of the ''Falso Boccaccio" says — "chegli lavea 
lasciata eabandonata per atteudere alle moralita 
di poesia ": iiiterprctingr the reproof of Beatrice — 
"epermilla il dovevi fare coiiciosiacosa che none 
veruna altra arte liberale no venina iscienza na- 
turalc che vaglia appiacierc dime ede miei libri.*' 

Beuvenuto, however, with a relish for the "ror- 
/ecda di fiwn'\ remarks on '^fa dicenne sefr^\ '*cio^ 
dal lliOO quando il Poeta incomincicS quest' opera 
a contare dalla morte di Beatrice dieci anni prima 
avvenuta". But the Ottimo is here more ortho- 
dox, and paraplu-ases (v. 0). ''J se fraeli con fan^ 
tiva refers by ^\4nft' s/rcufa rrcata snm^ et usque in 
futurum non desinam\ 

Biiti explains '*A/ fUcennf scfe": -'Come e stato ditto di 
sopra, lo iiostro autore inline la sua puerizia prese va- 
ghezza per piacero de la santa Scrittura, e pero a finto 
che s' innaninra<<e di Beatrice: e jx^i che 1' ebbe stiidiata 
tiitta e vediita, socondo la lettera e moralita, abbandono 
tale studio , e pero finfce ch' oUa cresciuta morisse : impero 
che la iovanetta ii era piaciuta: cioe secondo lo iutelletto 
jiivenalo, letterale <» morale, e pero la tinge corporale e 
camale. E fatta grandc: cio^ rpiando dovea venire alio 
intelletto allegorico et anagogico ch' t- spirituale, fu ab- 
bandonata da hii e diedesi a le cose del niondo. e perJ* 
a tinto cir <*lla monsse: impero die non avea veduto la 
santa Scrittura. se non secondo 1 corpo. cioe secondo U 
lettera e moralita: e lo spirituale intelletto non avea cer- 
cato . anco 1" avea al tutto abbandonato . e di cio e stato 
ripreso da lei di soj>ra." 



'I'Ik- tval, or allegorical death of "Beatrice beata ", herself, 
ma Dante says, a miracle whone root is the adiairable 
Trinity aline (see V. N.l, took jilace June g"" 129(1. In 
tbis year, accordiiie lu Ituti, Dunte entered the order of 
tbr I'raii Minori (Inf. Xvl., 10«)-, the following year he 
toarrii-J a lady of the Uunati family , Gemma di Manettu. 
Acoirding lu Hoccaccio, the Vita Nuova was composed 
in the same year, but Scolari thinks in 1292, or shortly 
after, anil Fonta not before 1294- Be this as it may, 
frtiiu l-2<fi\ to l30(t wcro, aa all readers of Dante know, 
Iht- iiiosl active and eventful years of his life. He who 
tiad brftu the accoraplishod sonneteer, musician, and artist 
— wliii had taken u leoi^ling uurl in the gay love-ffites of 
fair Flor«nce, and fought in her battles with honour and 
rvoown — who was learned as well as brave, the observed 
uf all observers . now entered on the more important duties 
uf lifo; he married and became a public man, was fre- 
qui'iiily employed on weighty and urgent embassies, in 
coun<.i1 vtwf listened to with admiration, and in all state 
nlTaim ii-naulled with deference; eventuailv he was elected 
by lii« fellow titir.en* to the dignity of cWf magistrate, 
mnd r<»e fi bo the first and most distinguished of the 
Priori. If we anr to understand by Beatrice, the wife of 
!4iin<m>- de' Knrdi, who died in 1200, the same year as 
h. r fiidiLT, Koleo di Kicovoro de' Portinari, and if shortly 
.iti'i Huiiii's union witli a lady of noble birth, bv whom 
I.. ]:..! a numerous family, and who showed he'rsclf in 
:..i-:. rtiitu- to bf a most exemplary and devoted mother, 
I - .ti tbar time, when, as a husband and father, 
tiil'ul servant of thrKcpublie, Danle may well be 
I , -■■I to have had enough to occupy his attention, we 
"|iiired t" Ixdievc that he proceeded to compile a 
I pnerile relation of n juvenile attachment to aiiotlier 
inn. it veems to me that we are invited to commit 
I Mt of gross injustice to the memory of the most diit- 
ightsbrd Phihisophcr, Politician and Patriot which the 
roua soil of Italy, fertile in illuslriouH men. has ever 
d', and that Uiouc, who hold with this strange no- 
., are very much mintaken in the purport and intention 
r the Poet in patting forth that production characteristic 
r the aspiration* of bin early lite. But if, on the con- 
igiry, we refer Beatrice to the ideal idol of Dante'v inner 
Te, |o ibal image of beatitude which he lind conceived 
I the only [>erf(^t partner of the loving soul, the only 
>riliy utitnan. Nymbolicallv t>p*-aking, which mind eouid 
Ice to itself M ita eternal and inseparable aaiwciato in 


everlasting felicity, then indeed the *' Vita Nuova" becomes 
easier to understand, and we may discover in it the yearn- 
ings of the yc»iithfiil Poet, and Philosopher for a Kigher 
and more perft^ot happiness than that which the due per- 
formance of moral duties, or the active virtues of life 
are admitted to confer, and may perceive that the con- 
nexion between the V. S. and the Divina Commedia. more 
especially that part of it which relates to etemjil beatitude, 
is no mere imaginative fiction, but has a substantial founda- 
tion and reality in psychological fiicts. 

Dante enjoyed ten years of an uninterrupted prosperity; 
at the (Mid of that time the dark clouds of adversity began 
to gather around him, soon misfortunes fell upon hiiu. liis 
enemies triumphed, and ti» all the bitterness of exile, 
poverty and injury, were added the remembrances of his 
tMrmer goiul fortunt^ reputation, and honour. 

Then he j^erceivetl that happiness must be sought else- 
where than in tlit' things iif this world, and in the vain 
glory of iHisition and power; for that these earthly mem- 
bers of neatrice, which perish with the using, do not 
confer it. He felt with Hoethius and followed his example, 
and though Philosophy cannot make a tluliet^ it can make 
a Beatrice and did. ( hice more the Poet turned to the 
consolations of his Donna, renewed his meditations on 
Divine Wisdom, and resumed his poetical labours. In 
the commentary on the poetry in tlie Vita Nuova, biblical 
thouglits, words, antl plirases are so mixed up with alle 
gorit's, and amati»ry allusions, and circumstances that seem 
tti liavf tak«Mi phicf. that while some things hanuonize 
with what is r«*late<l by Roccacci** Mf Folco Portinari*? 
pretty daughter, and niav be applied to her, others are 
so opposed to anv literal sense whatever, and are eri- 
dently so inirely allegorical, that the reader, like the Voeu 
becomes bewildered in the "battaglia delli diversi pen- 
sieri", and is constrained to seek a solution of his oifti- 
culties elsewhere. 

The angel Rapliafl ivuiarks t»» Adam (Par. Lost. b. viil., 
.'i^n -J', tliat Lov<* 

is the scale 

l>v which to hcav'niv love thou mav'st ascend: 

but thi> \\ill not a]»]ily to the love of another man's wife, 
vi't Beatrice was undoubtetUv the means bv which Dante 
nuauited to the sjiheres. 

l^•nta. >\illi his uriual tact, states on this subject: 



"Boatrice fu i»<,t lui In sciiolft pliiliinkn, uhe dalle bcl- 
terrcne lo iuaUava alio celesti tincli^ vieae igiiag- 
' |)assaUi iIh airne n spirilo, cun aumonto di virtii e 
lu. n(-crclib<> in Itii ainore allii dloBotia. In distaccu 
rtto ditlla tt-rru (thU !» not quite in harmony with Bea- 
* I uiihraidin^B), e lo levii (ti cielu in ciein — oesia di 
]Kma in scicnza — sino alia piii nohile parte dell' em- 
, ove u facaa a faccia vide Dio, eomma sapienza, 
a prima, tn cui OBserv-o legato con antcre in tin vtilume do 
pr wr f tmiveno ti sufuaderna." ("Nuovo Esperiinento etc.") 
Iliad this iugcnioua writer said instead, that for Daule 
! trutJa plaliinira was beatrirt, the first stage of their 
|Boruti« connexion would have been more lorreclly ex- 
_rt-Mfil. (tM-<- on Fard. vii., 13—15.) 

Buti'ii account of what passed in the decade between 
f2tM luid I3(HI, when Dante turned from poetry to poll- 
tint, and from abstract eontemplation to active duties, so 
tliai hi* plntrtnic vimon of spiritual beatitude underwent 
Kti i^-lipse. and tiguratjvely he fell into a perilous state uf 
«rntr. though dittL-rcntly expressed, relates to tlie same 
(-\iuin. iMnle's n-lapse was followed by the comunnrtiims 
I — I'ticfr, in liis dreams he waa adnioniithea and re- 
Ipv Ihe internal foresight of his own mind, or that 
liie soul called in Baconian language "the inspired 
-,i:.>;_iri_i- whiv-h 

— senzu raezzd spira 

La Momma bemnanza. 

Dante's efTorta tn return to a stnle of sulvatiim obtuiut-d 

■ ' ■ I thr pity and help of 'preventing grace", then of 

itiug grace', and lastly uf 'cooperating grace' in 

iili the holy Scriptures, the "irf domtr" who in 

.io|t(?J after hix cpirilual welfare. "LasantaTeo- 

:.ys Buti. "che e uua medeBJma cosa con la gra- 

I'-ranl*? (• conxninnnte, armpre di cielo disccnde 

■iiini "; and so Beatrice, who united in her [lerson 

I : I ihmr-, and therefore her name, "peHi eh' aiiiira 

■ .,' I'-alifica cu/iii in cui ella e" (See Buti on Inf. II., 

1 , <l,.)icL'niled from heaven, and to save Duitc from 

1 ' ■ I'll, sent liis master in poetry to show him the 

; :< - l>r<yond the grave, so far as human reaium and 

I I I' I'iiv can reach, in other wonls Dante waii insidred 

' ' ihe Divina Commodia under the gutdaniM? ot Vir- 

1 so retnmeal M tlie vixton of Bt-atnce in all hnr 

'■iiaty, "per va/iare lo desiderio. che avea por- 

I <tiec« anni. di ritoniare n la lonloinnlaxione ili* 

„ 11..^ lU-tto spiritnalp du la sauta Toologia e Jm la beat!- 


tudine eterna, a la quale ella tira ranlnio i 
wuuld seem to be the meaning of Dante's Ggurstiv« ad 
highly symbolical language, when he ajiaiii beheld, !■■ 
intellectual Paradise, the still supremely beloved OwH 
of the ''Vita Nuova". Landino wae fully aware of dn^ 
and after a paraphrase of the passage, thus prooeedl^ 
the reproving language of Beatrice. i 

"Nou (lovevi aSunque stimai'e che choaa alchtuu « 
manchi potessi essere la tita felidta et somino bene. Uj 
peroche el sommo bene i: quelle ehe c etemo et oOOm 
trova se non in Dio.Adunque se io in carne . i . n II 
theologia nelln vita activa la quale ciadmonisce <-'iif*^ 
govemo del eoi'po: et per questo linalmente vien mIM 
noil ti potc fare beato uesauna Mtra eliosa mortale fl 
potra fare. Imperoche in qnesta vita in nessun jinctu lt| 
truova vera fehcita; Et se pure alchuna quiete si tniort 
quella t- uosta nella vita morale: et secondo la nostra ran 
gione. Adimque se in questo mondo non si truova ¥(«■ 
parte nella vita virtuoaa: molto meno si truovera ia og* 
altra spetie di vita." — " Dovevi adunqne lovarti suso dwW 
a me Beatrice . i . theologia la quale non ero piu tale 'l^ 
non ero in came: ma ero in corporeo spirito. Imp^oehA 
chi seguita Beatrice gia spoliata di came . i . sf^guil* M 
theologia speculativa perche ha cognitione delle coBC W 
lesti el d'esso Dio vi truova la vera felicita." I 

Buti had already pointed out the distinction to be ditw 
between the letter of scripture, the fleshy members of BW 
trice, as usually explained, which had once so greatly Jg 
lighted Dante, and the spiritual sense in which he Iw 
not sought to follow her, though in the coutenipUtioB*^ 
this sense, beatitude was held more especially to COM*! 
Landino here confirms this view of the subject. AUtuW 
to Beatrice daughter of Folco Portinari. he states, *1b^ 
by way of apology for introducing her here. 1 

"Nella vita del pocta dimostrammo chi fusae HetltM 
figliuola di Folco Portinari: Et di poi in pii parte ■ 
questo poema c stato nianifesto che I'amorp ptldicllo * 
quale portava a queala donna fccc cAc tui ridHerttt • 
/mtoriit a puelkha pliantima el fieliane: el punghila per M 
vita totilemplativa seconttti la retigione chrKliana. II ptrtk 
fu molto aiutalo dtil nome, perche tietilricr siffnifica fm 
di beaiitudine. Et nessuna chom abbanda di beatUwUnf t 
nun la cognitione di Dio, et delle celestt chosr." I>aaU 1 
his Oonvito (Tratt. iv., c. 3i), having spoken of the pn 
tical use of the intellect and will, proceeds to notice ti 
speculative use of these, and says — "i ^ 


\ ei i^, non operare per noi, n. 
B (lella Natiira: e qacsto nso ( 
tndine e sommti feliiita." 

a considerare I'opere 
quell' altro k nostra 

t of the two , the latter is fuller of beatitude 
[the former. 

Kquesta parte in questa vita perfettamente lo suo uso 
I non puo, U quale e vodere Iddio (Pard, xxviii., 108) 
t toinmo iatelltgibile, se nou in qiianto 1' intcUetto 
Hera lui e mira lui per H euoi effetti.'' At the close 
1b chapter he adds^ — ^"E coei appare the nostra hea- 
Be, e questa felicity di cui el parla, prima trovare 
^o imperfetta nella vita attiva, cice nelle operazioni 

itttellettuati ; lo qnali due operazioni suno vie epedlte 
ntissime a menare alia eomma beatitudine, la quale 
BOn HI pnote avere, come appare per quello che 

lutello admits the moral sense, hut here only briefly 
"s — "che gli studi de le sacre lettere gli usciron 
,„te". Daniello is equally concise on the vital mean- 
J the Poet and merely saya — "quanto all' allegoria, 
nbe cgli lascio gli stadij della Teologia". The es- 
i, BCnsnal meaning, as conveyed by the simple letter, 
pore attraction for him than the rehgious and moral 
lation which Dante intended. And this looking to 
ttter rather than to the spirit and meaning of the 

■ has, with few exceptions, ever since prevailed among 
Te&tatora. Venturi, v. 23, merely exclaims, "Ricor- 

I cbo fieatriee e la teologia, o la vita conlemplativa", (!) 
Bich be was rebuked by Fraticclli (Ed. 1S37) who 
Jered her to signify ''La scieuza delle cose divine!'. 

■ took her for grace perfecting as well as theology. 
■idi scarcely deigned to bestow on her a serious 
Bl, and confessed himself hopelessly pledged to her 
luity, "per isbrigarmi '", as he says, "dall' impegno 
Mvare quando la teologia dicendesse al mondo' (see 

) Covta, however, had a deeper insight into this 
I (Bee Appen. on Purg. xxx., 31 etseq.), and saya 
ne forse di significare I' amore che giovinetto egli 
I sftcri studi ; the subsequent reproofs, he adds, 
lio the moral sense, to the active part which Dante 
n the iLtTairs of the Republic, "occupato ti-oppo nelle 
civili della partita Firenze", imless, indeed, the 
I uf Beatrice refer "agli uoraini di quel tempo, che 
\ nell' odio di parte si dilungavano dalle vie della 


f;iuBtizia e non si occupavano del vero bene della 
talia'\ (See Edit. Firenze 1830. p. 876.) 

To those students of "the Sacred Poem, who 
Beatrice nothing more than her outward semblance ^ 
corteccia di fuori'\ and follow one another like the "*" '?^ 
corelW (Canto iii., 79—84), it may be said — 

Cosi parlar conviensi al vostro ingegno^ 
Perocche solo da sensato apprende 
Cio; che fa poscia d' intelletto degno. 

Per questo la Scrittura condescende 
A vostra facultate, e piedi e mano 
Attribuisce a DiO; ed altro intende: 

E santa Chiesa con aspctto umano 
GabricUc e Michel vi rappresenta^ 
E r altro die Tobia rifcce sano. 
(Pard. IV., 40—48.) 

The true key to Beatrice is furnished by the Con."^^^ 
Tratt. III., 14—15. (See on Pard. iv. 118; and viL, l-^^^' 


Non sark tutto tempo senza reda 

L' aquila che lascib le penne al carro^ 
Perch6 diveune mostro e poscia preda; 
&c. &c. &c. 

Dante's symbolical history of tlie Cliurcli, coi^^ 
inenccd in the twenty -ninth canto of the Purgi^ 
torv, is continued in the thirty - second , and con^ 
eluded in tlie following- one. It is a remarkable 
narrative in which many figm'es and cxpressioud 
used in the Apocalypse in reference to Pagan 
Rome, are applied by the Poet to Papal Rome, 
and made characteristic of the existing circum- 
stances of the IIolv See. Connnentators are must- 
ly agreed on the general meaning, but differ in 
explaining j)arti(*ular features of it. The older 
expounders keep closer to the ormc of Dante than 
the modern ones, and frequently attach meauings 
to things which the latter deem too trivial to 



The glorious proceasion wheels to the right, 

id when the earro turns, where the Christian 
irtues lead, Dante, Matilda, and Statius follow 
Anjffelic music regulates the movement, 

id at the distance of about three bow -shots 

icrc ia a halt, when Beatriee descends from the 
lar, and it is tied by the Grifon to a lofty tree 

■spoiled of foliage and fruit. 

This tree, by the Poet's description of it, might 
a Palm tree, which in Cliriatiau symbolism is 

t for the Tree of Life, and is equivalent to the 

■os«. The early commentators , following Dante, 
"*V., Ilfi; XXXIII., 58-63) explained it as 

le Tree of the forbidden fruit, or of the know- 
fedge of evil by the fatal experience derived from 
disobedience: so the Ottimo (compare XXXII., 
43-8, with Pard. XXVI., 115—7). 

Jacopo (Iclla Lana says "1' antore inteade per qtiesta 
pianta ofogliata la obbedientia: alia quale lo Qnfone. 
ci<K^ I'lirulo liuso la sua <:Iiieiia llgaU: . . Or inteode ello 
.^< ]i--r In disobbidientia do' primi parent! oioe Adam 
• 1 i >:> oUa fu privata doll« sue foglie. (jiiasi a dire la 
-. I. :,itiiitio linmatia per lo dicto peccato fii spogUnta dti 
,)l,:. ■■ da gratia celi^«tiali>. Ma per lo advenimeiito di 
I lin -til la dicta pianta pullulo o miBo foglie. Quasi a dire 
I'-ni ill gratia fa dicta hiimauu »petia". But farther on 
ii- -Mi.-s — "Et intonde qiiesta piauta lautore Isrbore 
i)- :i.. vita del ijualt^ fu (.-untradiutu aprimi parcnti lo 
Ki II ..-iHrc del Buo fructo: la quale pianta corao decto ae 
.. -iijriiliian! per allcgoria la obedientia". 

'i'he Author of the Ottimo is here more correct, 
and diHtingtiishes between the Tree of IJfe and 
theTree of obedience, bii« remurka also on XXXII., 
43 — 5 are more precise than those of Jacopo, 
though to the Dame purport — 

"(^JuB»i dies: tu ubbidondo di qui alia iiiorte, iioii loc- 
cAati luai d<^I Iftgno duvit-lalo. II iimegiore fallo, chc fa- 
(■('•"■th li pHmi uufitri pareuti, fii 1r JianbbidititiMi. OriNto 
fu iil>)>i<li>'ntr' di qui nllit ni<>rli! d'dla Croce." And ou 
%. lO'J— 112 adiU: "Vojiliono alcuni> cbe quello nlben^ 


al quale il Grifone lascib il carro, sia la Croce". The^ 
is a well known Christian ftlj'th; found in the apocrypb^ 
Gospel of Nicodcmus, c. XlV., stating that when Aoft^ 
fell sick and was nigh unto death, he sent his son Sett 
to the gate of Paradise to beg a few drops of the oil o* 
mercy that distilled from the Tree of Life, and th^^ 
Michael the archangel gave him instead a branch of d^<^ 
Tree, which Seth planted on his father's grave, where £"* 
grew into a famous stem that eventually furnished Hx^ 
upright trunk of tlie Cross. * IJuti has introduced thi^ 
allegory in explanation of v. 51. 

E quel di lei a lei lascio legato, 

that is the pole of the car, here supposed to be madeo»^ 
the same wood. The Ottimo, however, explains: "Ch^ 
Cristo logh la Chicsa alia scienza del bene e del male 7 
accioccho eletto il bone, lasciasse per la cognizione iX 
male: e cosi fece del legno medesimo". The restoratiotm 
of leaves and fruit is ascribed to the same cause as b)r 
Jacopo — the incarnation of our Lord — **Ed allora ch^ 
Cristo per la sua Incarnaziono ebbe per grazia restitiut* 
r umana generazione, e riconciliato a Dio, il detto albcro 
ritomo nel suo primo stato di foglie e di frutti". 

Pietro Allighieri states of this tree — "Haic arbor pr*^ 
obedientia accipitur'', and again "ejus altitudo figuf*' 
altitudinem meriti obedientiaj": (p. 534) he also quot^ 
S. Augustin, ("De Gen. etc.''); but gives as well the ptf^^ 
sage in Daniel (c. IV.) descriptive of the Tree which ^si^i 
Nebuchadnezzar saw in his vision, wliose height reach^J 
unto the heaven, and the sight thereof to all the eart^' 
and which signiiied the king and his kingdom. 

In scripture, trees, naturally significant of life and i ^* 
chief lihenomena, are put for men and for kingdom ^•' 
there is an*)th(»r n;markable examph* of this in Ezeki«=^*' 
XXXI., 1 — y, where w(! read, in the last verse: "et afin "■-'*' 
lata siuit earn onniia ligna voluptatis (in our translatit^^" 
rendered 'of Edeif), quie crant in ])aradiso Dei'': uiea 
ing that all the kings and kingdoms in the western p* 
of Asia euvi(;d the king and the kingdom of Assyria. 

A Tree is also used as a symbol of Christ, the bread *^' 
Life which came down from heaven. (John VI., 41.) At*^ 
again: ''V'incenti dabo edero de //V/z/o Vff<f\ quod est in par^' 
diso Dei mei." (Apoc. 11., 7.) So that in this sacred tre«?' 

*Sco M. Didroit **Cliri.sti{iu Icoiioprajiliy"; also Curzou's **Mon»*" 
terif.s of tlio ljOv;int". 



ichicli. in many mythologies, is ptit for the Treo of Life, 
ciKTiifii-'ant i)f the living energies of Nature, as well as 
of divine sustenance, we are required to recognize soi 
thing more than the now usually received meaning of the ■ 
Ruinnn Kin|iire, or merely Rome. 

Pietro AUighiori says, with the Ott. (p. 625), "Qua ar- " 
b«r, ui damnaiio human! generis, ideo sic et infmctuoso, 
per Christum, qui obedions fnit factus usque ad mortem, 
Bt wl A|>oBt«lua, extitit reparata frondiuus ot fmclu." 
{xxxiir., 01—3.) 

Benvcnuto da Imola was somewhat uncertain whether 
thi» Trei" was to be taken as "immagine dell' impero 
rtimauo, ovvcru immagine dell' albero della Oenesi". But 
M» he remarks: "Cmio fu ubLidiente sino alia morte"; 
it would seem that ho regarded it in the same sense as 
bi« predmN^norsi, and this is confirmed bv the statement: 
"Vo^liono ali^uni che nncUa pianla indichi la crocc, ma 
tu inr^-ce >[>i<'gherai, clie In tal alto Crislo voile siguiH- 
care di aver legata la Chiesa all' obbediensa." Also by 
tbo remark on iiR rcKtoraUuii : "per 1' obbedionza di Oristo 
Ia pianta rinnovf) le foglie," The colour of the new foliage, 
"mtyi cf>e tti roue e piu che di tiaie", signifnng, he says, 
that there was then less of the "prima etli' ihnn of uie 
'*«■/« rfi iMedimza". 

Biili alnfi explains tlie pianla as the Tree of the know- 
ledge of good and evil, and significant of obedience, the 
fmit niiA foliage of which was restored by die merits of . 
Christ. Tho Tree found at the entrance to the cornice of J 
OlnltoDS, described, XXII., 151— S; as also the one when I 
the cj-miceends, XXIV., 103—17, and which was derived 
from the Tree above in tlie Faradiso deliiiarum, would 
■ecm 10 be figurative of the restraint which should be 
laid upon intemperate longings. 

Bull's remarks on v. 43— S, are very judicious : "doles 

ciwa J? la acienza a chi gusta lo suo aaiiore poi 

che rhi n' assaggia torce 1' appetitu suo al male; c bono 
dice: laref: imjierb che al bene si dirissa et nl mal si 
torc«, quindi dice: imper6 che per quella disobedienza fu 
I' "TOii fmlo nvl liboro arbitrio, sicclie con malngGvilessa 
a' « potuto dirissarc al bene et agevilmentc e torto al 
male", fhi the la»t verse he observes: "lo seme d' ogni 
jasto e I' nmilitii, o 1' umUit4 si conserva co 1' obcdienza, 
da 1 timiliUi nasceno tulti li atti virtuosi: come la super- 
bia ^ madre dl tatti li vizi e peccati e radico; cobI I' 
aniiitJi b radico e seme d' ogni atto virtuoso etc.*' 



Landino who quotes Virgil, Georg. II., 122 — 4, as hiv- 
ing furnished the type of tins ti-ee, explains it as tli* 
Tree of science and holy obedience, which is founded in 
humility. Vellutello follows in the same sense: "1' arboB 
de 1' ubtdientia, e de la scientia del bene e del main, dw 
induBse Adamo a peccare", and adds that Daniel spdir 
of it when he said: "Videbam, et ecce arbor in attiit 
terrie, et altitudo ejus nimia: etc. (Dan. iv., 7— l!.^^ 
Daniello took a similar view of it. Ventiiri was cjn- 
tioiia, and said little about it, but rather thought it MgiB— ' 
Scant of the Church. ^^ 

Lombardi introduced a new notion, or rather revin^fc 
an old one found in Benvennto ; he sotight to ehow tl*^* 
the Tree meant the Roman Empire. Hia arguments, how-^ 
ever, were not sufficient to controvert the authority 0^^ 
the Poet, and were also otherwise unsatisfactory. H( 
thought that the.wordsv. 112 — 3, especially "per l' arbm 
giu" meant that Jupiter's eagle came down from the trt^ 
to destroy its new leaves and flowers, and not upon iW 
hut the preceding terzina (109—11) shows Dante's mewl- 
ing to be that the descent wa« from the highest rt^iw* 
of the clouds via per /' arbor giit, just as Hghuuop 
descends upon tall trees, passing through them to tk* 

Sound, ana so Buti understood it, "e parea che veai*** 
cielo", as did the eagle described in Ezekiel X\TI., ** 
et seq., from which the figure seems to have been ukc**' 

Lombardi's explanation of v. 43 — 8, on this hypotho«>*t 
is very trivial — Our Lord's words "Reddite erg« q™*^ 
sunt Ciesaris, Cresari"' (Matth. xxil,, 21), arc but a Borf^ 
illustration of obedience unto death: neither is the ""t^ 
position anv better, that from Adam having eaten of ifi^^ 
forbidden truit, his posterity derived a vitiated taste lh»^ 
"fa loro sembra doice lo scindere il mistcrioso albero, do* 
lo smetnbrare I' universale impero.' The attempt to har- 
monLie v. 44 with this notion drives the worthy Padre 
to take shelter, in parenthesis, under the forbidden trM 
itself, as the only means of escaping a reductio ad absur- 
dum, which is thus reserved for v. 4S, where we are told 
that the conservation of "il seme d' ogni ffiitslo", U etttntti 
by preserving the integrity of the universal Roman Km- 
pire. (!) 

Poggiali turned to the older Commentators, rmi Bi*- 
gioli, following Venturi, pronounced for tlie Church : "11- 
gura il Poeta, al paror nostro, in quosta piania la chiesa.* 
Cesari, whose remarks are here much to the piiriioMi «c- 
plains the pianta as ''quella dove Adamo pecco ', and >ddi 



nesto albero (.'be fu 1o sperimento della obbodicnza d' 

6 tigura della Chieaa, e del dominio die per essa 

I «xomta neir iiomo, e del debito cho egli ha di ub- 

lit^, c aerviro alia sua volontk, per6 mette in cldo 

a, congiungendoBi con Dio etc." On v. 48 he eays; 

'f laoii ton aervire alia volontk di Dio, si compie ogni 

tf", aad qaotca ; Sic cnira decct rob implcre omDem 

% (MatUi. in., 15.) The last verso (48) is explained 

|copo della Lana, the carro being of the same 

\ the tree. "11 carro e la dignita Pontificia alia 

. congiunta, e perocch^ del niedesimo legno del 

r altreVi I' albero; pero easo significa anche la 

lri(«a col Capo a\io." The tree becoming of a blood 

Slonr bt^forc inflorescence, also bears oat the idea of the 

' Olitircti. "esaendo del sangue di Cristo ingenerata e ab- 

bellita la Chieea". 

I'aolii ('oAta here laboured with much diligence to de- 
vel«pc thp moaning of Dante, But he set out, I think, 
with n wrong notion. With him the "Selva votit" is Italy, 
umI iho Troo is Kome. Dante had already described 
Italy im "rfi dolttre mtella etc." (vi., 76— 12((), and it is not 
a priori probable tliat he would afterwards describe it 
UMD a* mil I'f delights; the description which he does 

KB of this paradise (xxvm., 01 — (») is of the Garden of 
en, not that <if tin- Empire; a region of eternal peace 
Taltii per proprio dell umana spoce'"; the very reverse 
if Italy which wa* tlif arena of perpetual war. 
LTbat the Tree wae meant for Rome is a mere conjecture, 
which we have the most direct evidence of the 
t thai it was put for the test tree of human obedience, 
t in its chief and primary sense (xxxill., SS — 66). 
explains v. 43—48 much in the same manner a> 
rdi, and with no better success. Uor does the his- 
' Rome hold an analogous relation to this tree as 
mod by l_V>sta, "che tnnto si dilata pivi quanto piii o 
, for the be^nning of Kome, and its state for a long 

afterwards, was neither great nor clorious, and it 
a only when Rome bec^aine the so called mistrena of the 

1 that her empire was exalted. 

1 doc« not foUnw that becautie the carro of the ('hurch, 
) cathedra of 8t. Peter is fastened to the stem of this 
(, that tlie tree mutt bo Rome , the catliedra of St, 

r haTing there been set up. For the cathedra of St. Peter 
• joinr<l by Christ to tho discipline he had established, 
I wa* uuit4>.d to Him in Kighteousnoss , which this Tren 
lay well be supposed to represent, itself an emblem of 


Uioae who in scripture are said to flourish like the palm 
tree (Psal. xci., 13, Vulg. Ver,), which U significant of con- 
stancy, fruitfulness, patience and victory, survives injurios, 
is ever erect, and has its coma stronger, and broader, 
and more beautiful the higher it grows; it is thus an ex- 
ceedingly appropriate symbol of t}ie merit of obedienee, 
and of the kingdom of God. 

Whatever political meaning there may be In the Di<rioa 
Commedia, and auch there undoubtedly is, should here bo 
kept subservient to that higher and more universal meoa- 
ing which Dante had in view when he wrote not for hi* 
own nation only but also for every other. 

The carro is not always tho Church of Christ, but it 
is always the cathedra of St. Peter, \Vhen it became di»- 
fignred by monstrosities it ceased to be the Church of 
Cnriat, but remained still the carro, or what was left 
of it. (xxxii., 142 et seq.) 

All that really has any refei-ence to Rome in this and 
the following canto had been fully admitted by the esrlr J 
expounders. Dante furnishes various intimations lo thu I 
effect, Inf. 11., 20—7; Purg. XVI., 106 &t%, and in hii | 
work "de Monarckia" seeks to show that an umverstl 
Roman monarchy in Europe waa the ordained will of 
heaven, and nece.isary to the peace of the world, a tlieoiy 
which however repugnant to our modem ideas and lo ibc 
civilization of the 19"* century, was by no means an ir- 
relevant hypothesis in the time of Dante, when so mtaj 
matters of stale were referred to Rome, and the iniiuenc* 
of the Papacy was brought to bear on the political relJi- 
tions of Italy, France, England, Germany and other «»!>■ 
tries. The ideal monarchy of Dante was a temporal po*<9" 
analogous to the spiritual authority of the lopes, then 
exercised and submitted to in all lands where RoHX*" 
Christianity prevailed, and wliich was often appealed to , 
in political matters also, and might have been emploj^ 
with advantage had it been possible for the Popes to T"' 
aside the supposed interests of the Church, and to iUW- 
trate on principles of universal justice. 

When Paolo Costa had satisfied himself that llie ^^\ 
vota meant Italy, it followed, as a corollary, that the X«** 
was Rome. But between these senses there is noi th^ ^ 
quired analogy, and the conjecture is contrary to thff **" 
sertions of the Poet. Possibly Costa might have 1^*** 
biased by the verbal correspondence between "la rirrf'^'* 
fratca", and "vedoim" applied to Rome fvt., lli — i), fc* 
the latter is said in reference to Rome without her C«»*'' 



Costa applied tlie foniier to Rome without her 

I, and before any Popes ever existed, Romo was no 

K( then. Ill Dante's time ^Le vr&s. Coatii says that 

mn as the apostolic scat was located there, "Roma, 

prima era disadoma di ogni virtii. se ue abbelli 

etc." Now this is not true, Christianity, in one sense, 

[tiBed new life into the Roman Empire, though not before 

-'ftU was sealed, and then it was the life rather of divided 

Dbem than of a united body. The blood of Martyrs 

triebed the nascent church , but gave no buds nor blos- 

» to old Rome. 

efore taking leave of the controversial tree, an inter- 

ig fact in vegetable physiology requires to be noticed 

:h is nsually attributod to the poet Goethe for its 

svery, but is here stated by Dante, that flowers are 

metamorphoBod leaves, for such his words, "Difiori 

' alfra frnnda", imply. 

a moment of indescribable mystery, a celestial hymn 

?» Dante I" fall asleep, as on other transitions of 

ilar import: the grlfon and his symbolical associates 

jd to heaven, and the Poet, on coming to himself, 

Beatrice seated at the foot of the tree, surrounded 

the Tirtiies bearing the illuminations of the spirit, sole 

iian of St. Peter's chair, (xsxii., &1— O.) 

IB brought before her, and receives a charge to 

:le, for the benefit of a depraved world, the incidents 

is about to witness. It is as if the Poet had been 

lorixed by divine command to produce a new revela- 

Possibly this seeming inspiration may have caused 

ircft to affirm that the "Comedia doversi intitolare 

iflto alio Spirilo Santo che a Dante".* 

fhat follows there is no very important difference 
^ Commentators. The ten persecutions of the Roman 
iroTB are succeeded by heresies, of which the lean 
iennning fox is the 8\-mbol (Cant. Cant. Sal. Ii., 15); 
driven away with blows by the orthodoNy of Bea- 
Pietro Allighieri and Landino supposed iJie fox to 
Mohammed, the Ottjmo also mentions this notion, 
ldi> "altri voglionii in generale che sia la eretica 
which was the opinion of Benvcnulo da Imola, 
ilixia degli eretici", and of Buti, "sette d' eretici". 
ttog. according to Velhiiello. with Simon Magns; so 
lello, Volpi, Ventnri, &c. Lombard! explained 

VMiU, "Naaro Enperiroeata sn la principftle nUeiroria dells 
"-m*dla Ac." Roma, 1S43 p. fl. 


the fox as the heresy introduced into the Papal see, ac- 
cording to Dante, by Pope Anastasius*. Others have sup- 
posed that Arin.s, or Julian the Apostate was meant, anJ 
more recently Xovatian has been named, as bv ]\[archetti, 
Costa and others, but this application does not seem to 
me to be borne out : the lean and hungry fox ^^digiuna di 
ot/ni htton pa.^fo" will not agree with Xovatian as indica- 
ting *'la mancanza in lui di ogni sana dottrina". for not- 
withstanding the scandal first c»ccasioned to the (?hiircli 
by this Anti-jHijie, elected in 251, he was a ver\- elaqneat 
and popular man , a rigid reformer of abuses ratlier than a 
corrupter of doctrine, and gave to his disciples the name 
of Cat hares or the pure. The vulpe should, with the ma- 
jority of the early commentators, be regarded as put for 
heresy in general, or the insinuating artifice of false 

The second eagle "significa Constantino Imperadore lo 
quale docto la chiesa delle richeze temporali* so Jacopo: 
both he and Pietro Allighieri mention a mysterious voice 
in the air having been heard in Rome on this occasion, 
saying: ^'hodie ififusam esf renemim in Fccfesia Dei", In 
Ezekiel, XVIT., 7 we find the prototvpe of this second 
eagle as well as that of the first: "fit facta est aqnila 
altera grandis magnis alis etc." In Scripture, covering 
with wings and feathers signifies the divine protection, as 
Psl. XCI., 4. *'IIe shall cover thee with his feathers, and 
under his wings shalt thou trust.'* By the former, Pietra 
explains, "id est tomporalibus bonis". The voice intended 
by Dante i> that ot St. Peter. (See Inf. xix., 115—7; 
Pard. XX.. o5— 7; XWII., •.>•,> -^n.^l 

The Dragon, according to Jacopo, means Mohammed: 
Pietr<» took it for Antichri>t, or the desire of temporal 
power and riches which, like a dragon, enflamed the 
pastors of the Church to disobey the commandment of 
the Lord iMatth. xxii., .M), "Reddite ergo qua* sunt Cse- 
saris. Ca^snri: et qua* sunt Dei, Deo". 

The ( Htinio indcntirios tlie Dragon with that of the Apo- 
calypse (XII.. 'X\ having tlie seven hrads and the ten horns, 
whose tail drew the third j^art i»f the stars of heaven and 
did cast them to the earth, from wliich also Dante took 
this figure, finf. xix.. 10'.» — 11.^ Benvenuto regarded the 
Draficon as ^lohammed: <»thers, h«^ savs, have taken it to 
mean Arius. and by the Fox Jlohammed: but this, he 
thinks, was not tho meaning of Dante. Buti, also, con- 
sidered the Dragon lo be ^lohammed , and so Land.. Yell-, 
Dan., Volpi, Vent., with a 'Yorse", Pogg., »ic. 

prRGATORio. 299 

.ombardi held the Dragon to be the evil beast which 
ipted our primitive mollier, insinuating into the priest- 

"inpsplebile famg delle ricohezze". Costa has the 
rit of pointing out Photiiis as tiie Dragon which stnick 

I tail into the Carro between the two wheeU, as he 

"trn la ohiesa di Constanlinopoli e la chieea di 

i»", (?) and drew away the foundation of it. In a 

no HCiisft ihix conjecture has some apparent probabi- 

fc; PbotiuH, pstriarcli of Constantinople, accelerated the 

rmtion of the Greek from Ihe Roman Church (867), it 

the greatest split that ever happened to the Carro of 

\ Ptter, for it stnit-k of more than half the Pontiff's 

age. Rut there are grave objections against this 

totheins. The most learned and accomplished seliolar 

L churchman cif the age, the author of the "Myriobi- 

i", cannot be regarded as coming up from the bot- 

•M pit, neither can he bo compared to the Dragon 

-11 Apocalypse, for rejecting the authority of a falsihed 

by «f the Canons of the council nf Constantinople (3SI) 

nto wfatcli (through that obtuse craft which becomes a 

dple in ignorant ages) the words Filioque liad been 

poUtod"*. The Dragon of Dante ''fu spinto fuori dell' 

mo da Lucifero" (Daniello), but Photius was already 

■ the Church, and had the best of the argument on his 

Since Paolo Costa put Pliolius in nomination, tho 

*See Waddington's "History of the Church". Baronius 
|«rta, that the words Filioi/ue were first added by the 
mocil of Toledo, by Ihe aufhurily vf Pope Leo /., about 
I rear 417; but he c(uifei*ees ihat the doctrine was not 
wivcd by the Roman Church until some ages after 
»(«). 'ITie Greeks adhered to their ori^^nal faith. The 

f matter of the quarrel, however, between the two 

J»e* was patronage, and the iufiuence of the rcspec- 

« primates. Pride and Ambition were at the bottom of 

Pbutiiin chai^iil the Komiiu Church wilh fii-e heresies, 
1 one, (hat of prohibiting their priestn ta many, 

1 eatuing murried inon whu look holy orders to put 
kay their partners, was another. The "Mi-Tiobiblon", 

pe Bibliotfirx-a libronim r^xut* legit ct cen*ait Phodns 
, Cons tan t inopoli tanue ) consists of an analysis 
|lhc works which Photius had read during his embassy 
I Syria, it in one of the most |)rectous monumcDta of 
tionl litcrnliire which have desct'nded to uii»Iern times, 
I tbi! model of all succeeding literary journals, not one 
I which, probably, has yet surpassed it. (Biog. Univ.) 


part of the Dragon has been generally conceded to him 
Dy subsequent editors^ but under a mistake^ for Dante 
does not here mean to point out any special schism, only 
schism in general. Heresy is bom within the bosom m 
the Church, schism comes from without. 

The time, in fact, had arrived when the political op- 
cumstances of the Greek Empire, and the decadence of 
Rome, rendered the supremacy of the Pontiff over the 
Patriarch no longer possible; but the separation was not 
effected until 1054. 

The seven heads and the ten horns which the pole and 
the sides of the carro put forth after the p^reat schism of 
the Dragon, have by some Commentators, misled, probabWf , 
by Inf. XIX., 109—11, been strangely interpreted as the | 
seven sacraments of the Church, and the ten commandments 
of the decalogue, as by Pietro, Buti, Land., Lomb., Pog* 
giali and Biagioli: but Jacopo della Lana knew better 
than this , he says : " anno a significarc li septe vitii capi- 
tali, linli vicii entrono nella chiesa si tosto comella posM- 
deo ricneze temporali: li quali sono superbia: ira: avarifiA: 
invidia: luxuria: ancidia: et gola. Et perche li primi tn 
peccati offendono doppio cio e adio et al proximo silE 
figura p quelle tre teste del timone chaveano ciascnna dtf 
coma": and as the effect of the others is confined to titf 
offender they have one horn only. * So also the OttinMS 
Ben., Yell., Vent., Costa, and Fi*aticclU. 

The notion of Daniello differed from both of these, voi 
he regarded them as "i sette olottori del Pontefice, cre»ti 
dop6 la divisione fatta tra la chiesa Greca, e la Roman* r 
(a hint given to Authors nearly three hundred years «go« 
though nothing camo of it until rather recently^. E pc^ 
che di questi VII. elettori ve ne crano tre Cardinali Vc»* 
covi, i quali portano la mitria eon le due coma, nno 
dinanzi, e V altro dietro, dice che le prime eran Coniute 
come buc, e the V altre quattro haveano un sol comoptf 
una; c questi erano i quattro Cardinali preti, che hav^ 
vano una sola degnith, rispetto a' Vescovi che ne havfr 
van due." 

Brunone Hianchi (1846) suggested that these bull's heii» 
might mean the guelfic cities with which the Curia Romaal i 
formed a league, to keep off the Emperor, whose rightl 

* Hero both the Vend, and the 5sidob. make a nustake 
in saying ''Et perche li altri quattro sono pure diretti 
contra lo pximo ])one a ciascuno pure uno como''; tUi 
was corrected by Vellutello. 


it had usurped; as well as those vices which throui'h 
riched and temporal power came to disfigure the church; 
Knd were iutcndcd to show that 'Ma divina opera di Cristo 
h diveutata, per gli ambiziosi intrighi del papa, macchina 
§atanica'\ Some years later, however, (Ed. 1S59) the 
irortfav Canonico rejected the guelfic cities, and suggested 
that the heads with t\\o horns might mean those vices 
which offended the people, and the heads with one horn, 
private vices; or they might signify those aids foreign to 
the churcli, which the Curia Komana was required to 
furnish it>eif with, in order to sustain its new cnaracter. 
A chiosa tliat would include any amount of foreign bay- 
onets the Pope might deem necessary to prop himself 
up with. 

In the XII. Chap, of the Apocalypse we have a figure of 
the Madonna with her usual symbols, labouring with child, 
and before her appears a great red dragon with seven heads 
and ten honis, ready to devour her child as soon as it is 
bom. This dragon lias refon^nce to tli<i Apocryphal war 
in heaven, poetically treated by ^lilton in his Paradise 
Lobt, and the fallen angels are indicated by the third 
part of the stars. The sense of this chapter is so obvious, 
that in transfering any ]>ortion of it to the verses K>f Ihxiiti^, 
the application should at once indicate the Poet*s meaning. 
'Ill** Pragiin is Satan, who makes war upon the sec*! of 
th*' Woman y and by surrossful temptations causes them t<i 
fall 'Luke viii.. r.>): like us the Heast i A])nc. xiil., 7) makes 
inar upon the saints and overcomes them. 

In Apiic. X\'I1. we have a figure of Pagan Knnie, Ha- 
bvhin the (ip-at, drunk with the })1»mkI of martvrs. Dante 
who took >o much <»f his recondite imagery from th<* A]m»- 
irftlyp*!' c«)uhl nev<T have meant the Woman and th<* Thm* 
to -i^Miity tlie .name thing. Thi> wiunan in royal purple 
and ?»«-arlet. alsi» hail .seven h»';id>. the >ev4*u hill> ot' 
iCi.'ine, and the honiM are put for king^ wlu) are in h-aguc 
with til** uoman. Hut tin? s<.>ven heads of the l)ragou. au<I 
hi?* r-tici'e.sMir.-. are also said to be put for king.-. an<l so :ir«' 
the ten horn^. th<' prophi'tic (b-strover^ ol' the aneii-iit 
Kotnan |Miliry. who laid the foundati«in of the Kuro|.i'an 
Mates. \Vf may, then-fon-. W4*ll under'^talld l»y the>r 
bead.o and lH»rn>. not th** .--even <l«'adly >ins, murh les.s 
lh»- -evi-n >aerameiits, but the states and pro\ luces which 
th»r < 'uria lionnma, or the Luptt , \}\ iVaud an<l violene*- 
Kook to itself. 

Simile mostro in vista mai non fue, 


and Bninone Bianchi was, I think, right in connecting 
this passage with Inf. I., 100—2: it should also be taken 
along with Inf. XIX., 106—17, where an especial reference 
is made to the vice of popes, avarizia, (the Lupa again) 
and to Rome both classic and christian (109 — 11), the 
latter supported and strengthened by new peoples and 
converts, so long as the nder of the church, the husband 
of the '*bella Donna" (Inf. xix.. ri7), that is the Pope, 
remained faithful to his charge. But when he ceased to 
do so, and prostituted the Church of Rome to political 
purposes, then, so far as identitied with him, it became 
transformed into the ^^puttana schlta'\ 

Bv this figure all the early Commentators understood 
the "Pope, Bonifazio VIII.: by the '"(/iffante"', Philippe le 
Bel, king of France. Jacopo della Lana here says: "Per 
la putana intende lo sommo [tastor cioe il papalo quale 
dee reggefe la chies*a. Per lo gigante intende quelli della 
casa di franeia li quali stuprato c avoltrato la chiesa di 
dio puttanoggiando eon li papi et ogni fiata che i papi 
anno guardato verso lo popolo xpiano. Cioe anno voluto 
rimuoversi et asteuersi da tale avolterio. li dicti gigand. 
Cioe quelli della casa di franeia anno fragellatoli (sic^ et 
in tine mortoli o riduttoli a suo volere". (bee XX., 86 — dS.J 
In the Xidobeatina there is here a remarkable addition: 
** Come avenue a pajKi bonifacio . g . perche non volse ml 
re di franeia in tut to obtemporare. E dice che disciol&e 
lo moiitro e trasselo ]»or la .selva . eioe che trasporto U 
sedia papule de roma ad avignone oltra li monti. E pero 
e scrittn. Vi-ni vx ostcndam tibi damnatioem raeretricb 
nuiguje cum qua fornioati sunt reges terra* et inebriati 
sunt'\ So also, in other words, Pietro Allighieri. The 
Otlimo fontimu's \\u^ qu«»tation "(jui inhabitant terram de 
vino prostitutionis ejus, etc." (Apoc. xvii., I — 2), and the 
rest in volgare as far as v. 5: adding the important note 
**E di quosto feee I" Autore sperienza al tempo di Boni- 
fazio papa VIII. quaudo v' ando per ambasciadore del 
suo ConuuK*; t-he sa eon ehe ocelli elli guato, o quale era 
il suo dnult> Bonifazio, t* non legittim** sposo, secondo V 
opiniiuic di molti. Dio sa il voro". 

Benvenuto identities the giant with Philippe le Bel, but 
is silent toiK-hing Bonifazio. Buti recognizes Bonifazio VIll 
as the ''pNf((t/i(i^\- '*bene assimillia lo papa a la meretrice"; 
and the king of France as the giant. The carro, "fatto 
mostro", is the court of Rome, which the king of France 
disjoins tVoni the tree of obcnlionce, and drags to Avignon 
in Provence. There is no mention made in any of these early 



^waodcrs, of Clement V., though it was he, rather than 
luif&uo, who merited the reproaeh of the "/)i///ana", and 
f frhom, iu 130r), the Curia Komana was transferred to 
t Muth of France. Landino, Vellutcllo. and Daiilello 
r in the Hsnie track. The cbioiia of Lomhardi on the 
ina M-iDim" , "simlioln della proBtitiizione dclla papale 
Qili ax sccolari monarchi ", acarcely expresBCB the whole 
tuag of tlie Poet, nor tlie fullness of historical facts. 
Petrarcs in his famous sonnet on the court of Rome 
ginning "Fontan* di doloro, albergo d' ira", identifies 
» carro with the pultana, and both with the corrupted 

Fondata in casta ed iimil povertate, 
Contra tuoi fondatori alzi le coma, 
FuttA sfat^ciata: c dov' hai pugto ept.-iie'i' 

Negli adulteri tuoi? nolle mal nate 
Kio<rh>!£ze tantoV or ('onstantin non toma; 
Ma tolga il mondo tristo che 1 sostene. 

The absence of the papal court from Rome, 

oni ISOTi till 1376, wlien, under the guidance 

r Saint Ciitlioriiic of Sicua , Pope Gregory XI. 

roiight it back again to the sacred city, was 

looked upon by the Italians, wlio compared it to 

"ic Babylonish Captivity, as a great and grievous 

pamit}'. Dante and Petrarca both lifted up their 

kcca against it with all the energy which poetry 

■d patriotiHui combined could impart. 

iKo (rtrongor words could have been chosen by 

jKntc than those ho has here used (XXXIII., 1); 

} God, the heathen are come into thine inheri- 

ice: thy holy temple have they defiled, and 

Ac Jerusalem un heap of stoues ' : (Psalm 79., I) 

tat rrra propketia sunt praescntis sfatus Eatrsiae''' : 

I Pietro.) These expressions allmlc an well lit 

_i captivity itself, as to the shameful prostitution 

r Uie "bclla Donna", from spiritual chastity to 

^liticat pollutiou. 

iBcatnce then spoaku, and in the touching words 
our Lord to his dtaciplcs before his visible 


separation from them, says: ^^ Modicum, et non vide^ 
bills me: et iterum modicum, et vos videbifis me: (Joan. 
XVI., 16) which, if referred to the Cathedra of 
St. Peter, were also prophetic and subsequently 
fulfilled. * 

After this, with an exordium suited to the so- 
lemnity of the occasion, and showing how deeply 
seated in the soul of AUighieri was his firm con- 
viction of the reality of the divine justice, and 
his certainty that in the course of time God would 
again restore to Rome that other Italian Sun 
(XVI., 106—14), the rightful heir to the imperial 
throne, the Poet proceeds to deliver the confirma- 
tion of the prophetic announcement before made 
in the opening canto of the sacred poem. 

Non sark tutto tempo senza reda' 

L' aquila chc lascio le penne al carrOi 
Percne divenne mostro e poscia preda: 

Ch* io veggio certamente, e pero 'I narro, 
A darne tempo gia stelle jpropinque, 
Sicuro d' ogiii intoppo e d* ogni sbarro; 

Ncl quale iin cinquecento dieci e cinque 
Messo di Dio, anciderh la fuia, 
E quel gigante che con lei delinque. 

Dante puts persons for principles , and images 
for acts. He did not mean that some one would 
slay the Pope, and kill the king of France: when 
he wrote this, both Bonifazio VIIL, and Clement V 
had gone to receive the sentence of a higher tri- 
bunal than that perpetuated in the verses of the 
Diviua Conmiedia. But this announcement is ^ 
positive as that of the retmni of the Curia to 

* I have long suspected that the mystical death of 
Beatrice in the V. N. and the notice of Dante's letter to 
the "Principi deila terra' on that occasion, have a ^efe^ 
ence to this subject, but the want of a date in his letter 
to the Italian Cardinals, commencing with the same words: 
^*Quomoffo scdet sola n'ri/us^' (Sam. I., 1), causes this matter 
to rest on inductive reasoning only. 


Rome, and of the pastor of the Churcli to the 
obedience of Christ. The former did return to 
Kome, hut lias tlie hatter returned to his obedi- 
ence? Has the "mostro" cast oiF its vicious heads? 
Is it not still armed with offensive weapons? 
St. Peter has not yet put up his sword into its 

Let us hear what Machiavelli says of the po- 
litical cc)nduct of the Popes from tlie time of 
Gregory III. (T42), down to his own days. 

Hctween the friendship of tlie Lombards and of 
the Greeks, the Itoman Pontiffs contrived at iirst 
to increase their authority, but on the ruin of the 
eastern empire, losinjif that resource of refupfe in 
their trembles, and the Lombards beccnnin^ more 
powerftd than was deemed safe, they turned for 
new friends to the Francs, and made overtures to 
the kin;x»* <>f France (Pard. VI., 04 -G) 

'•l)ini<Ml<»c*lu'* iwUv Ic gucrn; clui ji qucsti toiri])! furono da 
1i:u-)>ari tattf in Italia, i'iirnin> in ina^j^ior partr dai INmtc- 
tiri «-aii>atCy c tutti i harhari vlw (pK'lla iiMndardnu, furono 
il iiii'i dflji' volte da (pi<>lli uliianiati. II (|Ual niodo di prt>- 
4'tMii-rr dura anoora in (pirsti ui»siri tempi, il clir lia tciMito 
«• tit-ne r Italia di>uiiita (><l intVnna. rcrtantti ih'1 drs- 
rrivt-n* le i'«»s«' sr^uitr* da nursti tiiiipi ai in)stri, nou si 
diiiio^tri'rii |iiu la roviua dell* InijHTin, «-lie i* tutto in terra, 
nia r au^uniento de' INinteilci, e di ouelJi altri |)rinri|)ati 
rlit* ilijioi r Italia intino alia venuta di Carlo VIII ^over- 
iiapuio. K vfMlrassi come i Papi. ]»rima rolle censure, 
ili|Mii (.-lUi (piejle e ('i»n le amii in^ieuM* ine>rolate unn h: 
iiididp'U/e, rrano terrihili <• veneranfli; u i-ome per averu 
ii^at«» male 1' uno <; I' altro. I' uno lianno ai tutto pcr- 
dnti', di-ir altro >tanno a «U>eri'zinne d' allri." (^"Istorit* 
Fi"n-uliiie"' 1. I.) 

Tlurc Cduld not, in few words, be a bctti'r 
historical comment thnii this, an thr discourse 
of Marco Lomhardo ( I'ur;^-. X^'^., 0,") 111): it 
shows also what those nrmed Iu-.-hIs menu wliieji 
si» ilisfionred and diso-raced tlie rarro, 'IMianks to 
the Ubi-rator. in wh(»m li<»th hanteand Petrarca 



placed tlieir faith*, Italy is not now, as fonuerly, 
the prey of foreif^u troops; but still nnioiig the 
ruins of old Rome, Petrarca's living voice in- 
dignant cries, 

Che fan qui tante pellegrinc spade? 

and Venice niournfullv reechoes the words. 

Jaeopo ilella Laiia arraiit|:cs the exposition of the last 
canto under eight heads, "la seeunda", he says, "toccha come 
la chiesa no e in sut> arbitrio nia e sotto posta alia signoria 
della casa di francia e per conscijns non e alligata ad 
ubidientia. La terza poetando deserive e palesa come 

per uno ducha si fara vendetta di tale offesa Alia 

terza e da sapere che la justitia di dio comporta uu tempo 
oltragio e j)ersecutione poi niette niano alia spada e ven- 
dica e judiea e punisee eotanto aeerbo quanto e la luisura 
della eolpa . . Or poe lautorc ehe lo executore della pea 
della pdecta colpa sera uno duea lo quale pseguira ii mali 
pastori della chiesa e li avoltratori tb essa e raduralli ad 
tale dispositione ehe di loro non si trovera. Si chella 
chiesa elli drizera nol suo verace stat^# e costituera la nel 
proprio arbitrio. Et sogiunge clicl vede tale executore 
per constellatione''. 

His more special exposition adds little to the above: 
V. 37 he savs *'esso (emj»eratore) c corregitore e oanipi- 
one p la cf\ie^^a di tale ct)l]>e'\ . v. 39 "la chiesa p le 
richeze divonno monstro. Et nota che nioustn* e animale 
defectivo secuudo htrdine delli orgai della sua spetia." 
V. 40 cioe che tali conjiincti«uii sono necessarie." v. 43 
*'Xota nio poetico descriver lo noino dello ofticio dello exe- 
cutore della justitia di dio . cinqueceto deserive per - 
d . cin(pic deserive per. v. etc." 

All the connnentators make out the DVX in the 

same way, the numerals stated being put for the 

number of a man, following Apoc. XIII., IS, where 

Antichrist is DC. LX. VI; nor Avas anvthiuyf of iui- 

l)ortance added to their explanations until the 

time of Landino. Pietro, liowever, remarks on 

the astrological element: 

''Suhdendo <]uonmdo aijuihi imperiali.< non erit continue 
sine hierede, cum videat jam per conjunctii»ueni, qua* 

* fcrcc tlio Soiiiicl **L' avara li.ibili.nua etc." 


erit ff»rte 41 prfcscntis niillcsimi, sive qiiinto de Jove et 
SatuniOi (loiiiiiisiri quouulaiii diicciu. ^^iiii hoc dicit per 
quudduiu a'niginU; idcst obscurmu locutioiuMii Bocundiini 
Lf^uccidiicin, scilicet quod veniet iiniis V, (|ui scribitiir vul- 
j;sirit«?r abbreviate: per uiiuiii I) (luingcntos: quinque jKjr 
iinuiii V: ileceiii per uiium X; ct sic resultat ex istis tribus 
lileri:* DVX." (p. 532.) 

Tl«e Ottiiiio HUggests Ai)Oc. XVIII, descriptive of the 
denouncing Angel, in ('Xidanation of tli<; '^Mrssn /// />/>>", 
and also I)an. XU., J2; the liberator h)ok<Hl fonvard to 
is one '*il (pude refonneru lo stato d«?lhi ('hi(»sa, e de' 
f«»di»li ( *hristiani '\ lienvtMUit*) says litlh* more «>f this 
nivsterious niertsen«'er than .s(»rv<'rt to identifv him with tlie 
*'re/fnt sapimfe c f/insfn'\ of whom he had b<»fore s})okcn 
in th«* first canto of the Inferno. 

Huti only repeats what had been said before. I hit Lan- 
dino, who was sonn.'what himst'lf <;ivcn to consulting the 
stars, tells us, that *'in the year 1 Isl, Novcnd^er 20''*, 
hon^ XIII., et niinuti 41 , there will be a conjuncti<»n of 
Satuni and Jove in the Scorpion, in the asc(*ndant of the 
rtftli ilegrec* of Libra, which d<'m*uistrates a nuitation of 
re!igi«»n, and because Jove will prevail over Saturn, tins 
chanp' will be for the bett(T'\ 

Landino's comnientary was jiriutcd in ] is], and in the 
wnnl Veltro U taki-s lluf phuM* of V, thu> rKI/ri{(>. In 
Ilb^V. '»n Novendn-r 10"', was bi»rn tin* ^reat (!«'rnian re- 
f.'rnii-r. Luther, wlios*' name in Italian is written Ll'TKlIt ), 
»»f which th«* tonnrr is the anai^raiii. 

TIm- X'elli'o wiMild thus srrm to have Imth reirarded bv 
L:iudino as a reli^i«ius n-former, and siu-h is the .]/fssf» 
f/i /'/■". tlmu^h as tli<» l)\'X, In* is aUo *Min Si;^nor d' l\s- 
«-rt'iti» mandatti da IMo, jl (|Mal<* uecid'Ta la fuia. e T 
a<lulti-nn di-Ua puttana, cior, drl Papa, e ddla enrte Ko- 
iiiaiia adiiterata, e coinquinata in o^nii vitio". Landino. 
|iii\viv«T, did not live to s<'(» ///V preilieti«>n v«'nti<d. 

Vel|]it«'llo explains that the tnu* Inir to th(; Kaj^le will 
P-UH'dy the •itati' of the ('liMrrli, and s*'nd to ]irrdit'n»n 
ibe ^'jfu/ttthfi si^niticata ]»er lo Papa, ed i'>:»o pi-r I" ava- 
ritia .... Kt in sententia tlice, cli<' (pn-^to dnea >p«irn«'ra 
r avaritia, ed <i^ni fautor di qudla. |-in^<-ndi> di pro- 
n*»>tii'ar per c<»slui Arri;^o \'II. Imp«rad«»ri-". iSie «»n Taril. 
XXX., \'-V-\ s.) Uaniellii also brKn-vrd tin' KnijnTDr .\r- 
ri'^«» \'IL to be Ill-re m«'aiit, and >o diil Xi-nturi, tlmii^h 
• ■th«-r>. with il l>i'Ilarin., und«r>t<'od fan urandf «hMa 
,*^t ala '.-I'l* ttn Pard. XVII., To — '.mi : a< did L«»ud)anli. 
Uiu;;i<di, t.*esari, Witte, Picci, and P>i^uichi; but Poj^^^iali 

20 * 


held with Arrigo, as also did Rossctti, who ran into mysti- 
cism, and setting down the letters I. 1). X. E. V, made 
out that they meant lUDEX, and that this meant Jesus 
Christ, and so, after the lapse of five centuries, he came 
round to where the old Commentators started from. 

Costa, fond of novelties, declared for TJguccione della 
Fagiuola, the Veltro of Carlo Troy a, but not of Dante. 
Fraticelli TlSGO) with a wise forbearance abstains from 
fixing on tiie Ghibelin Hero, the antagonist of tlie Lupa, 
any particular name, regarding him, possibly, rather as i 
species than as an individual, or perhaps as a principle^ 
the representatives of which pass down long vistas of 
years under difl:erent names. Picchioni wlio held with PonU 
that a holy Pope was meant, interpreted the number 
D. V. X. as Domini Xristi llcnrius. When Pope Pius IX. 
rose to the summit of his popularity, he also was saluted 
as the DVX, to which title it w^as argued he possessed 
a triple right. 

A desire to j)ut persons in the place of Dante's prin- 
ciples, has proved the rock on whicii many ingenious con- 
jectures have made shipwreck. 

It has been the o])inion of some, that the fuu- 
damcutal change contemplated by Dante , the se- 
paration of the Temporal from the Spiritual power 
in the Popes, can only be effected by the sover- 
eign Pontiff himself AvilHngly laying down w1k»^ 
is incompatible witli the exercise of good govern- 
ment, and hence that the Liberator should he 
looked for in a Pope. IJut this is quite cuntrar}' 
to the whole tenour of Dante's arguments, «'-' 
also to the cxj)ectations which the past and pro- 
sent history of the Papa(*y hold out. The Mesis" 
di Dio comes armed Avith an avenging sword to 
execute the Divine will, to correct profligiit^^ 
abuses, and deliver the Cluu'ch from the jealou* 
French giant. It is not against j)ersons, nnicli 
less ngainst tlie sacred office of the Pontitis, that 
this sword is raised, but against the system of 
whicli tlicy are as much the victims, as are the 
unfortunate i)eople over Avliom they rule, and the 
foreign friends Avho assist at tlieir humiliation. 

C O N T E N T S. 


Canto I., 





o XVI., 



Canto I., 




o XVI., 


44>— 45. 

('Antti I., 





o XVI., 


106— III. 

Canto 11., 








(*nnto II., 







Canto II., 






70— W. 

f*nnto II., 








Canto II., 





o XIX., 



Canln 11., 





o XIX., 


103— III. 

Canto II., 




( 'ant 

o XIX., 


121— 3. 

f*aiitn III., 







C*anto III., 





o XX., 



Canto IV., 



( ^mt 

t» XXI., 



(*anto v.. 





o XXL, 

verses 121 — 3. 

(*anto v., 







Canto VI., 








Canto VI., 




o XXIII., 



C*nnto VI., 








C.-intn VI., 








,Vi -3. 

*':into VI., 


1 4-2. 


n XXV., 



i'aiit«» VII., 






n XXVI., 


1(H) -K. 

i *.inti» VII., 






1 33 8. 



4*>— 51. 









o XXVII., 


22 -63. 

( ';iiiti» IX., 






10«i— 111. 

( '.lilt"! IX., 






142- H. 

i ';iiilo X., 


1 1 2, 





1 'aiitn X., 





o XXV 1 11., 


106 114. 

i '.Tlltii .\I., 








t '.-lIlTn XI., 





«• XX IX., 


16 21. 

( '.-iiit'i XI., 





• •XX IX., 


MX— 120. 

C.-iiitu XI., 





n XXX., 


19 -33. 

i 'aiitii XII., 




«» XXX., 


61 -9. 

i ':tiiti> XII., 





n XXX., 


133 H. 

1 'aiiti* XIII. 

, Vrr.'»«'s 




• • XXXI., 


103 M. 

( 'aiiti' XIV.. 





.. XXXII., 


7 9. 

i 'aiitii X\'., 







1 - 3M. 

( 'jintu XV., 







K') - K. 



La gloria di colui che tutto muove 
Per r iini verso pcnctra; o risplende 
In una parte piu, e meno allrove. 

The first verse of Dante's Paradise sets forth 
a summary of the entire Divina Commedia, and 
assigns the general purport of it. 

In demonstrating the divine economy of the 
Universe, the Poet anticipated modern times in 
the intention of his philosophic argument. Not- 
withstanding the many treatises which have been 
written, especially in this country, on the power, 
wisdom, and goodness of God displayed in the 
^orks of Creation, and his mercy in the work 
of Redemption , the smn of all their scientific de- 
^^ils does not equal in intensity of thought and 
^ beauty of expression the same great truths as 
*e have them perpetuated in Dante's immortal 

This third Cantica is the crowning glory of the 
viua Commedia, the consummation of the Phi- 
^ophy and Christian Ethics of the middle ages. 
In the Inferno the Poet is more di-amatic ; in the 


Purgatory more cirtistic, political and scientific; 
ill tlic Paradise, under the genial influence of Be- 
atrice, rising to the light and love of eternal 
beatitude, he is the unapproachable high priest 
of the soul's most devout aspirations, administer- 
ing, at his bancpiet of Angels' food, the nourisb- 
nient of everlasting life. 

"Oh bcati que' pochi clio seggono a quella mensa ove 
il pane detrli Aiigeli s>i niaiigia.*' ^Conv. Trat. I., c- 1.) 

Dante in his letter of dedication to Can Grande, 
which forms an introdinrtion to the entire poem, 
justly calls tliis cantica sublime; nor could he have 
presented his friend and protector with a more 
])recious gift. In this epistle the Poet states 
that, in tlie beginning of any doctrinal work, six 
things should be inquired into; the subject, the 
af/nit, the form, the purpose, the title of (he hooi; 
and the At/if/ of phihaoplnj Avhicli it contains.* He 
next illustrates the various senses, the literal, al- 
legoriealy moral, and anagogieal in which his words 
arc to be taken: and states that first the subject 
of the i)oem. according to the letter, is to be 
considered: then, tlie subject of it a(*cording to the 
allegory. Tlie former is simply the state of souls 
after death: tlie latter is man who. in the exer- 
cise of his free will, deserving Avell or ill, i^* 
subject t(> the justi(»e i»f reward or jmnishineiv^' 
The ftrm (distinctive character) is also doub\ * 
there is the form r»f the poem, and the mann 
t)f treatiuii' it: the first has reference to its di^ 
sions, the second to the subiect of them. Tl 
latter, Dante says, is poetic, iictitious, descriptiv 
digressive and transitive: and with this definitiv 
divisive, probative, reprobative. and having p ^ 

*J.ii'iij)o iloU.i Lan:i, I*n>ci*ariio. aiiil other early Commentati 
follow a "siiiiilar Arist«>tilinii aTi.ih^is. **ri.»ur are the causes", 5« 
the latti.-r, •*•)!" this Imnk, thi' iiiatorial, the fonnal, the efticie 
and the final. " By *'tf//c«.v'*, Daute means the efticieut cause. 

ivc cxjitnplea in illustration.* The title r)f the 
rk, "Incipit Comiedia Danti& Allagiikuh, Flo- 
"5ENTIM NATIONE, NON moeiiiub", is ^ivcii and ex- 
plaiiR^l, mid tlic rcasous assigned for cjilling it 
Cumniiti: the subject of the whole is again briefly 
stated, as having for its object the salvation of 
souls . by tiu-iiing the wicked from their state of 
miBcry, an<l leading them to the state of hap- 
piiiesR. The phihsitjthy throughout is Kthiciil, and 
tlio whole is ordered to a practical, not to a Rpe- 
culativc end, and if in any part the latter should 
appeal', il is to bo considered as secondary to 
tlic former. 

This third Cantica is divided chiefly into two 
parts, the prologue, and the executive. The 
second part begins ^^ Surge a' moriati etc." (I., 37.) 
The first part is subdivided iiito a statement ()f 
what i« til be said, and an Invocation to Apollo. 
In the former the lofty character of the subject 
jji ^c■t forth to produce, in the reader, attention 
by its marvels, benevolence by its utility, and 
docility by what is possible to remember of it; 
tliree objects recommended by Cicero to bo ob- 
eerveil in addressing an audience. 

TbcBe matters ha vino; been niontiflncd, the Pop! )>roceedB 
to cutuidcr iho more mimediato subjoct of this Cantica, 
\a gluria di colni ahv tiitto muovo. 
X^tial a, Godi and ai^iM tho necessilv of His rxisifncfl 
" ' iiiovor, allowing Uint what- 

cilher directly or inedintply 

*^ a iirat cause, or jm: 
w^'-'T i>. ilcrivfts iu bi'ii 
tw^m llini. 

'Hi nir, mediate vol immediato, omne qnod <'st Imbet 

i' Ko; ^nta cs eo quod rau&a secnndn recepit a 

inlliiit HH[ii*r caiittatnai ad modnm rec![iivntis ct 

.i~ radium, ]>ro|>ter quod cauNn prima est magia 

---.Ml. i.S^c also (\>nv. Trntt. fll. M.) 

i>ant«, who ItGfo follnwH Albertnx Ma^iiiH, rcmarka that 
'*"l««virr is cnuHcd to be, ia so eithor by natiin) or by 

lilmHucI alurf i 


intelligence, and bcciiuse nature herself is the work of 
intelligence, every thing which exists proceeds from intel- 
ligence mediately or immediat<5ly. He then goes on to 
show that every essence and efficacy (virtus) proceeds from 
the first intelligence, and the lesser intelligences receive their 
efficacy, as it were, bv radiation from the greater, and 
impart an efficacy to tiiose below them like light reflected 
from a mirror ; and hence that every intelligence which i« 
such in itself, and by its own substance, is active and fiill 
of productive influences ("quod omnis intelligentia est plena 
formis"), whence it is manifest, as reason shows, that the 
divine light, that is the divine goodness, wisdom and 
power, is everywhere resplendent. * 

In continuation of this subject, Dante appeals to autho^ 
ity, that is to Scripture, for its confirmation, and quotes 
those passages in which the omnipresence of Qod is especi- 
ally stated (Jeremias xxiii., 24; Psalm, cxxxviii., 7—9; 
Sapien. v., 10; XLif., 17). (See on xix., 52.) Well tiierefore, 
he adds, is it said that the divine glory penetrates and 
shines throughout the universe , the former by its essence, 
the latter by its existence. ** What is added of greater and 
less , is obvious , for we see some things are of higher ex- 
cellency than others, as the heavens which are incormp- 
tible, and the elements which are not. 

Having premised this truth, the Poet proceeds to explrin 
in reference to the verses which follow, that the highest 
heaven which contains all the other heavens, and is con- 
tained by none, within which all bodies move, and that 
receives its efficacy from no corporeal substance, is calW 
the Em]»yrean, from the ardour of holy love, or charity, 
with which it is filled. That it receives more of the divine 
light than any other heaven, he shows by argument froio 
its containing all things, and by its perj^otual rest or peace- 
For as every efficient cause (vis catisanfli) is a certain t9S 
proceeding irom the first cause, that is God, it is obvio^* 
that the heaven which has most causative efficacy fffl^ 
mag is hnhei rallonem cftmw) receives more of this Ug** 
than any other. 

Touching its perpetual rest, Dante's argument is not ^ 
obvious. He says: whatever is moved, is moved on accoU^ 

* "Patet ergo, (]iiomodo ratio mnnifostat, divimim lumen, id ^^ 
divinnm l)onitut(Mii, supicntiam ot virtutem rcspluiidcre u))iqae." 

**"/V//< •//•«/, 4uautiiiM ad cssciitiam , resplendct quantum ad e«8^' 
In Coiiv. Tratt. 111., 1-i. wo read "^ da sapcre che 'I primo apcni^ 
cioir I)io. pinjjc la sua virtu iu cose per modo di diritto raggio. 
in cose per modo di splendorc riverbcrato/' 


of Komething >vliich it has not, and which is tho limit 
ftt^rmimisj of its motion; as th(^ heaven of tho moon is 
moved by a cc^rtain jiart of it which has not the whore- 
aboiits (uffij to which it is moved. And what is said of 
the moon applies to the other spheres also. (Dante had 
explained this niatti^r more fully in his (-iMivito, Tratt. II. 4, 
where the rapidity of the primum imHIe is ascribed to its 
ardent dc^sire to join itself to th<^ lu^aven of perfect peace, 
and the efforts it makes to do so occasion its perpt^tual 

In regard to the Poet's inability to relate all that he 
saw and heard when in the Kmpyrean, from memory 
failing him in these d«'ep things, he says: that the human in* 
telligence in this litV, on account of tin* conjoint nature 
and affinity which it has to the intolh^ctual separate sub- 
stance, when elevated towards it, is so exalted, that afttT 
its H'turn, memi»ry fails, the int«»lligence having transcended 
its natural limit; and he quotes St. Paul as a case in 
point (2. i'orinth. XII,, 3 — 4.), also St. Matthew (xvii., 
3 — 7.\ Kzekiel (II., 1.) and Daniel (ii., '<.) that when thc^ 
mind is in this exalted state, memory cannot follow it. 
Other writers are also noticed to show that divine n'vela- 
lii»nf» are sometimes vouchsafed to sinners for their con- 
v#T?«ion or punishment. (Dante, ]»robably, here had in view 
th«* fxtatic visions st» frequently related in the middle 
a^e^.") In reference \k\ v, (J, **;/^' .\v/ nr imn^\ he remarks, 
*'Hf Sfi-\ becaUM? forp)tten; nr/fttu, becau><*, altlmu^h re- 
nii-mbt-red, langua^re is incapable of conveying it, an<l Plato 
i-i appealf(l to in er»nfirmatioii of this. Hut <»f siu-h things 
ii< ill* renn'Uibers In- will sj»eak, and this is tin- matter 
fmahThimj of this work. 

Thi* invocation to Apcdio contains, tirst, the re(|n<\-it; 
soeondly a promise of rennineralion to him for liis .M-sis- 
tanc'*. :inil tlii-* latter begin> **0 tltvinu virtu'\ Tlii' tirst 
aljio i^ .-ubdlvided into tlw implor.ititui f«»r nid, aii«l tlie 
n'-t-e^-ity fi»r a-^king it, wliicli i> a ju>tilii'ation of it, and 
tlii* be;:in< **//i.<inn a tfiti etc.'' 

D.iiit*' then excu>es himself from entering into a more 
d«-t:ii|i-d e\p(»sition at pre^i^•nt: but romark> on the execu- 
tiv«- jiart, tJiai hen.*, ascending from ln-avt-n ti» hoaven. an 
aet-onnt will bo j^iven of the souls foinid in each, an«l the 
r'-al boatitudo «'f >aint.«« will be >hown to eon>ist in the 
kni»w|i'd^'f t)f <fod as He is (John. XVII., 'ii. for this is 
lifo etrnial. 

Anil whilo showing the glory of beatitude in tho>e .*Jonls, 
a? ihoy possess perfect knowle<lgo, many questions will be 


asked of them, which cannot fail to pive much iileasnre 
and profit. And because when the souito of all truth, 
that 18 Ood, is found, there is nothing more to seek, He 
heinji^ the Alpha and (hnepja, the beginning; and end, the 
treatise is terminated in God, who is blessed for ever- 
more. Amen. * 

The Divina Commedia, therefore, is an imapnary de- 
scription of the state of departed souls in a future life 
Avith an especial reference to their condition in this, and 
the <d)ject of it, as before stated in few wonls, is to do- 
liver tliose now living from a stnte of misery, and to lead 
them to a stat(» of happiness. 

The belief in a future life of rewards and punishineDts 
according to the doings in the j)resfMit, is found as a 
fundamental doctrine in the religious systems of all ancient 
nations, and though no notice is taken of such in the Lav 
of Moses, it is alluded to In* later Hebrew writers anterior 
to the publication of the Gos]»el. 

The existence of the soul hereafter in a separated and in- 
dividual state, even with the supposition of a inetcmppy- 

• 111 tho Convito (Trfttt. II., 14.) by the licnvciis Dante telU ns hf 
means tlio Kciciiccs, from variouB fanciful similitmIeK wliii'h he sho*i- 
Tlio i\T6i Hcvon heavens nearest to u« arc those, of the IManctB, above 
these an* two other moveable heavent}, and over these one which i* 
at rrst. TJM^ seven Hcienoes of the ( rivio •.ind qaatirivio, that is Grim' 
niar, Dialectics and KluMuric-; Aritliinctic, Mnsic, Geometry wia 
A8trt)h»;ry e«»rrcsp()nd to tlie tirst si'ven lieavens. Natnral Scit'Of*"* 
or IMiysics, and the lirst scicni-e, or Mi-tJipliysics, correspond t'^***^ 
lieaven of the fixed stars: the seienee of morals answers to the uin*" 
heaven, tlie primum mo]»ilo; Tlieolo^y. or the Divine Scienec, *''*'' 
resj)onds ti» tlie tenth or the Kmpyrean. Dante then prni-ei-il'' '" 
show h«)W and why (Jrammar resembles the heaven of the 31'^""' 
Diab'cties that «»f Mereury. Khetorie that of Venus, Arithmetic th* 
of the Sun, Music Mars, IJeometry Jove, "stella di temperata cotO' 
plessiiine, in mexzo della freddura di Satiirno, e <lel calore di Mar**' ' 
and Astrolij^rv Saturn. 

Hut a nmre curious speculation still is found -Tratt. II., «».^ wh**' .' 
in deseribin^j the orders and ndations of the heavenly hiorar*"']-^ 
which the jiious middle ajres admitted into the circle of scieH*^ . 
and siibji'cted to iiKpiiry, he assi^^ns to them an *'* i, 
oeeu]iatinn in turniui; the spheres: in this .speculation, the An;^ ,. 
are siipjMised to move the heaven of the moon, the Archan^* 
that (jf MiTcury. tlu- Tlironcs that of Venus, *'for these, beinjr bejr«»t*, .^ 
of tlw !ov«' of the Hidy Spirit, pert'orm their functions connate »' * 
Hiui, that is, tin* movement of this heaven «»f love, which fr*'-,,- 
Him takes a ioviiiir ;irdour as its form, or distinctive character, •.__ 
which those souls wliicb are disposed to fall in b»ve are excited by t»*^i 
plaui't's intluence". The Dominions, Virtues and Principalities, whi«- . 
constitute the second «livin».' hiernrehy, turn the next three heaveO'- 
the l*i»wers. Cherubim and Seraphim turn the highest three, k0^ 
the tenth heaven shows the unitv and stabilitv of God. 

PARADI80. 317 

ehosisy wliieii had its limits, reriuircd locality , and cou- 
ttequontly that diftor«»nt n*^ioiis shouhl be assigned U> it, 
according to its doings in the flesh;* hence tlic distinc- 
tion;* ot' lleav(»n and Hell, and their respective divisions, 
suggested by the notions entertained of the Heavens and 
the Kartii. 

A belit»f in the immortality of the soul is a felt intui- 
tive persuasion, or rather, conviction, in which it cannot 
Yh* that mankind have always lived in a state of delusion; 
lint is it ti» be inferred that because the regions of depart(^d 
souls have been fabricated according to the jirevalent 
ignoranct^ «»f the time, and therefore imaginary, that th<i 
universal belii*f on which they Averc^ founded was also 
imaginary. For the education of the human soul is jjro- 
gressive; some nations, as ])ersons, always remain in a state 
i»f ignorance c(»mpared with others, but this ignorance ihtos 
nut alter the nature of things, it only alters human ctm- 
c<-ptii)nH tif them. 

Among tht» (irec^ks and Romans, the regions of departed 
siiiils were describt*d in harmonv with their existin«^ habits 
and in>titutinns, and had a classic character probably dc- 
rivi'd from the more ancient mysi«'ries by whieli a know- 
lf«lgf' of divino truths was still pn'srrvcd. Among tlio 
nub-r ;:rntil«' nations tln'v wrn* tin* roHox oi thrir com- 
I'.'irativ*' barbarity. 

To the nn»st eivilized of tlie ancit'Uts, to thr Kgyptians, 
anii to thf rarly jn'oples of Asia wi; must turn tor tin* 
Itriniitivc d«»ftrinos, tir traditions, tliat provaih'd on this 
>ubi«i-t. To I )ant»* tlii'so honric^ of information wt-n- <»ali'd 
up. but the t'liristian (*liurrh had Ix'conir. to a crrlain 
• •Mt'iit. tho d'-po.sitory i»f the niii.nnal i<l»'as, and had dr- 
v<ltipi-d tht-m ae«*nrding to a system of it# own uitli whirh 
t\\*' I'liet wa> familiar. ** 

ri.f I'lily livjiotht'sis oil wliii'li fninillj/ is not nM|iiIi-iMl is tlia! in 

•«'■>> ii .-ill Hiiril^ arr iiiiHiriiii'iI •■v«-iitu;illy fn n-tnni tn tlii-ir ]iriiiii!i\ •- 

-••;r. . ill Ihiry. ;iftiT thr iiLM'«T<sar\ }iiirL''atiiiii*« aiii] |iim!iih-i«« |i\ 

**'•!• !. lli.y JiTi- rrstop-il ti> tln'ir "ri;:!!!;!! imritv: I»iit llii^ imtaphN 

"*i« -'il i.Ktl'iTi. ill uliicli it i<* (lit'iiciilt tn iMiii('ci\ i* linu iii<Itviii>iali!\ 

• ''''"l !•• pn S'TVi'il, linwi'Vi-r it iu;iy li;iv«' «xistr«l. nr iiia_\ ""lill 

• ^*'»^ ill til.' tar IIa."«t . as \iiv:iii:i. or alix'Tption ( ii-hal»ilitati'»n .' in 
'*• '^>. 1-5 ii"t :i Clirislian Moitrim- aipl rinjso«|iiiiitI\ Iia> no plarr in 

" >« . ifiiiu'ti'-iii*', '•Ilist-ilrc Litti'iairi- (rilalit", "I'miii. 11; n/aii.un 

j'^l'.if.t.- .t la I'liiUis..iilii.- <'iitlii.ll.iii.- rlr." Tliarl. -, "La 

'•k 1 r.t I '.iiii.'.li,. avaiit I»aiiti-." 15. ru'iMaiiii's *" l"^iiiii'*'*i *• . uu s\».ti'no' 

■ ' ^' !• i|^ ,1,.,. Miin;:oU." Loiv. i|«> Maniiii. NVilkiii-iin''i I-!;;\ |itian<». 

*"^*t ,,|* Wrmluvi r's4 riowi'i.s Mi History; «tr. 



Visionary voyages to the eternal regions for the pnrpose 
of reporting tlie niiseries of the damned, that the wicked 
might take warning in time , and the good be encouraged 
in tlieir j)ersc*V4Tance, were freijuent from the tenth een- 
turv. ^^e read of manv such in the Uves of the saints, 
and in the chronicles ot the middle ages. Xor wore th»\v 
peculiar to (Miristians. Mohammed had put forth a picture 
of these things in his Koran: and Joshua Ben Levi, a 
Haggadist of the 1 T'' century, introduced a joiiraey thrcmgh 
Paradise into Hal>l)inical Lit<*rature. 

Christian writers chicHy contined tlieir descriptive ac- 
counts to tin* h»wcr regions; the gate of Purgatory, or. at 
most, that of Paradise, formed the boundary of their 
voyages, very little was n^ported beyond: in this respei-t 
the vision of Dante, which exhausted the subject, was 
comi)lete, and the Poet might well exclaim, as the bark 
of his loftv genius spread forth its sails to course the ocean 
of celestial light, 

L' acijua cir io prendo giammai non si corse. 

Dante gave to the regions of departed souls a general 
synunetry of form and arrangement. The place of purga- 
tion holds a sort of inverse ratio to the place of perdition: 
and pardonable sins, which in the former are repented of. 
when <*ombined with mah'voh'uce are never forgiven. We 
have nine circles in each. an«l ther<* are also nine celestial 
spheres allotted to the heavenly virtues, with a tenth sphert- 
which is the heaven of (lod's visible presence. 


1. 1 *». =\.i S. '\.i^^ .1. 

I II.!... . t I'. J.,:.*'., -i;.-! 1- . !«.■ . io" .. 
I.ii-'. • 
l,--:l . !.\ . 

\\-ii r,.i [■.•■.■!i,i.ll\. 

Vi.i;- !. ii -i: ■. .1 . Ii.:\. 
M> .--v •■■.i >. !. --I.. 

\ ■■ ■■ I..- . 
1 1 ... I. 

I I I' l.-l V. 


•^iiiiU'H I III-' I !»■ Il>;:-- IN in \.\\^.! riii>»:«\ 

! .■•.■4I "X nI. 11,. I I I ..% . ! s ■ 

Si ii !:■■ ■- •■! 'll'- 1 I • 'Ull- il ■^- '. ■ ri:- !1 

{'Mutfrnii.. («..-i I « hr:N' ii. Wn:: .•■>. 


ris" s!i.,|.' (.,1 Iluiiii:'\. 

Ill -•:■ 11 ,.r ll- i:l:;;0l,t ^.ti'iH 


i( iNi-.hnit V. 

^1- Ih a-i.| l!:.l;:t":. u- -, 

I' iiN iiii:i\ |i|il l'i.-|«!^:..»r.. 

Ki.»- !\ inc. 

i ■-In. ii|«.NO«l»t>-. 

I .1 l»i\ ili/i >i-t» 1. 

Vi fv 'I .■_'/. 

\!l.- . It-i'l. II I l;-j:.-. -I- i.r.:- -s 

.y/fii <. 

>"»!/.. .'/I. 

I'l- l\ -! ■ ■:.. E ■• ..iiiil. ■■Mlii.s' F'.rt-f <f'i-f. 

I i;-j:.- M- i;r:-.- -s 

• •laiiinrir. 

I4ii«». .1 ■„■. 
\rif hiiii"... , 

I>i-.>U»« 1 1 y. 

X^li i'!.ij-y. 



Tal foco quasi, e tutto era la bianco 
Tral foce quaKi, e tutto era la bianco 
Tal iocc, c quasi tutto era Ik bianco 

XiNKTV-FivE CoDici conaultcil gave 60 examples 
€>f the first reaiHng, 21 of the second, and 7 of 
the third; 2 Codici were imperfect, 3 (Ci. Ai\^. 
105, Vat, 20G4, and Chig. 251) had 

Tal foce (juasi e tutto era t/in bianco - 

The C. Ox(m. lOIJ had 

Tra le foci (|ua»i et tutto (;ra la bianco — 

ami the C. JJarb. 2192, 

Tra foce quasi e tutt<» era qua bianclio. 

Those CouKl consisted of 41 at Home, in Xortlieni 
Ilalv and Siena 15; at Florence 9, including tlir seven 
in tlie LaurtMixiana; at I'aris 12: in tlie Urit. Mns(>nni 
]]; at (Kford 4; Copenhagen 1; (\ Libri, and C. 

An»«>nj; th(» Cnnici with tlie iirst n-adiii^ were, at 
Knnie, ('. (*aet, (\ An^^ \Vi\ Ci. Vat. :\\\)\). Alli\ and 
.ii;r»: i\ Harb. \WX\\ at FlonMice Ci. Vill., liuti, 'rni|». 
111;^.. and nni., Ott.. and (\ Pint. XL. No. 2. In the 
N. "1* Italy, C Landi: ('. Kstense; the (\ at Tavia, 
:iiid others at Milan. In Paris Ci. 10. and T'ir).'): in 
Knndon ri. i;rit. \)V.U S'^% 10.:{17. and 22.7SO. Th" 
i\ l»rit. l'.».:)S7 lias ''mrr'* lor /'o/v. 

AiMi»n;: tin* (N»niCl with the see*)nd Trading wen* 
i\ V;it. 2S(i() (originally), sinre altered to '*////": Ci. 
\\:i\h. J.Viri, l.VM, iri:i<r, I7:{7; C Min. d. IV. 1: Ci. 
C'iTs. 'M\s <>inee altered to ••////") r.m. r»ns: Ci. Chi;:. 
2'»2. 2'M: <'. Sen. .'{1; Ci. Par. 2(>7*», \\y.\, 7002*, 

72.V2': ci. Hrit. ;ruio, :{.-,]:{. 

Thr r<HM("I with the third reading: were Ci. Vat. 
2»i<;. :iW, ;{*i7: the ('. in the lirem XV. Jl): ('. Vis- 
fi»nti in lli<* Laurenziana; i '. Ox. 107; and (\ Par. 

Thon;:h in sevi-ral ('«idiei th«* seennd reading; had 
Im'imi altered ti> the first, onlv in one instanee did I 
find a noti* of the sec-und readinir p'ini: aloii;^ with 
the first, and that was in (\ i'hig. 2i:J **/V/-' is 


very rarely found, it is almost invariably foce^ but 
in C. Brit. 932 we have the former. In C- Brit 3459 
we have "// hiatico^^ but the reading of this Codice 
is also, in other respects, erroneous. 

Twenty- SEVEN Printed Editions gave 21 for 
the first reading, 3 for the second, and 3 for the 
third: those with the second were the Edi. t and 
4, and the Vendeliniana : those with the third 
were Viviani (the liartoliniana), Brunone Biancfai 
(1S54), and Fraticelli 1860. Before Viviani printed 
this better reading it appears not to have been 
known to editors. Aldus, or rather Bembo, who 
introduced systematic punctuation, put a semi- 
colon after quasi; 

Tal foce quasi; e tutt' era la bianco 

he was followed by Costa, and Witte, but most 
editors contented themselves with a comma after 
this word. '^Thc Four" take no notice of any 
other reading than the common one. The Ottinio 
on this passage, having explained the literal sense, 
remarks — "Ma altro intende, cio^ che la graii* 
di Dio r aveva fatto lucido e chiaro. II ouore ^ 
tutto illuminato in volerc vedere e investigarc le 
divine cose; e il contrario era in questa parte (If ' 
mondo dove noi siamo, c dove era tomato T An- 
tore, cio^ quando scrisse." 

Tlioro an^ statements in the Ottinio which show tliftt i^ 
contains much tliat was written by some one not only 
wvy intimate witli Danto, but who possessed his con* 
firb'iK'O. On Inf. X., So. we read— '*! the writer b^^*^ 
lirartl Dante declare, that he was never led by rliym*^ ^' 
say other than what he intended, but that he often cansf^ 
his words to si*^nifv different senses to those in which th*? 
were used !)>■ other ])0(»ts." We here have an illustration 
of tliis in tJi(^ allegorical meaning given to the abo^* 
]>assag(^ 'V\w manner also in which the writer, in rcf<*f' 
(Mice to Fortune (Inf. vn., Hp), speaks of Ser Graziiiote 
Hambagioliy Chancelh>r of tlu^ University of Bologna, wbo 
had written a connnentary on th(» Divina (/omuiedia, W 
at least (»n this part of it; shows from his regard for the 


cmory of the Poet that he held liiit sentiments in as 
Ufh veneration, as if he had hoon nearly rclati^d to hiiu : 
1 says — "according to the <liMi.Tt'tion of my youtli, I 
ill tleclare something in defence of, and for tlic con- 
ir\'ation of tlie lionour and fame of thin venerable antJmr, 
) that by the infamy of th« envions, and by evil 8[jeahcrs, 
it one may detract and derogate from his true scienci^ 
ad virtue." lie then gives an account of Fortune mon; 
1 harmony with tlie I'oot's meaning. TIk; date of the 
ntiino, or, at least, of portions of it is shown by internal 
vidence to be 1334, as stated by Vaj-ari in his life of 
.Imabue, who had it, no doubt, from liis distingiitslicd 
riend the Kev. Don Vincimzio Borgliini, pritir of the 
iosoitnl of the Innocents at Florence, to whom the famous 
Vulice of the Ottinio now in the Laurenziana then belonged, 
i'asjui states that it was written some ten or twelve years 
ifter the death of Dante, while Oiotto was still living, 
'that is about the year of Christ one thousand three 
lundrcd and thirty four". The cnuimentary was evidently 
lyaTui'can, most probably by a Florentine, from the 
iterest taken in the faniilii^s of that t,'ity, thout^h not by 
no entirely educated tlicrc, as is shown by a question 
K once |mt to Dante about the statue of Mars (Inf. xiii., 
Wj. To Jaco])0 di Dante we niigitt a priori look for a 
'nniieiitnry on the whole of the Poem sliowing evidence- 
t_ ibc opportunities he enjoyed of knowhig tlie Point's 
iiind, when hving with his father at liavenna, and of tlie 
'l^ep interest he took in the work, something wortliv of 
"8 piisition as a man of hitters and aiitlior of the "iMlri- 
Ml,--, T|„. t;i,iose which go under liis name, and were 
l'nhli..l„.d by l.ord Vernon in 184S, as also those of tin- 
■^X'mimii . which Itatiues tlioii-;lit might bo by him, and 
I'litli an- eertidnly better than the former, av. milher nf 
"Kill siK'h as we might expect from a son i>f Dante. The 
*"•lrii(■^it eommentary Known is Vjelieved to have been wril- 
^t-n ill the liolognese dialect, about lliHO, by .laeoim di-lla 
*^'ii». licentiate in Arts and Tlieoh.^iy of tlic L'nivcr.sily 
"f Ili'Kigna. whose name has bcu jirfservod in tlie lalin 
*«8inn of it by Alberigo di Hoseiate. 

Much of what occurs in tlie Ottimo is found also in 
•Jna, ami sometimes incomphte iiar.sages in tin; foiiinr 
•ft given more pcrl'eclly by I'mti, showing that commiiita- 
•tm drew upon some general stock which they r'-gaiiled 
In ciiumion property without caring to iioticit the luiginal 
Knilnbutors. Between the death of Dante in 1321. and 
.126, the date sometimes assigned to the I'hiose called of 


Jacojx), and to the Coiniiiontary of Lana, it would seem 
almost morally certain that some eonnncntary must have 
appeared, and we might expect to hear of a partial one 
even earlier, either between 1314 and 1317, when the 
Pnr^atory was published, or at least before the decease 
of the Poet. 'Itie (Jttinio is certainly in part a compi- 
lation, but it does not absolutely follow that the passages 
agreeing with Lana were taken from him, both nn<^ht have 
been copied from an earlier source. (Sec p. 195.) But a» 
regards the intimacy of tlie Autlior of the Ottinio with 
Dante there can b(» no doubt, in all that relates to Dante 
he is original , and this gives him an especial claim to our 
regard. Jacopo di Dante was living in Florence in 1532. 4 
and in 1342, it is not known when lie died, his elder bro- 
ther Pietro lived till 1364, Gabriello was living in 1351, 
and Beatrice in 1350. It is extremely jirobable that Le 
did not die till after 1351 , so that he might have addtnl \ 
the notice of tlie Bishop Agnolo Acciaioli (Purg. XXIII., 97). 
Batines notices some twcntv-two codici containing more 


or less of the Ottimo, they are nearly all at Florence, but 
diifer somewhat from each other. The onlv tolerably enm- 
)lele one, is the copy in the Laurenziana (Pfut. XL. No. xi.O* 
out that is imi)erfect in places, and very incorrcxit. 1^ 
was often usual for jiossessors of codici to alter the n?Ad- i 
ings, and add to the notes, hencc^ when a cudice cnyvfi 
to b»^ copied again, as tliis has Ix-en, discrei»ancies t m^** 
(pirntly followiul in reference to chronology. 

(^\^:T() I., VKRSI 103—141. 

Le cose tutte (junnte 
IImuu' online tra loro; e ipiesto i« f«)rnia 
Cho r niiivorso a Dio fa simitrliantc, 

iSce. iNcc. 

Tins is one of tli(jse orniid Aristotdijin iTCi^'i 
nlizutions, which a (lr\(Hit lueditntioii on the w**!'*^' 
of ( 'ri^ntioii, aided l)v n scionce seeniinu'lv in «'* 
vjince of tlmt j)o>iscssed I)v his coiitciiiporar'^J*! 
cnnhliMl I)nnte to speak with the wis(U)in id"**' 
[)ast and t'ntnre nucs. For howovi^r niiirli bcftt''' 
midcrstood the hnvs of nature* now arc than tli?)' 
WiTc tlh'n. ;ni(l however tireat niav ho our inter 
liM'tual e(HH|Uests in the |)atlis of scioin'o, we aro 


8till far removed from the consummation of all 
km>wle<lge, nor do we see with clearer insight 
tliaii did the Poet into the mystery of final causes. 

New facts are discovered, and new phenomena 
arc observed and explained, but there are still 
Hllimate facts which stoj> our progress, and the 
limit is only removed farther off. Human nature 
ib»es not change, and the Divine nature cannot. 

In the verses 115 — 117, 

Questi nc porta il fuoco invor la Lana; 
C^ucsti nc' cuor mortali o proinoturo; 
(^uusti la terra in hc 8tringc od aduna: 

three physical jmnciples, combustion, vital action, 
and attraction of cohesion, both of molecules and 
in.'isses, are expressed in a poetical manner which 
almost seems to anticipate, in part, the results 
of modern researches: for it matters little bv 
what names things are called provided we under- 
stand what is meant, aiul, where language is 
sr;ir(*c*ly adc<[Uate to <'onvey the wliole idea we 
ib-^irf to express, there nuist always l)e a surplus 
Si nsr which the uniler.standing will rutertain a<*- 
i-ording to its capacity. The vitnl c<»ntractilitv 
«»f thr librcs of tin* heart, whence <loes it come, 
and what is the cause of it? t*nn anv modern 
physiologist tell usV Or can he exjilnin wlmt 
vitality is per sc? 'IVuly we might as well ex|)ect 
t«i rrrcive a satisfa<*torv reason for the* creation 
itself to the extent that is known of it, an<l wliv 
the genera . species, and varieties of living tilings 
J»re just what tliey are, neitlier ni(»re nor less. 
1 lure is no i^ettinir beyond ultimate facts, how- 
cr»r the distance may increase by wliicli we ap- 
/'roiich them. We nnist here be content to remain 
H'/jfrc hanti* did with his ''/;/*//// v/y / //^/v//////", under 
«t-iiiding by tliese the |)owers, [principles, or agen- 
cii-s bv which thinirs nre what tliev are. 

21 * 


This subject is continued by the Poet in the 
following: canto. We may well excuse Beatrice's 
digression about the mirror and the candles, when 
followed bv so sublime a discourse as this. (See 
on Cant. 11., 112 — 138; and XIX., 52—63.) 


O vol chc siete in piccioletta barca, 

Desiderosi d* ascohar, segiiiti 

Uiotro al mio lefrn«» chc cantando varea, 
Tornate a rivedor li vostri liti, 

Noil vi metteto in jjehigo, die forse, 

Perdendo me, rimarroste siuamti. 
L' acqua (.'h' io prondo. gianiinai non si corse: 

Minerva spira, e fonducc mi Apollo, 

E nore Muse mi dimostran 1' Orse. 

Dante, arrived at tlie confines of Heaven, and 
ready to ascend to the stars, after an invocation 
to Apollo, and a brief notice of what he saw and 
felt, launches the second canto of his stupendous 
Parndise in the stylo and pliraseologry of a prac- 
tical sailor. He comes before us like some trreat 
Admiral engaged on an arduous and difficult enter- 
prize, whose valiant soul rises su})erior to every 
doubt, whom dangers rather delight than <lis- 
(H)urage, and who, gathering strength from tlie 
perils that surround him. 

Con r aniiin» flio vince ogni battaglio, 

rejoicingly sets forth in his daring attempt. 

The Poet's partiality for similes from the sea 
has alreadv been noticed in the Inferno and Pur- 
j^j>tor\': ill till- Paradise tliov attain to their climax 
fsoe ("auto XIX.. :)S lV^■, 'XXIIL, «>7— !h XXV.. 
i:u— :>: XXVIL. 14:)— 7: etc.). 

l)ante was awaru, that to navigate the celestial 
spheres, ami to iciuUr an account of his expedi- 
tion, was no easy matter. 


Non if piloggio da picciolft barca 

Quol, che iendendo va 1' ardita i)rora, 
Nc da nocchier, cli' a so medesmo parca. 

And lie cautions all those who would follow his 
Course to pause and reflect on their own capaciity, 
lest, losinjr sight of him, they should he lost 
iiiileed. Hut such as, like himself, had e.'irly 
sought the bread of Angels, though not to full 
rontent, may with him spread their sails, and 
freely put to sea (v. 13 — ;">), 

Mott<»r ])oteto hen jxir I' aUo sale 
Vustro naviglio, scrvando iiiio solco 
l>iiiaiizi air acqna cho ritorna oguale. 

'I'hr reading of v. 11. luis heen a sulyect of some 

KiKTY-oNK (\)Diei <-onsuIted (Uome ;U; Hrit. M. 
II: Oxford 4; ('. Lihri and C Koscoe) gave 41 
for the rea<ling mnr, 

E HOVC SIus<* mi diinostran 1' orsc. 

And jo for the rejiding /tt/oir^ 

K fiuorr Jhi>r mi dimnstran 1' nrst». 

Am<»ng tlii.* t'nniHT wire, at Iidiik*, tlio ( '. (\"»»!t.; i\ Aug. 
Iti'i: <"i. Vat. :\VJ\), :U\'u :m\. 177<>: and i\ liarb. ITkC*; 
tlM- t'i. P.rit. I9.:»s7. 2I.n;:{. 22.7sO, s:{*K in-J: the ('i. Ox. 
in:;. 107, ins. jo*): and tin* ('. linstor. 

riu' < 'ndiri wiili tin* sci'oiid n'.idin^ wcro, at Koims 
I i. Vat. :Wi7. :{2«)0. 7.Vii;; Ci. Clii-. 2i:;, 2.M, ly.): Ci. 
r.rit. \U:\, J0.:{J7, aiid ,'{ Hlo, and (\ I/il»n, wliirli, with (\ 
• Ilia;;. 21:1 'and (\ r»rit. 22.7s(n. has -;//- diniostran". 

TlinMY-oNK I'lMNTKO IOdiiions gavi' 22 for the 
tirst residing. 1> for the seeniid. All the early edi- 
titius with the exec*|>tion of tin* tliird iM.intUiij 
li;ivi- "'/ton''\ l>jini(dlo was the fn'st to suggest 
jitmrt ; the \v\X has ^^ nnr4-\ Init in tin* ctimincntiirv 
In* semis to yYvUi' /inov<\ "Mt imvf Mms«*, jHTchf* 
IX sonn le Mus( in nuniero. over N'ovk. rii**- nu- 
ovc'. V non quelle nndesinie, elie prima 1" h;iv(i- 
van«» favorito." The (.'rusea printed "///////v", with 


a note, remarking that the old writers, for the 
most part in verse, wrote the diphthong uo, with- 
out the ?/, not caring for the ambiguity thus oc- 
casioned. Venturi, following the Crusca, declared 
for a more subHme choir of Muses , not the com- 
mon ones; and so also did Poggiali, and Cesari, 
who is for another Jlinerva also, and not the 
Athenian PaHas, ^^ Mvicrva sard la Sapienza fifrina 
(e qucsta e Beadivey^ (!) liiagioli, who is no 
authority in the matter of readings, also printed 
^^nHove^\ possibly because the Pa (Ire Lombardi 
had preferred nore. "TlieFour" give ^^nuovc'^ witli- 
out condescending to notice ?iove; and so also does 
Martini. Fraticelli in 1837 printed ^^mwre^\ but 
in his edition of I860 he has very wisely changed 
it to ^^7wve^\ 

There can be no doubt that nore is the propel* 
reading. It is thus explained by the Ottimu^ 
''Cioc le nove parti deHa scienza musica" (poetica); 
and by Pietro: ^^ac novem MustVy de quibm dlxi supru 
in Punjatojio'^ See also the note l)y Uomanis (Ed. 
Roma 1822). It is the reading ot* BenvenutM . and 
of Ihiti, who cxidains: 'VvV?^' Ic nore seienze c/te serroHO 
alia poesL' So also iho ''Falso Boccac<'io'' '^dirit 
perle nore snenzt'e.'' The Vend., Nid., Land., Aldu-S, 
Veil., Lomb., Dion., Komanis, i Padovaiii, Vivi- 
aiii, Costa, liianchi, and Witte all have this 


(hii non pot(\*i mi' nrra osser aseosa, 
(•ui non potua mia rura Oi^ser aseosa, 

TniKTY-six Cr)i)ici examined (Itcmie 14: Flor., 
|liicc. T); Ihit. Mil. II ; Oxford 4, and C. Uoscoe) 
gave for orra or opra 2S, for eara (>, and two i»ther 
variations, as in C Harb. 15li5, 


die mm li om iiiia opora nascosa; 
jiiul ill tho (\ IJrit. 22.780, 

(Mini lion |M>tio iiiia visfa osscn^ asco^a. 

Aiiioiijr tlie C*o<Hci Avitli tlie iirst rca<Hn<^ wore 
the C. (/art.: (^i. Vat. ;nj)9, ;»»:), ;{()(), ainl ITTfi. 
I'he I*. \i\\, 4777 has nascosfi^ and so have tlu^ 
t'i. Hrit. :<r)^l, ;ur)U (nascliosta), and tlie C. Ox. 
|t»7. Thr Codici witli tin* second rcadiujc wciv 
{\ Vat. 2:<:)S: (\ A\v^. ing ^//w/ ;/wAy/>; C. Ox. 
WW): Ci. Hrit. s;<n, 10.:{|7: and C. Kicr. KK'M. 

TwKNTY-KirJHT I*1MMKI> KoiTlnNS oavi* for till.' 

first rra<lin^" Is I'xainpk's, inohnlin*^* 5 witli '^o/ur/i\ 

or, as \vc Hml it in early editions. ^'ojtra\ and H> 

I'xanipK's oi the seeond readiii;^*. 

This latttr is 1\hiih1 in \\A. 2: in \\\r Nid, with *'////.%- 
#■»#%//": ill \*c'll., in Lmnli., Koni., i l*a«l., ('«»sta, '*Th<* 
F«iiM*'\ witli a note i»t" //r/v/, llian., ami Frat. in liis nl. 
ot'js<i|; |irrvic»uslv, in IS.'JT. hr |)rint('«l ovni hut tlimiuht 
r///'/ l»«-tl«r, though he did imt thi'ii v»'ntnn* to diUVr tVoni 
thi- Cru.NiM. This ri'adiujr \vas alsn prctrrnMl hv SaiiMi- 
\iii««. and u«' find it in tin* |»rint«d t«\t of thr Vfiiicr 

• tlit. ot" l.'iril. \'illut«*lln'> ninark is - **Mia rura. rior, 
1. 1 iiii.i v««:rliM. <• d«"id«iio , c havr;i di >a|M'r thr luopi 

• r.i •|M«llii. jH-ridi'' il -ii«i h<'llo, <• liu'inti* lu'rhio, rior d«' 
li tli«"li«jia . rnnii' di>*«' ml X (':niti» d«" la |iriina t'antii-a 
ill |t' i-*-«iia di \ ir;:. M'd'- I lutto." Lunihardi, who n-\i\«d 
ihi- i-ailiiiL', mid«r-lniid l>v it /■///•/'.<////, and tliMH:;^|ii that 
'•''./ dill !!••! \\«ll i\|ir«'.-«» a d<'-ir«" tn ■*♦■•' and to know; 
11' i'di'i' dti«* il . hut. ilid ih«' l*«'«t niran tn »oii\«*v thj.N 
inij-i. -«i..n '." 1 dou!»i jt. and think that h'- ni«-n-l\ iiiti-ndod 
'•' 1' :■ r I" thi- art nt" inniinLT lii- tarr lo tin- ////////'// tn^n 
■'■•iiS'h Av'w hi- attfiilion, and lii.i-^iidi -«"«'ni> t»» ha\f Im-i-h 

'/ ilii- "|'ini«'ii al-o. fhrtt i^ tho na«liiiL' i»t' lidi. I. |, 

*• lid.. AM.. 1J"V.. I >an.. rm-s.. N'l-nt.. I'm::.. ^•i.'^L^. t'r-,., 

■'■ *\ \i\,: l»uti. Ihii , Fd. \\., Laml.. l»i«'ii., and Witt** 

/■■•■* I' ttftf/tt, and !•• iiaiidx I think nfu/t/'\^ th«' !»• ti' r paij 

." ^ Mt' th»- t\\«». Il i- v«-r\ iilt'liald'- that »///'/ tnnnd 

ua\ inln th* t'-\t liv "o/z/v/". a- »•/•/*/ w.i^ «'ltiii writ 

' * * . and -••nii-tiin'- |irint«d, h'ini: mi-tak» n ti-r it l>\ '-arlv 

I * • 

,' 1 "vi-i-. ami thi* wa- th'* «»|'iiii"n al-" xt" rr«»t. rdam-. 

• ^ !•« thi- a" it niav. »■*//»/ wa^ |ir«diaM\ rii:aril'«l a- an 
* I >r"\»d n adini: iu.-litird l»v tin* «H<a-i«'nal n>«" ol' tin' 



word in otlu*r plaros, as in Pur;?. XXV., Ill; Pard. IV-, 
17; XXI., 21: ami XXVIIL, 40; though not by its more 

general cmiiloynient. 

(^VXTO II., VKRSD 47. 

Cnmr C'sscr posst) piii, ringraxio Liii 
Tonio cssor po.sso si ringvazio Lui 
Omi/if' i'?>sor i)t»iJ!?o })iu, vingrazio Lui 

TwKNTv-KKiUT Comci cxMiuiiicd fKome 12: Hrit. 
Mil. II: Oxford 4, and C. Koscue) gave 22 ex- 
amples of tlic first reading, 5 of the second, and 
1 (C. Vat. 31!)!)) with 

<iuant' osser pos^^o piu, ringrazio Lui, 

wliicli is tlic readin;r now usually found in modern 

Anioiijr the Codici with the first reading were 
the Ci. Vat. 305, 300, and 3197; the C, Caet; 
and the C. liarb. 1535. The CV^liei with the 
second reading were the Ci. Vat. 2S65, 4776; and 
the (\. lirit. 10.317, 345!), and 35S1. 

'r\vKNTY-i:ir;irr Pkinted Editions gave of the 
first reading 14 examples, of the second iione-^ 
ami of tlie third, also 1 L Witli the excej)tion c^'*- 
lien. all tlie texts heN>re that of Aldus have th*^ 
first reading, and this which was reproduced b^^ 
Lom1)ardi, has been followed by Kom., i Padovan» " 
\\y.. and Fraticelli. 

IJen.. Aid.. Rov., Dan., Crusca, Vent., Dion— ^ 
Pogg., Hia;:*. , Ces. , Costa, Martini, Bian., an«-^ 
AVitte have the rending found only in one Codic *^* 
out of tlie twenty -eight. 

From the remark of Lombardi: '* Quant csst^^^ 
jwsstt pih leggono \ edizioiii diverse dalla Xidot*-- 
ma la i)articella av con la rnme fa miglior K^gT^ 
(Vedi 1 Ciiion. Partic. TO., 171" it would seein 
that he was aware of the second reading, but not 
linding it in the X^idobeatina, rejected it, thoug** 


»etter than the first. It lias not hitherto been 
Loticed by other editors, so far as I am aware. 

CANTO II., VERSI 49-51 ; 58-60. 

Ma ditcmi, che son 11 scgni bui 
Di qiiesto corpo chc h 
Fan di Gain lavolcggij 

Di qiiesto corpo chc laggiuso in tciTa 
&^an di Gain lavolccrffiare altmi? 

Ma dimmi quel chc tu da te nc pcnsi. 
Ed io: Ci6 che n' appar quassii diverse 
Credo che il fanno i corpi rari e densi. 

Dante occasionally mingles together poetical 

fictions with philosophical speculations, possibly 

in memory of their early union; and so in the 

poetic account of the moon's substance we have 

a passing digression on its lights and shadows. 

The Poet, in his Convito, compares Grammar 
to the Moon. 

"Dico che 1 cielo doUa Lima coUa Grammatica si so- 
miglia, perchi ad esso si puo coraparare; che so la Luna 
si giiarda bene, due cose si veggono in essa propie, che 
non 81 veggono nell' altre stolle: V una si e V ombra oh' 
e in essa, la quale non e altro che raritii del suo corpo, 
I alia quale non possono terminare i raggi del Sole e ri])er- 
cuotorsi cosi come nelF altre parti; V altra si e la varia- 
aone della sua luminosita, che ora luce da un lato, e ora 
luce dair altro, secondo die I Sole la vede" (Tratt. ii., 

c. J4). 

The opinion here expressed would seem to be 
more correct than that which the Poet subsequently 
entertained, when, becoming dissatisfied with it, 
he fell back upon a substance of different con- 
stitution, the result of a ""^ formal jmncipio^'. 

Brunctto Latini discoursing (»n the rotundity of the moon, 
remarks that it receives light as a burnished sword, or 
crystal, or other similar body, and does not give so much 
light of itself as to enable us to see its brightness, but 
only by means of the Sun (Tesoro, lib. n., c. 45). And 
he subsequently states very clearly: '*that on account of 
the moon being a star", and all stars were held to be of 
the nature of fire, "some people think that she has a 


li^lit of lier own, like tlio other stars. lint the faint liglit 
(T alhore) of the moon woitkl not suffices to illumine the 
earth were it not for the sun" (c. 46). Of the pei-manont 
(lark natelies on the moon's disk, Brunette says nothing. 
lUit tne physit>lo^ical influence of the moon at or near 
th(? full on all tluicls, causing them to rise and swell, 
whether free, as the sea, or contained within living bodies, 
is mentioned, with especial reference to the pith in plants, 
and the marrow in Ixuies. 

The eaiih shines upon the moon with an intensity about 
thirteen times greater than that of the moon upon the 
earth, and a ]>ortion of this light reflected back again !•» 
us, is called the earth -Ih/ht of the moon, and was knowii 
to Leonardo da Vinci*; Galileo also disc(»vered the cause 
of tliis faint light, which Hrunetto Latini so distinctly 
notices. It is also possible, and even probable, that the 
Moon, like V(»nus, the Earth, and other jdanets, has a 
feeble phosphorescent light of her own. (Humboldt.) 

Among tlui ancients (see Plutarch), some thought the 
dark jjarts of the moon might be the shadows of moun- 
tains cast over valleys and plains; others that the monn's 
disk showed, as in a mirror, the land and seas of our 
own planet. What we noAV know is that the higlnTuart* 
are the brightest, and that the lower i)arts, «»r the plaiiii'. 
reflect less light ; but what the ])ermanently darker parlJ* 
are, observiTs an* n(»t agreed. Kr]>Ier described tln?ni as* 
seas, a notion long given up; though Arago has reniark«'<l 
that the irr(*gulariti<*s some of their surfaces sh<>w, mi;:l>^ 
hr owing t<» the amount of light issuing from the il(']»tli5* 
hrlow ovor that whicli is reflected from th(» surface ot tm' 
wat<'r alM>v(\ 15ut there are other reastuis for conchuli^r 
that there are no seas in the moon. 

l)ante, probablv, was of tliat conviction also. HuuiIh""] 
in reforcnce to tlie dift'crent tints which tliese so cal'*^* 
seas in the moon i)re.sent, remarks: '*The causes of tW'* 
;^reat divorsitv in the tints of the rockv suH'aro, tirt'tn*]] 
porous mat^'rials which cov«?r it, are <'Xtremelv mvstcriou*- 

M. Francorur ( Tranographie Kdit. IV2S) says, p. '*y* 
"La tointe foncre des taches lunaires ne provient q«*' 
la nature momc du sol. puis(|Uo, sultsi-stant encore ^^^ 
la plcin»" lune. on ne pout les regarder comme dcs *^* 
bn^s, ipii dovr.iiont disparaitre lorsq'elles ont leur 1 
jection vertirale.'' 

■•• Sr»' \'»'iitiiri: '* AVv//i sur Irs Ouvrntirs i/i Lt'Ofianfo dn l'iwV\ 
tiiMril liy Hiiiiilioldt ill (.'osiiius V'ul. IV., Bohii. 



A&tronoinor^s when forced U) renoiuicc the notion of seas, 
gave new titles to these dark patches, coupling them with 
the names of Aristnrehus of Snnios and other eminent men, 
but these have brought us no neanjr to their real nature 
than did the digression of Beatrice, to whose reasoning 
Dante yielded uj) his earlier notion of ^'denser and rarer'\ 

All, in fact, is solid on the surface of the nuxm; an 
arid, and very uneven volcanic crust causes tht) light of 
the sun to be reflected from it dittuscdly, and not as fr«)ni 
th«» focus of a burning gl.iss. Its diminished density, h»ss 
than one half that of the ejirth, may acc«>unt for the Poet 
imagining himself easily to havi? uruj^trated its pearly sub- 
stance: according to Sir John llrrschel, nniscular force 
would there go six times as far in overct)ming resistance 
as it does on the earth. 


Or, come ai colpi degli caldi rai 
Delia nevi» riman nmlo il sNf/f/cffo 
K dal ctdore e dal frcddo primal: 

Xcitlier Plato nor Aristotle re^Jirdcd mailer us 
liodv, but t>nlv as tbo sithhrl of it. Tlio latter 
iiilriMlut'ed the* acrnilciit of privatum to hclj) out 
his iiu*ainii<if; \vc have here an illustration of tins. 
Tin* matter of the snow, \vln.n tlie form of it is 
removed, \\y privalion ^ is snow im Iniioer, but the 
subject or substance is there still, for matter is 
Mtver aimibilated, it onlv cbaim-es its foi-m. 

Ibiw primary matt<*r finjh') nia<l«' of notliiii;^^ \i) and 
tIi*Tefore supi*rlor to all ittlnT tliiiiii> which wt'r«" math' of 
h««m(*thing, gavi- rise in tin- tour «*l«'iin'nt>, I»rnnitto ba- 
tini instruct> us with IxH-nming irravity i Ti'snro 1. iL, 
c- -SO etcJ. lb* tells ns that tli<' natup' of things is 
e-tabli^ht■d by tho four fonstitutii>iis or (li.''|H»sitioii> of 
b«>di«'?» frumiilrsainnij whiih an* Imf . mhl , tlnj and ntnisf ; 
and by tin* four eh-mi-nts, whirli abt> jjarticipati' in tlM'>e, 
anil ar«* as tin* >upport <»f th»' wnrld. Tin* Klrmmts an* 
F.nrlh . 11 /ifrr, .iir and /•'///•. r.i'>id<'s wljich lh»rr i>, ac- 
ronliiij; lo Ari>t«»t|i" a tilth rb-iin'iit calhil ^hhis, inci>r- 
nij'iiblo, which >un'oniids and imhI^m'^ within itM-lt' all tho 
«»th<T ♦•Irmcnts, and all things which arc, the l)city ex- 
rcptrd, and had our bodies bci-n made of this they would 


have been immortal. The four elements, like all other 
things animate and inanimate, are maintained and con- 
firmed by the four constitutions of bodies, thus Earth 'a 
cold and dry, Water cold and moist, Air hot and moi^ 
Fire hot and dry. Milton introduces these in his descriptioB 
of chaos (Pard. Lost. b. II., v. sw). 

For, hot, cold, moist, and dry, four champions fierce 
Strive here for mast'ry, -and to battle bring 
Their embryon atoms ****** 
* * * Into this wild abyss, 
(The womb of nature, and perhaps her j^rave) 
Of neither sea, nor shore, nor air, nor fire, 
But all these in their pregnant causes mix'd 
Confusedly — 

The four humours in man, ^^Sanguc^\ ^^iVioiera", ^^Mt- 
lanc(min^\ or ^^Cholera tiera^\ and "-'Ftegma^^ have also their 
cnmplcmimi. Sangue is hot and moist, Cholera is hi»t and 
dry, Mrlanconia is cold and dry, and Flegma is cold and 
moist. This theory led to the humoral i)atholo|::y, and 
to the four Temperaments of human bodies which still 
retain their theoretical ground. 

The four seasons also have their complesaioni , Spring i« 
hot and moist, and so corresponds witli Sangtie, which 
has its seat in the tiver; summer is hot and drj', and ^ 
corresponds with Cholera , which has its seat in the M^* 
autumn is cold and dry, and so corresponds with J/W'W' 
roN/ay which has its seat in the spine; winter is cold 9xA 
moist, and so corresponds with /V/y/wr/, which has its so*^ 
in the luntja. Persons accordini^ to their tomiieranu'U^* 
were thouglit liable to be taken ill at corresponding soaiiOU" 
and in tlicMu, diseases dei>ending cm corresjM)ndin^ huni<mf* 
w<!re consideretl to b(^ more dangerous than others. Th^ 
mode of treatment was by opposites, correcting the hu- 
mours by sui)plying what the constitution was field to Iw 
deiicient in. 


Deniro dal ciel della divina pace 
Si gira nn cor[)o n(?lla cui virtute 
L' esser di tutto suo contento giace. 

t^cc. &c. 

Ill this canto Dniite would seem to Imve been 
jiiiicli iiulcl)tcd to the Arabians for the description 


jiven of the or gam del mondo, and especially to 
^Yerrhois. In the Arabian philosophy, true to 
the traditional teaching of the far east, the first 
intelligence was not regarded as Deity but as tlie 
immediate oflFspring and creation of Deity, ever 
in intimate relation with Him, the first agent in 
the universe, and the prime mover of the stars. 
Aristotle, however, did not make this distinction, 
nor does Dante. Speaking of the stars, in his 
XI book of Metaphysics , c. 8, 2. 3. 13, the Phi- 
losopher who regarded them as eternal essences, 
or substances*, made a remarkable allusion to a 
doctrine descended down from the most remote 
antiquity, that the stars ai'e gods, and that the 
Divinity embraces all nature, and, if we separate 
this from the myth which accompanies it, that 
the doctrine may then truly be considered divine.** 

Averrhois treating on this subject, to use the 
Words of M. Renan, came to consider heaven as 
a being eternal,' incorruptible, ever in act, of 

Eerfect levity, simple, and moved by a soul. A 
eing, the most noble of animated beings, not 

*Ari8t. Metap. I. XL, cap. VIII., 2 — 3, "Nam et stollanim natura, 
pcrpotua substantia qiitcdam cxistens; ct <iUO(l inovot, perpotiiuiii, 
ctprins cst'inoto; ct quod prlus substantia est, substantia sit neccsso 
**t. Constat itaque, necessc esse, tot substantias esse natura per- 
P^taas et per se iminobiles, ac abs(pie nia;rn i tut line , ob causaui prius 
<lictam. (^uod igitur substantiae sunt, et liarum qu.-imam prima, qu:i>ve 
lecnnda, secundum eum ordinem, quern et lationes siderum habent, 
patet." (Edit. Paris, 1850, p. 600.) 

*'13. **Tradita autem sunt qnaidam a majoribus nostris et admo- 
fnm antiquis, ac in fabulic fipfura posterioribus n^Iicta, quod hi dii 
■int. nniversaniquc naturam divinum contineat. (.'etera vero fabu- 
oso jam ad niultitudinis persuasionem, et ad le<;:um, ac ejus quod 
oiifcrat, opportunitatem , illata sunt: bominiformes namquc ac alio- 
DiD animalium nonnullis similes eos dicunt, ac alia cousequcntia et 
imilia iis qua' dicta sunt: quorum si <piis ipsum solum primum se- 
arando accipiat, quod decs arbitrabantur primas substantias essi*, 
ivine profccto dictum pntabit: et (ut verisimile est) sn'pius quacpu; 
Tie et phiIo80])hia, <iuoad possible fuit, inventa, corruptaque rur- 
IS, liHS illorum opinioncs, quasi quasdam reliquias, nunc usque 
klvataa esse. Patria itaque ac primorum o])ini() in tantum inodo 
>bis mauifesta sit'' (p. 008). 


composed of iii<attcr and form, neither in placc^ 
except by nccidcnt, nnd consisting of nianj' orbi 
representing the members essential to its life, and 
in which tlie prime mover is as the heart whose 
vital influence is imparted to them all (v. 133 
— 1 38). Each of these orbs has its special intd- 
ligence, which is its form, just as the rationl 
soul is tlic form of man. These intelligenceRi 
hierarcliically subordinate, constitute tlie chain 
of movers which propagate the movement of the 
first sphere down to the others. The moving' 
power wliicli they obey is desire^ and to attain^ 
the highest good they move , thiiB 
manifesting the desire which actuates them. Theix' 
intellect is always in act, uninfluenced by ima- 
gination and sensibility. They know thcmselveSf 
and are conscious of whatever passes in tte 
spheres beneath them, so that the first intelligence j 
has the complete knowledge of all that occnrs 
in the universe. (See M. Kenan, "Averrofcs et 
i;AveiToisme", Deux. Edit., ISfil, p. 121.) "The 
mecham'cal hypothesis of Newton", says M. KeiKUif 
"lias so profoundly changed our ideas on the system 
of the universe, that the conceptions of ancient 
times, the notions of the middle ages, of the ] 
Henaissance, aiul even of Descartes, appear to 
us as droains of other days.'' '''^riie homogeneity 
of the universe was not then understood; it couU 
not be supposed that one and the same system 
jn-evailed everywhere, and the same law which 
detonnincd the movement of an atom here bchnv, 
regulated also the movements of the planets above 
and around us." 

r>niiH^tt(> Latini (Tos. 1. ii., c. 50) iollowing Aristotle 
rcninrks: 'Mn Irnlli, if Ihc finnamont diil not i'ov»»lvc 
jinniiHl tlu^ cartli, as it (lo(»s, no creatnro in the world 
couM niovr at all, and ^vllat is m<»n', it' the tinnamonl 
(lid not rcvolvr on a tixod i joint all things won hi be dw- 


iTciyeil* .... wherefore Arintotle aaitli, nature is that virtue 
by whifh nil things change, and of tlienijielvpfi rointiin iiii- 
moVih', ov aft thoy wcfp". He Ihmi states that natDi-n 
(HicratPs in tiix wayn, by OenfTatioii, Oomiiition, Incrousc, 
Uiniinntidi) , Altemjion, and Mutation, or diangp "f i>lni'c, 
etc, ItoothiiiK in his third bonk (t. xii.) reasoning by 
ys\ttA jiowpr tlir' iinivei-sw is {^)vonied, Rayis: '"Tht; oriUlr 
iml uictUDdri of nnturo could mit »o certainly (jmccdd, nor 
prmlutf S" refjular motions, disjioscd and lintitcd acvord- 
iBg tu tiuios , plates, actinj;s, sjiaoeK, and ijiialiti'-s, indoss 
iWe w«TP line remaining, tixcd and innnovealilo Jicing 
l« innnage so pniat variety of chanfjoB. I givo tliin cxcol- 
I«it Iteiiig, whatever it is, hv which all thingn ertNitcd 
Pwlnre, and an; actuale.l and infomied, tln' known ile- 
rnHnliiaiion wfdod."** Towards the close of this chajiter, 
Boptliins winarking to Aw Beatrice: •'Tlnni saidst, llint the 
\ctv fiinn of giiod Avas the substani-o of (lod and hainiinoss; 
W didst teacli tliat that was the only genuine goodwliicli 
WW rli^iml liv all things in natnre"'". is told liv licr, in 
Wijly: "siu'li is tlio natnn- and form of th.- DiVi,,,. Snh- 
stamr. Ihat it ni'ilh.T connnnnii-ales ilsrlf t" furcigu things, 
ii'ir ifwivc-s snch into its own nature; hut as I'iirnicnitli'r^ 
m\i »{ it. 

llavTtitfif n'lxvxhiv Cyfa'yws' fvcciUyxim- i>; 
Himself imnioveabh', lie rolls the moviiig 


(.'■'sjmo lJart..Ii in his Italian version (l.-i.-.l) renders this 
|w*«igi- as ''1\\ guidiindo lutle 1.- ,os.. in errchio 
«■ fai s|iontanunii-nle tornarr ji 1e st'ssn. t-Vn- flla stando 
f'-nna, mui-vc in Cirti tntt- il Mohilr .-.■reliii. <■..-<■." 
IWtliiux was a better iihilosonhcr than Srr Itnuirtln. .-uid 
Ifciiit.- sur|.asserl ihei.i huth ; h<' kindly Iiuw-v-r. 
Ki* old master, and in v. 12S. introdncis a simile fmni 
hi* Tfsoro (lib. II.. e. H(i). 

t„ I..V mi.i frnr't'li.- 'l.'.'.'r.l .I.'-s'is'ri.rist', 

.„,t -A I tl.iT.' .'MllM I..' no t.nw.T tlol 

■"I Imv ll.T.'|..iv,l IV'Stnli'.- 
I...-tlii<w Ik rMimrkxbltf. Ilr s.-Ljis - 

(•'• "itio" I vliari;: i].Kmii i|'iv 'Ic 

rt„!-,,ir_ l..-.-itini,liii.>m .lis-i-r. ■ 

Tiivli: '■Tli.r.lnri' «.■...!- 
inN l.oram'all. ■.\\»\ >^l 

iiy u' 1 •^■■.■" 

ii~1:it;.>ii. 'I'll.' |.'i~SMir" 

iilinii < I.Virsi 
I'ls <■*»,■ sii)>.lJiii1iii 
I. .1IK..I k\< ..Mini 1 



Lo nioto e la virtu do' saiiti giri, 
C(imt' dnl fahhro /' attc (fci maririio, 
Da' beati motor convien chc spiri. 

liriuiotto, discoursing on the offices of naturo, had said: 
"Per quosta ])arola apparo hora chiaramonto , che la na- 
tura c h Dio, conic il niartcUo r al fablm>, che honi 
forma una spada, hora un chuo, hora uii chiovu (chioduK 
hora una cosa, hora un' altra, scccmdo clu* il fabbro vuole. 
Kt com' olli opera una manicra di fonnare una cossa. 
cosi adopcra Idio \w Ic stelle, c no le piancto. Et altiv 
manicro adoj)era la natura in huomini, ot in bcstio, et in 
altri alniali.'' But Dante had drawn dci^ply fnmi the di- 
vine philosophv of lUx^tliius; the admirable disisertation of 
l:ieatrice had l)een inspired by the noble verses of the 
author of "the (.'onsohitions'^ (Lib. III., Metr. IX. \ wliicli, 
derived from tliose of Virgil on the soul of x\iv. worlJ 
((.Jeorg. IV., -iil— *,>27; yKn(?id vi., 72I--72U), were expanded 
by the Poet, with the aid of Averrhois, into a consisli'iit 
christian system. 


Anzi e formale fffi rstn hc-jito rsse 
Anzi <• fornude a tpifsfn beato i^>s«» 
Anzi e formale itti fssd beato esstj 

'r\vi:NTV-NiM-: CoDici oxiuuiiied (Ivoiiic 111; Brit- 
Mil. II; Oxlonl 1; and C lioscoc) ^avc 22 tor 
\\\v iirst readinji', (i for tlie secoiul, and 1 (C.Brit. 
;{r)Slj for till' tliinl. 

Aninug those with the tirst reading wi-r*' tlu* (.'i. Vat. 
odf). '»(ir> and 477<»: among those with th*' seci»nd, i'. 
Caet. Off/ f/t/rs/nj: (\ Vat. .'MDO: and tlio (\ l»arl». 
I ;>;»."): il was aisj) fountl in the Ci. P>rit. fttf/ fjuesh^f 

'2\.n\:\y \):\'i, and :n.v.i. 

'rwKNTv-KicaiT IMmntki) Kditions ^-avc^ of the 

Iirst reading' 17 examples, of the secoiid oiilv oiu' 

I Ktl. !».), and 10 of the third. 

Aldus in this IimI the wav, and was folh)Wi'd bv l\ov., 
\*«11., D;ni., tho ('ru>(a iwith a note of <tf/ rs/o \\\ tm' 
margin). Dimi.. I>iag., Cos., Pogg., ami Martini. Lond»aril 
liM'^ till' nu-rit of havinu" restt>red the toxt to its nriir'mal 
eoiToetnoss as found in tin* great majority of (Vulici, and 


the early printed editions: but the remark on the read- 
g of the Nidob. adsto, "credo per errore di stampa", 
%s surely unnecessary. Dionisi printed esso, probably 
om finding it in the C. Vill. "The Four", on this verse, 
ke credit to themselves for differing from the reading 
' the Crusca, which they condemn as "cacofonia", and 
11 back on a crowd of Codici for protection. They further 
>tice that "II Pucciano 5'' reads a quest o; and so the 
eneziana of 1491. In the Com. of Landino we also find 
quesio, though the text has "«^ esto^K The Aristotelian 
nse of formale is well explained by the learned Floren- 
ne: "Forma i quella die da 1' esser alia cosa, c nessuno 
beato , senon per esser unite con Dio. Adunque la forma 

questa beatitudine e \ unione con Dio, e la sua voglia 
venta la voglia di Dio/' It was not then necessary to 
,y, see Lombardi, that ^^formaie^^ was a scholastic term 
eaning essenziaie, as Aristotle's reign was not yet over, 
)r that ^^essere" meant vivere, (See p. 242.) 

CANTO III., VERSI 118—20. 

Quest' h la luce della gran Costanza, 
Che del secondo vento di Soave 
Generb il terzo, e F ultima possanza. 

Constance, the mother of Frederic II"'', was the 
aughter of king Roger P^ of Sicily, who inherited 
bat kingdom on the death of his fjithcr, Roger, 
lie great Count, brother of Robert Guiscard, and 
'as the sister of William the Bad, who, accord- 
ig to Villani, had sought to put her to death 
n the faith of a prophecy that slie would be the 
Uin of the Norman kingdom; but, by the counsel 
>f Tancred, a natural son of Roger T', she was 
^aved and sent to the convent of San Salvatorc. 

William the Good, son of William the Bad, 
fWiving no issue by his wife Johanna, daughter 
rf Henry 11"'* of England, Constance, his aunt, 
)ecanie presumptive heiress to the crown, wliich 
be Emperor Frederic T* desired to obtain for liis 
wn family. To effect this he jn-ojcctcd a nuir- 
ag'C between her and his son Henry, duke of 



Suabia. Villani describes Constance as "piii del 
corpo die della niente casta", and, following 51a- 
lespini , says that at her marriage she was fift}' 
years old; Boccaccio gives her five years morCf 
but her real age appears to have been only 
thirty -two, and that of her husband twenty -two, 
when, on January 27^'' 1186, their nuptials were 
celebrated at Milan, in the presence of the Em- 

Tlie Florentine Chroniclers relate that this mar- 
riage was devised by the Pope and the archbishop 
of Palermo to get the kingdom of Sicily and 
Apulia out of tlie hands of Tancred, who set at 
nought the interests of tlie papacy, and appointed 
his own prelates. But William the Good did not 
die till three years after the marriage of Con- 
stance, and Clement 111"* ratified the election of 
Tancred to the kingdom, fearing the ambition of 
Heiny. They also thought that it was very 
wicked of the Pope to take Constance from her 
convent, dispense her from licr vows, and marry 
her to a mundane prince after she had dedicated 
lierself to (Mn-ist, and believed that Heaven jmn- 
ishcd the pjij)al see for this spiritual violence, by 
causing the oil'spring of the marriage to become 
a perpetual thorn in its side. Dante, however, j 
assures us (v. 1 If) — 117), 

j\hi ])oi che ])ur al luonclo in rivoha, 

(/oiitra suo grado o contra biioiia ut^anza. 
Noil fii dal vol del cimr giaiiiuiai disciolta. 

Unpleasant susj)icions seem from the first to 
have attached to tlie pregnancy of the PriiicesS, 
notwithstanding that tlie m/ was always on her heart 
(Paid. IV., !IS). Seven long years elapsed with- 
out any signs of it, and when these did slioW 
themselves, ''the whole realm of Sicily and Pu- 
glia'', says Villani, ''doubted very nmch if Con- 

fARADlSO. 33d 

ice really were in an interesting state, so that 
3n she was near her confinement, a large tent 
) pitched in the piazza at Palermo (Jesi), and 
clamation made that whatever female desired 
visit her was at liberty to do so, whereupon 
ny went and saw her, and so the suspicion 
.sed". But Malespini and Villani in matters 
it took place beyond the walls of their own 
jr, are often no better than gossips who report 
[y what they have heard. One author even 
iures us that Constance gave birth to her son 
public*, and another that she actually un- 
irered her breasts to show how bountiful Heaven 
d been to her.** Yet , notwithstanding all these 
ngs, there were not wanting evil-minded per- 
as who were ready to affirm that the baby was not 
r'a , but the surreptitious offspring of a butcher's 
fe brought to bed at the time; a slander re- 
ated in after years, though Celestin III'''* had 
used her to swear that the infant was her own, 
id for the sum of two thousand silver marks 
id acknowledged the child's legitimacy. This 
ent caused a great sensation at tlie time, and 
was whispered about, that Henry VP'', on con- 
ilting Joachim, the abbot of Flore, who pre- 
nded to have received from Jesus Christ the 
ft of foretelling events, received from him the 
enacing announcement, Hhat from Constance 
ould issue the torch that would set all Italy 
I fire'. 

^ '*Tabernaciiluin ei tcndi jiisserunt; ubi ventre ciistodito, nulla 
tronanini exclusa, palain et populo spcctante, Frulerlciim euixa 

mensc tlecembri in festo saiieti Stephani". Fazelli, Decad, post 

Vm. init. 

***On dit memc qu'clle decoiivrit sa poitrine j\ la foulo assenibU'e 
ne craif^uit pas de lui inontrer scs mamello.s f^onHoos dc laif 
ony, fatic.y Hist., Sic, ap. Muvatnr.^ Script. Her. /fal., t. VIII). 
Iluillard-Brdliollcs, **Hcchercfu's snr les Monuments et CHistoire 
yofTnandn ", 



This Joachim had a great reputation in his 
day; Richard Coeur-de-Lion, when at Messina, 
before he proceeded to the Crusade, sent for him 
and consulted him on the issue of the cnterprize: 
he died in 1202. 

CJonstance gave birth to her son Frederic at 
Jesi, in tlie Marca of Ancona, on St. Stephen's 
day, December 26"' 1194. In 1189 the Emperor 
Frederic V\ having caused liis son Henry to be 
elected king of the liomans , at the age of scventr 
set out for the Crusade, and on attempting, as 
an example to his troops , to ford the river Selepb 
(Calycadnus) in Cilicia, was drowned, June 10* 
1190. In the following year, Henry was crowned 
Emperor by Celestin III"'^, but he did not then 
succeed to the throne of Sicily. On the death 
of William the Good, the Sicilians, who hated 
the German alliance, chose for their sovereign 
Tancred, the son of the foiiner prince of that 
name , who was every way worthy of their choice, 
and he reigned for five years. During that period 
the Emperor ineffectually souglit to obtain the 
kingdom. In one expedition the Empress fell into 
the hands of Tancred, who sent her in safety 
to lier husband. In 1193, Richard of England 
was brought from his dimgcon in the Castle of 
Trifles, to receive judgement from the Emperor, 
and the ransom paid for his deliverance fiunished 
the means for a new onslaught upon Sicily. 

Tancred died in 1194. Na])les then opened 
her gates to the Emperor; on November 20'** he 
entered Palermo, and was in the midst of W* 
atrocities when Frederic was born. In 1195 he 
was there crowned, and, two vears after, to the 
great joy of his subjects, died at Messina, 1197, 
an exconnnunicated man. 

The mother <»f the infant Frederic, then in lus 
third year, took upon herself the goveiinncnt of 


Sicily, caused all Germaus to quit the realm, ami, 
with the consent of the Pope, had her son crowned 
kin^r at Palermo, May 17"' 1198; in this matter 
Innocent III"', who had recently succeeded Celestin, 
took occasion to regain for the papacy the feudal 
lordshij) of the kingdom. Constance died Novem- 
ber 2S"', leaving her oqdian child to the guardian- 
ship of the Church. 

The llistciry of Frecloric 11"'^ of Hohcnstaufou; so inti- 
mately CMinnecttHl with the polities «>f the IWt, and the 
intorfsts of Italy, has in recent years received merited 
Att(*niion. The labtHn-H of Kauin<T in (JcTinany, of M. M. 
Cherrier, IIuillard-Breholles and thi* Duke de Luyiies in 
Kninee, and JP Kington in England, have left very little 
iin»n» to he said on the subject. Frederic had been reared 
by KiMiie to serve its own jmrposes, and when the Pone 
d«*sired to i)ut down the Emperor Otho of lirunswick, he 
was set uii in stead. In 1212 he was elected king of thcs 
Rom«ins, m 1215 was made Emjieror, and was crowned 
in St. Peter's at Rome, by llononus, November 22*'' 1220; 
tlio thirty years from this tiim* to his death at Fiorentim* 
<Firenzuolo), I)eceml»er Ki''' 12r)(), are the most eventful 
ill ill*' hi>t«>rv of Italy for the? devrlopcnient (»f jiapal 
anibitiiin, and its stniggles with the empire for political 

Fr«'dtM'ic, regarded in his day as the wonder of the 
ag«», and in our own as tin? greatest of niedi:cval monarchs, 
rfiu^ht to unite ( Sennanv (ind Italv undt-i- «uie crown, and 
ti» ndieve th«' Pnpe of tlmso distracting temporal cares 
wliirh interfored with his spiritual calling, and were sul)- 
viT-ivf of his chri.>tinn cliaractor. I»ut notwithstanding 
hi-i gn-at gmius, his addn- ss , his finnness and his fon»*, 
til*' \\\\\ Lupa was nn»re than a match t'nr tin* liigh->oariug 
E:i;rl«'. and though, fnr pcrstinal salVty, tlie Poor was 
gbitl to e>rape beyond the n-arli of tin* Imperial arms, 
tli«' final result was tho ruin <)f Fred«'ric and all \\\^ hou>«': 

(.'h«* <pie.sta b«'.-tia, jut la <pnil tu gride, 
Non lasria altrui i)as>ar \u-r la sua \ia. 
Ma tant'i lo 'mprdisc*', ch«* 1 uecide. 

liom*' was n'.solvi-d to <*onsolidat<' a sep;ir:itc primipality 
for h'T-'lf in tin* ciMitn* of Italv, and left no uh ans untried 
of ovtTtumin;: tin' Emp<"ror'> M'h«'me of unity; not only 
di«i shi' excite his Italian subjects to rebel against him, 


and lend thciii her assistance, but had recourse also to 
her spiritual weapons, and, when these overt acts failed, 
did not disdain to employ the most treacherous means to 
rid herself of her detested enemy. In the wars thus oc- 
casioned, Lombardv and Romagna suffered most , and their 
effects were long felt. Marco Lombardo truly says (Puij. 

XVI., 115—20) 

In sul i)aese ch' Adige c Po riga, 
Solea valorc c cortesia trovarsi 
Prima cho Federigo avesse briga: 

Or puo sicuramente indi passarsi 

Per qualunque lasciasse, per vergogna 
Ui ragionar co' buoui, o d' appressarsi. 

While Frederic remained on tolerably good terms with 
the (.'hurch, rendered her a nominal obedience, and was 
content to hold his kingdom of Sicily and Apulia of the 
Pope as feudal superior, observing the conditions by which 
the conquests of tnc Normans had been confirmed to them 
by the papacy, he lived in peace and could carry out 
those noble projects for the better administration of Justice^ 
the advancement of learning, science and art, the improve- 
ment of agriculture, the increjise of commerce and the 
general welfare and happiness of his subjects, which have 
gained for him a great and glorious memory, despite of 
all his failings, and the revulsi<m of feelings occasioned 
by the relentless persecutions he exi)erienced fn>in the 
church, and its ceaseless eiforts to transform his most 
trusted friends into conspirators and assassins, which to- 
wards the close of Frederic's career rendered him suspici- 
ous, vindictive, and cruel. 

In 1229 ho was crowned king of Jerusalem, harin^f bj 
skilful negotiation obtained the Holy City for the uiri^j 
tians. In 1231 he married his third wife, Isabella of 
England, sister of Henry 111"*, and put down the rebellion 
of his eldest son, Henry, by his first wife Constance of 
Aragon. The Kmi)eror was then at the height of hi* 
])<)wer, and tlic^ di(»t held at Mayence in August exliibitefl 
for the last time the holy Roman Empire in all its pomp j 
and dignity. In the same year Pope Oregorj' IX, th® ; 
author of the Decretals (Pard. IX., 134), who had sat ia 
St. IVtiT's chair since 1227,. made j)eace at Rimie with 
liis turbulent Hock; their senator, Malebranca , a natnc 
innnortalized by I)ant(^ as that of the most wicked doviU 
in Hell (Inf. XXI., -M), taking the oath of obedience on 
the part of his companions. This peace was the last which 


5 Holiness enjoyed. The Emneror resolved to punish 
e Lombards who had been in league -with his son Henry 
gainst him. The Pope protected them. War was declared 
1236, and from that time Rome was Frederic's enemy 
the day of his death. A rancourous strife was now 
>out to lay waste the garden of the empire. Vincenza 
as taken and sacked, Padua surrendered to Eccelino 
I Romano, who in 1238 married the Emperor's daughter 
slvaggia. Conrad, Frederic's son by his second wife the 
>uthful Yolande, daughter of John de Brienne, was 
ected king of the Romans at Vienna in 1237, and on 
ovember 17*** the Emperor gained his great victory over 
le Lombards at Cortenuova. Fortune smiled upon him, 
)twithstanding his repulse at Brescia the following year. 
1 1239 he carried the war into Romagna; in 1240 took 
avenna; and marched on Rome, this time the city was 
ived by an appeal to the relics of saints, the second time 
escaped bv a less miraculous intervention. On May 3'"'* 
241, the Pisan fleet in the service of Frederic, captured 
le French prelates and others proceeding to the council 
tRome; three Roman legates were among captives. The 
bunders of the Vatican now mingled in the turmoil of 
rar, excommunications flew about, and euphonious epithets 
nlled from the more mystical portions of Holy wnt were 
reely exchanged between the contending chiefs. The Pope 
)ecame almost rabid. "Ce roi de pestilence, ecrit Gr<5- 
5oire IX., assure que I'univers a etc trorape par trois 
naposteurs ((ribus harafonbm) ; quo deux d'cntrc cux sont 
^orts dans le gloirc, tandis que Jesus a etc suspendu a 
ine croix. De plus, il soutient clairemcnt et a haute voix, 
^' yluUtt il ose mentir au point de dire que tous ccux-la 
*ont des sots qui croient qu'un Dieu createur du monde 
't tout -puissant est ne d'une vicrge. II soutient cette 
^^esie qu'aucun homme ne pent naitre sans le commerce 
le rhomme et de la femme. II ajoute qu'on no doit ab- 
•olument croire qu'a ce qui est prouve par les lois dos 
ihoses, et par la raison n<iturelle."* Tnese were gross 
exaggerations put forth to cover the abuse of Papal author- 
hr. Some years later, in the time of Innocent IV', tin? 
^peror unaerwent a vohintary examination on the cr(*ed by 
?veral bishops, who reported him orthodox, but the Po])e 
onld hear nothing about it. The making priscmers of 
e prelates greatly exasperated Gregory; but that which 

■See M. Kenan **Avcrroe8 et L'Averroisme", with the reference 
c p. '2y6. 


caused his cup of bittorncss to overflow, was the capturr, 
later in the year, of Ins own family castle of Moiitpforte^ 
with sundry nephews and kinsmen whom the Emperor is 
roportod to have hanged. This blow }»rovod fatal, and 
the old man died August 2 P'' 12-41, leaving the affairs of 
the church at their very lowest ebb, and Frederic niastw 
of the campagna uj) to the walls of Rome. A calm suc- 
ceeded , until the paj)al chair became permanently filled id 
1243 by Sinaliahb) di Kiesco, Innocent 1V'\ who as Car- 
dinal had l>een the Emperors fri(?nd. Negotiations ff»r an 
established peace were then opened in vain; the PajMicy 
was not in ernest, and had resolvcjd to put down the 
Emperor. Pressed on all sides, in 1244 Innocent fled to 
Lyons, a free city of the empire, held by the archbishop. 
Here the Pope ordered a general council. The Emperor 
appointed a diet to be held at Verona. "The hope'', says 
M» Ch(irrier, "to put an end to the quarrels of the clei^ 
and the empire, ni obtiining from the universal churcn 
the destitution of its enemv, was the time motive that 
impelled Innocent to the assembly of this council. B*>in 
prepared themselves for this great event." False represcn- 

terrible epistle*, but it was too high, and the missile of 
destniction recoil(»d on its ])rojector. The council (»f Lyon* 
in 1245, exhibited to the world the culminating point of 
pai>al presumption. Tlu». sentence of deposition was pp^ 
nnnnced on tlie last day of the session, July IG"'. fh*' 
empire never recovered the shock it then received, anfl 
the remaining tive years of Frederic's closing career wore 
little better than a series of disasters and defeats. *>» 
df'foirtions, conspiracies, and attempts upon his life. 1^ 
12M) th(^ Emperor in vain laid siege to Milan, and wii^' 
tered at (irosseto in Tuscany, making his son, Freden^' 
of Antiofh, vicar general in that ])rovince. Here a V<^^' 
rible ]>lot, witli wide ramifications, was formed again =^^ 
his life bv some of his m«>st trusted officers, in which tl"*', 
Po]>(» was an accomplice. Ouido Honatti of Forli preientt<^_ 
to have foresetMi it by a conjunction of the planets. A tc? 
rible retributiim overto«>k tlie C(ms])irators. A cnisadc w^ 
tln-n i>rcached against the Em])eror, and all who attack*^ 
him wer<^ hailed as the champions of Jesus l.'hrist. The i 

"^StM* tlio (Mironii'lo of .>rat.tlir\v l*ari« fur tlii« letter an*l all 
particulars of the council at Lyons. 



I lien SO iiip*sititiul(^ shown by tlioso who had bljarod hi 8 
favour, wroiijrht in Frederic's ti'mpor n change whieh hnl 
t«> his heeominj; 8US]>iei<»iis, tyranieal and cruel. The pa- 
»al party sou;rht t«) (h*tach (-enrad tV(»ni his lather; lie 
lacl in 12 HJ married Klizabeth, daufchter of Otho duko 
of 1)«'ivaria. and was strivhi^ to maintain the em])irc in 
Ciennany; to thitse overtures he replieil by a stem defiance, 
and marchin«c to encountiT tht; anti-kin^ of Uonn^, whom 
Inni»cent had set up in tlie p<'rson «>f Henry tlie hmdp^rave 
of Thurinpi, defeated him, an«l caused him to ily to the 
C'asth» t»f Wartburj^ wlicro he dii*d, I'lil, William (*ount 

• ►f Ilidland was tluMi jmt fnrwanl in his jdace. Though 
tlie papal fun<ls were recruited from the extortiims prac- 
ti>«Ml in Kn;;land, Innoctmt «>|>enly charged that country 
\^iili following Frederic's cxamjde, and he urged the king 

• >f France to attack the rebellious island. In the mean 
tini«* FriMleric [prepared to march nw Lyons, Init was 
|ir«*vente<l by the attitude of France. On Fel)ruarv 1S"S 
12 IS. after a sicgi* of nearly eight numths, he e\peri<'nced 
tin* disasterous d(*feat before l*arma, which caused many 
ailliiTents to change sides. In 1219, in a battle fought 
at Fossalta, near Modena, his >on Knzio, king «>f Sar- 
ilinia, fell int«> the hands of the Bologn(>s(^ nor c«>uld 
•^itb«*r threats or prouuses olitain his release. The Km- 

M'nir. with dedinnig health, now saw his power failing 
lini. hi^ friends forsaking him. and his niini>ters turning 
:l;.^*^lnt liini. It was about this time i March TilU) that his 
>iTPtarv ri«'r della \'igna suddenly fell a victim t»» the 
intriguer of the c«»urt and the papacy. Peter had recently 
liei'n ajipointed Protonotarv and L»»;;othete of the king- 
rl«'ni. with full power ovi'r the p-venues ami pi'ivih'^es of 
fill" clergy, a circnmstan«'e >uf'fieient of itM'lf ti> imperil 
lii- lite, and he was now charged as an acconi|)lice in seek- 
ing to poison his master. 



'I'lii- ciiTiiiustJiiiccs wlilrli caiiscil tlic l;ill :iii<I 
t';iT:il <iiil i>t I'ior <li'll;i \ i;iii:i ;irf. :iinl jn'oh.ildy 
«\<r will In- iiivcilvtMl ill duulit ;nul <MHiii«tiin'. 
'I'lii-i di^tiiigiiislu'd iimn, p'Kt,'T, lawyer .nnl 
iliiilitniutist . wlin bad becnim' tlie depositary of 


Frederic's mind, almost the keeper of his con- 
science, as well as the dispenser of his autliority, 
was born of a luunble but honorable family at Ca- 
pua, and was early sent as a poor scholar to 
study law at Bologna. The iirchbishop of Pa- 
lermo, who had discovered his talent, recom- 
mended him to Frederic, and he soon rose to 
high office and dignity. As early as 1225 be 
sat on the judicial bench; riches and honour were 
lien ped upon him , and he continued to be judge 
of the imperial coin-t up to, at least, 1232. Among 
other duties he was employed by Frederic to 
compile the state papers which throw so much 
light upon the history of his times.* He it wa* 
who came forward, as circumstances required, with 
orations in commendation, or defence of his mas- 
ter, and caused Gregory IX. to exclaim on one oc- 
casion, "oh quanto grande saresti, tigliuol mi<^» 
se invece dell' impero campione tu fosti dell^ 
santa chiesa!" He it was whom Frederic sent t^ 
England to negotiate his marriage with the prim*' 
cess Isabella, and who received from her a rii»^ 
to convey to her future lord. He also it wa ^^t 
along with Walter d'Orca, Frederic's Chaplain: 'i 
whom the Emi)eror sent as his chief delegate t •^ 
Lyons to rei)rcsent himself, and where he arrive ^ 
too late. And it is this Mr ego in the impcrir^^ 
counsels who has been charged with complicit^^ 
in an attcm[)t to ])oison his master. The storj;^ 

is related l)v jMatthew Paris, who j^-ives it as ^^ 

•. . ...1 

was told to him, but did not believe it himselc 

adding, '' Ventatem tamen novit Deus, secretonur ^ 

perscrutator infallibilis." A court physician wli»^ ^ 

*Th(.' lotttTs of Fi''frn drf/tt J^ifina were first printed at Bai*le ii* 
iriCit'i, hy Sr/itirdin: wrir reprinted at ILiiiiluir^r i» I'^OH, and apain n ^ 
IJasle, hy [srtiit in 17 In, Hit also wrote a trentiKi; ifflla podestn i«' ^^ 
fh'riiiff. A sliort arrount of tliosr letters will be, found iu Bo^fi"^'^ 
"J)ella Storia d'ltalia*, J.ib. V., cap. VIII., Vol. XV., p, lUS. 


liad long lain in {irisoii at Parma, and was sent 
l>ack by the legate in exchange for a certain Guelf 
noble, had been bribed by the Pope to attempt 
Frederic's lite, and mixed i)oison in the medicine 
and in the bath he had prepared for him. The 
Kniperor, forewarned by a friend, on the former 
being })resented to him, Peter standing by, entreated 
them not to poison him, and was encouraged to 
dismiss all suspicion from his tlumghts. He then 
ordered the physician to drink half of the medi- 
cine with him, on which lie stumbled and fell, 
Ijiit enough remained unspilt to prove the viru- 
Irnce of the draught. The leech was hanged. Pier 
delhi Vigna deprived of sight and i>ut in chains. 
( M' the attempt to poison KrcMloric there can be 
no doubt, that the conspiracy ha<l its ramilica- 
tions at court is shown bv the secret havin;*' 
been imparted at least to one faithful servant: for 
we can scarcely sup])ose that it was u jjlot laid 
mrivlv to ifct ri<l of Pi-tcr: in the event of its sue- 
<*ess, the wret(.*h who administered the |)oisnn 
most probably ex])eeted to escape. If Pier della 
X'i^'ua were jruiltv of com])lieit\', it is moral! v 
rc'rtain that he must have had a jjowerl'ul jjarly 
to <'arry him through. Ihit there is no evidence 
that this was the ease. The Kmj)er«)r having 
been pei'suaded of his guilt oidy shows the in- 
iluenee brought to bear a;»aiiist Peter. Xotwith- 
.««tanding the documents lattdy jjublished, M. 
lluillard- ISreliolles, tlhir editor, and no om* is 
niorc eom|>etent than himseli' to s|)eak on this 
jiubjeet, says: *'Malgre les reeherehes les plus 
as«iidues, nous n'avons ])u trouver la ]»reuve de 
la culpabilite <le Pierre <le la Vigne. 11 fut im- 
pli(|U«' dans un eomplot vrc], niais sa participa- 
tiMii a ee coniplot reste et r«stera probablement 
toujonrs mi probleme insnlul)l<*." The lirst intima- 
tion of the fall of the* secretarv, a^ found in the 


Chronicle ofPlacentia, is sudden and mysterious. 
Earlv in Januarv 1249. Frederic* havinof left Ver- 
celli for Pa via. thence rode on to Cremona: "lui- 
j)erator <liniissa civitate Vercelhirum in eustodia 
Petri liechcrii ct Jacomini di Careto atque Mar- 
chionis Lancie, e<[uitant Crem<niani, ubi capi fecit 
Petrnni <le ^ inea ejus proditorem. Quod quidem 
cum intellexissent j)(,)pidares Cremone, voluenmt 
Petrum jx-r vim destruere; tameu iioctc silenti 
imperator cum militum cohorte misit ipsuni apud 
liurjrum Sancti I>ompnini in vinculis.'' * The chro- 
nicle fiu'ther states: ''In proximo mense marcii 
im})erator dimisso re^re Encio in Lombardia, cimi 
sua milicia ad j)artes Pontremuli ad civitatem 
Pisis (sic) accessit, duxit(pie secum Petrum de 
Vinea cui oculos de caj)ite erui fecit in Saiicto 
Miniato, ubi suam vitam fiuivit: quod castrum 
hunc habuit/' This is all which the anonymous 
writer says of this astoundinjr event. It is rehited 
that in the consj^iracy against Frederic's life in 
12J<). of which Theobald Francesco, late podesta 
of l^lrnla. was the head, the wretched man t»u 
bein;::* taken and mutilated was paraded through 
Si<*ily and Ajmlia with the Poi)e's bidl round 
his neck, ])roclamatinn being made to the people 
to <'nme and behold a monster. A similar fate 
is said to have attended Peter; but it would a|>- 
pear that his self-intiicted death at San Miniato. 
by dashing his head against a column to which 
he was chained. oc(*urred l)efore this part of the 
sentence was carried out. In the absence of po- 
sitive ovi(lenc<- against the integrity and faithful- 
ness of Pier dclla Vi^rna. we have an overwhelmiusr 
amount of circumsrantial evidence in his favour, 
derived from louii* years of devoted attachment. 

*" Clirouici.n riaftMitinuni ot ('liri.»iiicoii do l?ebiis in Italia jrcftU 
liistorijv etc. Paris l^.'iO. p. •Jl>*. 


from familiar and habitual iiitercom'sc with Fre- 
ileric, of whom it has been said th^at no man 
was ever better loved by his friends, or more 
liated by his enemies, from a conununity of literary 
tastes and sentiments, from his haviiifjc attained 
riches an<l}fh)ry and honour, and a i)Osition whose 
giddy height suddenly acquired mij»ht turn some 
feeble brains, but from tlie accustomed occupation 
of which no one would wilHn<>fly throw hiuiself 
Iieadlon«»* down. All tliesc afford a moral con- 
viction of the falsity of the charj^c l>rou}^ht against 
Iiim. Jiut there is something more tlian tliis to 
prove his hmoccnce. The verdict of Dante can- 
not be set aside; born sixteen years after the 
event, he nmy well be supposed to have derived 
Iiirt knowledge of the circumstances from persons 
then livnig who could speak to tlie facts, and Dante 
pronounces him innocent: the unhajjijy victiui of 
court intrigue exchiims (Inf. XIII., 7,1 — 7b) 

Prr \r iiu«»v(? radici <1' esto Ir^no 

Vi «^iuro rlio paniinai imii ru|)])i i'rdo 
Al iiiin si^^nor, che I'li d' onor s'l <l«';rii»». 

K St* (ii V4>i alfun iu*l inoiulo ri<Ml(!, 
Coiitorti la incnioria inia, clu' jriarn 
Ancur del colpo clio invidia 1«; di<Ml<.*. 

liut we have another wituess, one wlio was 
liviug at tlie time, Kicordano Malispini, Ixn'U 
rj'20, and lKlieve<l to have died in TiSI), twenty 
• iiir years after the birth ol Danti*, who states 
ill his clironiek': ''e dopo al<|uauto tfm|)o In *inpc- 
radore fi-rc auibasceria al savio huomo maestro 
Picro delle \'igne, il buono dittatore, appoiuii- 
ilogli tra<linunto, ma eio gli fu t'atto jkt iuvi<Ha 
ilrl suo gran<h» stato: |)er la qual cosa il maestro. 
jH-r gian dolore si laseit'i nmrire in prigioin*. e 
€-lii disst* ehe egli me<lesimo si tolsr la vita. 

( -jip. rxxxi. 


That there was a plot to destroy Pier deUa 
Vigna, as well as his Master, is obvious, and 
suspicious would poiut to one, at least, as im- 
plicated in it. The Emperor, it is related, had 
conceived the idea of superseding the Pope, and 
himself becoming supreme both in church and 
state, Peter was to be his prophet. A letter of 
Walter d'Orca, archbishop of Capua, shows liow 
far this real or pretended scheme had been car- 
ried, and reads very like a snare to catch the 
unwary Secretary. When Peter fell, the arch- 
bishoj) rose in his place, enjoyed his benefices, 
and distrilnited his ac({uired wealth. So that this 1 
rival, if he did not compass the ruin of the Se- 
cretary, was the individual who most benefited 

i>y it. 

In the fall of Pier della Vigna, Frederic lost th^ 
most habile of his counselhu's, and the death «^" 
his Minister was the prelude to his own. 

It was after this event, when tlu; Cardinal Ottaviaii*^ 
(le<^li IJbaliliui had recovered Konia;j;iia for the cLiircI*? 
that the battle at Fossalta was fou^lit in whieh lie Enzi*^* 
heeanie the prisoner of the 1^4)h>^nesi, and remained so 
till his death in 127*2. Late in November 1250, the Ein- 
peror, when on the road to his favounte Sanwen settle- 
ment and garrison Lncera, was taken so ill with fov«.*r 
and dysentery that ho was nnable to continue his joumeVt 

and was constrained to stoj> at Fiorentino (Firenziiola) ^ 
Inintin^ lodge six miles short of it. His physicians li:*" 
foreseen, savs JF. Cherner, that he would not sun*iv^ 

« •'•'• • •« Ills «al« ■• > l*.*^'a 

chiimed, and with pious resignation prepared for th^' 
event. Nicholas t)f ]>rindisi drew up his will. Keranl. th*' 
venerable Archbishoj> of Palermo, administered the la^* 


fiacrauicnts of tho eliurch. ]\Iaiiired, tkcu a youth of 
eighteen y son of the (.^ountess Kianca Lancia^ whom Fre- 
deric tenderlv loved and had niamcd on her death bed, 
tended his dyinjc father witli unremitting atteetion; the 
prinei|»ality i)f Taranto was given to him, and he was 
ai>iK>inted regent of the reahn during his brother Conrad's 


Kn?deric breathed his last on the festival of Saint Lucy **, 
virgin and martyr, December i;j''' 125(», in the fifty-sixth 
year uf his age. He died forgiving his enemies, making 
re:<titution of all her rights t«» the Church, and enjoining 
lii<< sons, as they valued his blessing, to be satisfied with 
wliat he had left them. He reijuested to be buried in the 
C*athedral of Palermo, by the side of his parents, and s«) 
he was. (.)n the right hand «)f the principal entrance, 
boneatli a small open (Ireek t<*mple with six corinthian 
oolumns, four white marble lions support a red porphry 
urn, here rest the remains «>f the great Frederic; ch>se 
bv arr thi»sr of his father, his mother, and his first fair 
wif'*.*** Tli(» church rejoiced tcreatlv at the d<?ath of tlui 
Kinj»«'r4»r: the l*«)pe sang hyunis of praise, and the fra- 
teniitit's joined him in tlie chorus. 

Till' cnurt of Frederic H'"' was the cradle of Italian 
lit»-r:ilnn*. and tho >»1mkiI of rising >ci<'Urr. llerr pni'try 
Ma."* diligi-ntly cultivated, C'a'sar him.s^'lt" srtting the cx- 
aiiipir. \l\> M-cn'tarv, l*i«T della Vigna. tin* nn»st acmm- 
pli^li<'d ^cluilar. ^tatrsman and jurist of tin* ;ig«*. surpassed 
all I'thrrs as a dirihtrr^ and to him we an* ind«'l>t<'d tor 

* rin- ii:iviii;r HiitVur.'iti'il his I'.itln r witli a pillnw \\ as an atr'M*ioii*< 
iiiv<-iili"ii ••t' till' i-Iiiirrii partv, wliirli lia<l ii«i otlu'r \\av nt' vi-ntiii^ 
it5t inalii.'i' on Mant'rrtl tlian )•>' tin- ini)iiitati<>ii «•!' Iioiri1i]i- i-i iiim-s. 
Ii", «'a\ « M. riirrrii'i". tlio*>riaii »-on«lfsi-i-iiil tn iinliri' this ?»tatf 
III! lit, **ri' n'i"»t •|iii.' puiir faiir rnniiaitrr a tpirls rxrr.s h s iia-^.^inin 
|HJitii}:i<-s |Miivi-iit |iiiii'<<<i-i' h'S |)arti>". 'I'his, hii\\«\rr, \\a> iint tlif 
• •nl\' tTJiiti wlitrli till- (iiii-ir> attriliiitt.'il tn Mant'n-il , \\k'. wa.-i rliar^rrd 
wi:h Um- ili-atli i»t' (.'••urad , an<l witli haviii;r ^tMi^^iit to ;^i t liil ••!' his 
■"••ii <'<'iiiailin al^<>. 

•• Mn>l t»-\t'« «it' l'r«.ih'rii'"."! Will lia\i- tin- \\i«rils " ilir .siihhuti >.• fi/inm 
iZ-ifffi", a nn-TaI%r pri'luililv l\»r "*//'■ sithfmfi i/iti/nn". Sir a ii«iti- 
ill "Mi^t. l»i|». Trill. S«'i-iUHli". Int. ji. < « r. 

•"Till- jM'.liriMiit anil tin- •iitahh-ituri'. im wliiili lalt«r an mm1|i- 
tiir*'l f.i;.»|i-H anil ;rritVnn'<, ari* of irraniti-. tin- rolinnn** nt' |ior|ihry. 
ir.f tapital- liavi- t\%i> rows ot h'a\ I's .siii_':;rsti\ i- ot tho-n- ^i i n in tlif 
i-.i|'i(.il- "I tin* ti-ni|»lr of tin- Wiiuls, at Atln n^-. Tin- taiU ot thi- 
I, It'll' ari •ntwini-'l . and lu'twi-. n thiir paws ari- t-itir ••lavi - ••n tlnir 
|^r,*<-. Ilii- n.iinniiii nt was •■ri;.'ina!lv |ila('i il n> ai th*- clioir: an^l. 
iii-T'a'l of thi' thri-i- -1*'|i.s on which it stnoil, th< ri- i-* no\% a {itinth 
• .; lila<-k uiaihlr. 


the first i)orfcct Italian sonnet. Hero also, nmler the fostor- 
in^ inttucnco of Arabians and H<.'brows , to whom learning 
in the early middle ages was indebted for its proscrvatiou.. 
and who l)rought the wisdom of tlu^ anci<nits to supersede 
the silly speculations of schoolmen and monks, the scionccjs 
of natural historv crew and flourished : in the words «f 
(•uvier, 'the first independent and original zoologist c»f the 
scholastic middle ages was the Emj)eror himself. Hi? 
treatise on the Falcon was very complete. 

The (earliest Arabic versions uf Aristotle were taken 
from the Syriac: Frednic caused latin translations to be 
made from the original Greek texts, and in 1232 «»<'»t 
tlunn to the Universities of liologna and Xaples, the latter 
of which he had foumhnl in 1221, with a letter of reooin- 
m(*ndation in which he savs, that from his vouth ho had 
delighted in the careful reading of the best authors, in 
ord(»r that he might becnmo <mhghtened by the acquisition 
of knowledge, and his nn'nd be well furnished with libenJ 
j)rinciples. Hut not to literature and science only was the 
mind of this great monarch directed, he carett .also tor 
agriculture and connncrce, and was as earnest in the 
establishment of model farms as in founding sclionk ot 
learning and regulating their studies. In the education 
and training of Ins sons he was vory carrful, the exannJc 
of the first was a w.irning for the others. Twice in hi* 
lite he made an attJMUjit at constitutional government bv 
an ass(;mbly of the Slates at Koggia. His iinancial polii'V 
was th*^ Mchniratit»n c\(mi of his worst rnt'Uiies, and hii? 
cn'dit st<»od so high that his IcathcM' ct»inag«' was tak<'n 
as willingly as his gold. Fred('ric was also a great buiM''r. 
many strong castles \\\i r()s<» at his bitlding, and many div 
tinguisln'd artists worr l»orn and Hourislu'd durini; hi"* 
Vfign. Nirctda Tisano was much employed by him. J«i»'^ 
his st»n <li<»vaiini gaim-d a high n'putati*»n. (iuidi» "J* 
Siena, tlio painter, ih»urish(;d in 1221; diunta Pisano w:ij 
bt»rn in 12:{(): (Jachh. ( in 1231»: ( 'inmbue in 124". 
The sun of tlieologic.'il srience also arose in his linu*. jn 
the person t»i' Thomas Acjuinas, born at l{«»cca St-cca m 
1224. The attachment uf the Kmperor to the Arab's 
among whcnn were some of his \H\<t and bravest subj('i'''S 
was made by liis enemies a bitter rej>n»ach against bm^* 
but they at least were faitlit'nl and abovi? papal C'lrn^l*" 
tit»n, and were nece>.sary to th<* purj)oses of civilizati"^ 
which he sought t(» carry out. llis nn»ral character nnu^t 
be estimated aeecu'ding to that of the agi^ in wbicb h** 
lived, and the eircnmstanees wherein he was plactnl. Va\^ 


iters have represented him as addicted to sensual enjoy- 
mt^ and the gratifications of a voluptuous hareeni. Ilis 
orman predecessors in Sicily had shown a taste for these 
ings, much to the scandal; real or pretended, of their 
lends at Rome. But Frederic, though he delighted in 
le society of women, had, throughout his whole career, 
igher and more noble objects in view than the pursuit 
P pleasure; only on one fatal occasion did his love of 
awking and hunting interfere with his duty. For his 
iligious sentiments, the Popes and ecclesiastics who were 
erpetually preaching and conspiring against him, were, in a 
reat measure, responsible, and if at any time Mohammedan 
mans appeared in his eyes more respectable characters 
lan christian priests, the latter had themselves alono to 
uink for it. Dean Milman's verdict may here be taken, 
»at Frederic was one whom an undeserved excommunica- 
on, and the evils of his age made irreligious. Dante 
nought him here less excusable, and therefore placed his 
>ul in Hell (Inf. x., 119.) among infidels, and epicureans, 
id those 

Che r anima col corpo morta fanno. 

The will of Frederic and his last moments tend to show 
lat this judgment was not merited. The Emperor has 
5en charged oy papal authors with the use of that poli- 
2rf weapon which the Church of Home wielded with 
LTpassing dexterity. But if Frederic used duplicity, it 
B8 in virtue of the lessons he luid received from his 
^iritual teachers. Dissimulation and duplicity 
estate-craft of weak governments, and were, probably, 
contrary to the strong rule of the Emperor, as tliey 
ire to his principles of justice and equity. 

Lunga promessa con V attcnder corto, 

s advice which Guide di Montefcltro gave to Boniface 
.II. (Inf. XXVII., 110^, had long been the measure of the 
pal conscience before ever it b(»camc any part of the 
perial policy. The first duty of a ruler is to establish 
itice. ^^DiUgite jtisUtiam qui jmUcads (erram^\ is the lead- 
j precept in the Avisdom of Solomon, and is the motto 
ined by the souls of righteous judges in the heaven of 
piter (rard. xviii., 01— a). Justice was the end to which 
^ Eknperor directed his most ])ersevering efforts as a 
narch; he maintained that justice is the foundation 
good faith and of confidence, without which nothing 
I be built up. Dante might have placed the soul of 



Frederic alonfij with those of Trajan, Constantino, Charle- 
magne, and William the Good, had it not been for his 
private character, and that the early part of the ])oein 
was "\vritt(m more under the influence ot guelfisni and the 
dogmas of the church, than the later portitms of it. Unjiwt 
judges were condenm(*d to deatli. Though the Empenir 
delighted, as he used to say, 'to water the domains of 
justice with the stream of mercy', yet his criminal code 
was veiy severe. At one time he was a rigid persecutor 
of the j)aterini. Dante aUudes to the pimislinu^nt devised 
of leaden copes which weighed down the wearers till death 
ended their sufferings (Inf. xxiii., <Vi — ft). In this way died 
the count Regnier of Manente, who harassed Sicily during 
Frederic's e.arly years. 

Giovanni Villani in summing up the qualities of Fre- 
deric, says: "fu uomo di gran vah)re, e di grande at- 
fare, savio di scrittura e di senno naturale, universale in 
tutte le cose; sepj)e la lingua latina e la nostra volgan*. 
e tedesco, francesco, greco, e saracinesco, e di tutte virtu 
co])ioso ; largo e cortese in donare, prode e savio in aniip. 
e fu molto t(»muto". Dante had declared ])reviously, by 
the mouth of Pier della Vigna, that Frederic was wortly 
of all honour (Inf. xiii., 75). The chronicler next exhibiti 
the less favourable side of the Emperors character M 
viewed by priests and monks, who gave to his orientJ 
usages and tastes tlu' misre[)r(»sentations that best switea 
their ])urpose. "The dominant idea of this great man'*! 
o])serves M. Uc^nan*, "was riviUzttthm in the most nuHlom 
sense of that word, tliat is, as 1 w(mld say, the n«»bk 
and liberal dev(4oiun(rnt (»f human nature, in opposition 
to the abicict taste an<l deformity which had seduc»^ the 
mi<ldh^ ages, the restoration (rchalnlitation), in a word. '" 

all that whicii christianitv had too absolutelv branded with 

_ ** .- . • 

the name of the irorhi and its mundane vanities. Suj)onor 
to (,^harl(»magne by tlu^ elevated manner in which he cod* 
ceived and comi»relu"nded this ideal ])urpose, an iuvinciW*-* 
obstachi opposed his course, and th*i noble scheme ww 
ruined against tlie religious institutions of the age." 

"Au XIV" siecle", says M. lluillard-Breholles, "le n^w 
de Fredenc II"'* reparait sans cesse dans l(»s aspiration^ 
des contemporains v(;rs la reiorm(» religieuso et vers !■ 
concentration de I'autorite [M»liti(jue." lioth of these pno" 
eipl(*s were directly o])J)os(m1 to tlu^ purpos(»s «>f the pa]>afjr 
wliich was resolved to root out the reigning laniily *'*** 

*'*Av<?rrur8 et rAverro'ismo" (p. *2S6). 


had daroJ to entertain them. The enmity of tbo Church 
to Fred«*ric II"'*, was inherited with other trouldcs, hy 
hii» son and successor Oonrad ; on wlioso d(^ath tVoni iViVor, 
at LavcUo, May 21'*^ 1251, it fell eventually with con- 
centrated violence on Manfred his success* »r in the king- 
dom. The enuiire in the interval was jmt uj) to th(j 
highest bidder, l\mradin, (Vnrad's son, bom at Landshutt, 
March 25"' 1252, being excluded l)y th(^ Vope fn»ni the 
succession. Kt)nie had detennined in future t*) pn^vent 
tlie union (»f the empire and the kin<^d<>m in th<^ same 
iiulividuai, and to resume the feudal sov^jn-ipity «»f the 
latter. This was the ^imnd on wliich th(i papacy resttul 
fur its ehief temporal su])port^ 

Si iju' il jue fermo era sempre il piu 


The French Pnjie, Urban IV''', had no heart for Italy- 
To fpiote th«* words «>f M. (Mierrier '•he appears t«» hav<! 
had but nnt* tlmu^ht , the ruin of Manfred. To this end 
he saciilieed the future prospects of Italy, ami even tin; 
ttf?grauili>ement *»f the papal patrimt)ny'\ ''TIm' ehief nf 
the church, to overthrow hi> enemy, a<lt»ple<l an anti- 
nati«uial jioliey, tlmatenin;; ft»r the ctunitry ami dan^cerous 
t«i the Ijnlv-See itself. Tile eouTt of Io)nie at't«r haviii;; 
>tru;r;:led l"i»r two eeuturies a;;ainst the ;^enuanic j)ower, 
••P«'ImmI Italy to the Kreiuh, aiitl, Wiiuderful tt> relate, tlie 
• iUi-lts, th«»M' ancient iht'enders tif an iiHlepeinJauee pur- 
i.ha.-»«'d with torn-nts «»f bbMnl, favoured this tor«'i;;n iu- 

The I lerman <*onrad ha«l not been ]»opular in the kinir- 

diiin. and Ixdiaved in a har>h and su>picioii^ maiin>r to 

lii»« Italian bp'ther Manfreil. who >\a> nnuli mi»i"e liked, 

ai-eusiiu: him in x'cret nf aspirin;^ t«» tin* tlironi-. (hi ('"in- 

rad s ileath h'* b'Tami* re;;ent for C '»»iiratlin. Inn»»eeiit I \' '• 

had onee utf'Ted Sieily tt» liieliard Karl ot' ( '«»rnwall, it", 

with hi-» wealth. In- would rai>e a LM*'al aniiy and tdiase 

t'onrail tVom the inland. The prine'* I.iml;1m(1 at (his as a 

Juke, anil eonipared ii to the :iiinoni.e<-iM< nt of a eharlatan 

1% |io >Iiiim1iI i»tler th<' UKiiin t" any i-ne pn<\ide«I In* wmdil 

•'i* and take it. It wa-* next »»llrred tii ('luirl'-^ i»f Anion. 

At l«*n;^lb Ib'ury 111'' n(»minally a<.i*-pt<'d the ei'own of 



Sicily for his son Edmund. On Conrad's death, Manfred 
at first souglit reconciliation with the Pope, and received 
from him the vicariate of the kingdom of A|»ulia; city 
after city was given up to his Holiness; but I^faufred, 
deprived of all power, finding himself a mere puppet in 
the hands of the papacy, escaped to his faithful Saraceus, 
at Lucera, and by tlieir support recovered all that he had 
lost. On December 7"' 1254, Innocent IV'*' expired al 
Naples in the palace formerly occupied by Pier della Vigiuu 
His chief m(»rit is that for eleven years he filled Italy and 
Germany with broils and bloodshed. Alexander IV*^ suc- 
ceeded him in 1255, and offered to take Conradin under 
his protection, Manfred renuiining regent of the kingdom. 
On May 17^*' 1257, Richard Earl of Cornwall was crowned 
king of the Romans at Aix-la-chapelle, and gave to Con- 
radin the investiture of the duchy of Suabia with all the 
lands of the Empire before ])ossessed by his father and 
grandfather. In the following year, on a rumour of Con- 
nulin's death, Manfred allowed himself to be crowned 
king of Sicily and Ai)ulia at Palermo, August 11 ^'» 125S. 
Subsequently, envoys being sent to him from (.lermany. 
it was arranged that as Manfred had reconqutired tlie 
kingdom, he was to hold it for his life, una Conradin 
was to succeed him. Unfortunately the euvovs got mnr- 
dered on their way back. Manfred supported tfie (jliibclifi^ 
throughout Italy, and V>y the assistance of his Gomum 
cavalrv, those 4)f Tuscan v ohtain***! tln^ir sit'ual vittorr 
over the (Jurlfs at i^lonte Aperti, Sejitember 4''' 120(1. Tlii> 
occ^asinncd the seeniid rxodus of tlur ( Jmdfs from KloroiK't*; 
tin? tirst was in 12 Is. In th(^ following year the l^'^* 
died, when tli(» Kn-nehman Panteleon was fleeted in lii* 
place as Urban IV., he reigned till October 2"' 1264. 
Kow it was tliat tlic^ ft)rtunes of Italy, s»» h»ng tl>e ^Y^"^ 
of an implacable l>apac-y, were destined by it t«> succuiul' 
to tho indignitios of a fon-igu invasion. Charles <»f Anj»'" 
was formally invited to receive Sicily and Apulia. INt}' 
of England renounced the former «>n the part of hii^ ^"^ 
and Charles having arrived at Rome, reeeiv(Ml iuveslitun'* 
and, alt»ng with his wife, Heatritx*, was there cr«'wno« 
January (»"' I^dO. Cleimmt IV"',, eh^eted February 5'*' l2tK»' 
had followed up the jiolicy of his pretleeessor. In tbt* 
arrangements with t-liarles tlu? most minute preraution> 
were taken tliat the power (d* the kings «d* Sieilv adJ 
Naples might never extend «»ver thc^ rest of the uiaiB- 
land, or over (iennany. Italy was to be ki'pt feeble in 
ordi*r that tlu^ Pope might hold ujidisturbed the patrimunv 


of St. Peter. Among other stipulations^ on the day of 
the saint y June 29*'*, a tribute was to be paid of eight 
thousand ounces of gold, and a white palfrey presented 
to the sovereign pontiff as an act of homage. A delay 
of two months in paying the tribute would incur excom- 
munication, of four an interdict over the kingdom, and if 
ei^ht elapsed, Charles would lose all right to the throne. 
After his coronation the French prince set out to take 
possession. The King prepared bravely to meet the storm. 
Unhappily the papal interdict had sorely tried the patience 
of the peojJe , who were not well disposed to suj)port their 
sovereign. There was also a defection among tlie selfish 
nobles of Apulia. Manfred^s most trusted officers and 
relatives betrayed and deserted him. The marquis of 
Montferrat opened the passage of the Alps to the invad- 
ing army. Buoso da Duera, Cremonese (Inf. xxxii., ll(i), 
gave up his strong position at Palazzuolo. Pietro di Vice, 
Manfred^s lieutenant in central Italy, was one of the first 
to abandon him. The Count of Caserta, the King's bro- 
ther-in-law, betrayed him at the bridge of Ciprano, this 
treachery was fatal. The noble Manfred refused to sus- 
pect the fidelity of his friends, and had committed to 
their trust the most important posts. Betrayed on every 
side, reverses and defections succeeded each other with 
a rapidity that disconcerted all Ids plans. The French 
had advanced to Benevento, here, having held a council 
of war, the King resolved to give them battle, February 26*^ 
1266. He drew out his army like an accomi)iislied general, 
hia enemies were in admiration at the asiKJCt and equip- 
ment of his troops. The battle began ancl was continued 
with great bravery on each side. The French reserve 
had been engaged, not so tluat of Manfred, which he 
commanded in person, when victory, long in suspense, 
seemed about to crown his arms. *Now let us march', 
Exclaimed the monarch to the banms of his kingdom, the 
Romans, and the Ghibelin Lombards, of whom the reserve 
conpisted, *the \'ictorv is our own'. Alas! the brilliant 
armour of that royal staff covered the vilest hearts that 
ever pei'fidy had banded together; the count of Malecta, 
grand chamberlain, and uncle to the King, was the first 
to gallop off, and fled towards Px^iicvento; the count of 
Accrra, the Kings brother-in-law, followed, and the de- 
fection became general. They wore all in secr(»t alliance 
rith the invaders. The unhapj)y Manfred, victim of this 
base and cowardly abandon, seemed struck with stu])or. 
Nothing but a hero's death now awaited him: his lofty 



spirit invoked its speedy aid. In vain tbe faithful few who 
still cliinf]^ tu their beloved King, ready to follow wherever 
he led, iuiph^red him to seek an asylum iu Epirus, the 
countrv of his recent bride. 'Rather die at once', he 
replied, ^than live as an object of pity to mankind ^ Sav- 
ing this, accompanied by a little band of valiant soiiu> 
h(j rushed inti) the thickest of the enemy and fell in the 
midst of the slain. A French man-at-arms, who with 
his lance brought down the King's horse, declared after 
the light, that had there been a few more Manfn.*ds 
in the field, victory would again have changed sides. 
Thus died King Jlr.nfred at tho age of thirty -four- The 
invaders then entered lienevento, where an indiscriminate 
massacre took place of friends and foes, men, wnmen. 
and children; chmvhes and houses were pillaged, the 
priests sacriliced on their sacred altars, and those who had 
taken refuge with tliem were put to the sword. Tliwe 
diabolical atrocities last(»d for eight days. Long was the 
search for the botly of the fallen King, at length it was 
found bi'neath a heap of dead, and was buried near to 
a ruined chapel just above the bridge; each soldier as he 
passed before the grave threw a stone upon it, and thiw 
a tumulus y as in the old(?r time, was raised over the royal 
corpse. Here it would have n^mained until posterity shouU 
have ercetc'd for it a less primitive monument; but even 
thes(j poor honours rendered to the heroic Manfred wen* 
not witu<fs.scd without anger by l*ignatelli, archbishop «f 
(/oscnza, such is the vindictiven«!ss of priestly venircaiK'C 
which pursues its victim even beyond tlie tomb: pri*t'*ml- 
iiig an order ot' the IV^x^, of which there is no |in»o(. 
tliis zealous churchman re«juired that the royal corpse 
siiould be tliroNN.j to the dogs and crows. It was. "A la 
hoiit<; etenielle du roi ( 'liarles t»n exhunia avec ignouiinie. 
et i)res(jue hous ses yeux, les restes de celui qui avait 
ete s<ni proihe parent; <lu guerrier mort en hvanme tie 
(MiMir, les .irnies ii la iiiain''.^' They were transported bevornl 
the kingdom J to liic riglit bank «)f th*^ river Vi-rdc**, 
lietw<.'en Crprano and Sora, when', it is said, they were 
tijrown down in a tield and lei't uncovered. 

*■ M. iK- (.*lii-rri«'r. 

''*■ rin' Liris, ill- (Iari'_'lifiu«», in ain'UMit times, rot'i'ivtHl the name 
111' i'lif/, , whirli ill llu- l:t"» iM'iiturv it pr»'.s«'rvi«l still hflwooii S-tr* 
ainl Ci juaui». Sim* Cf^an-, Simia «li MaiitVi'di. I. VI.. ii.itf 20.' Man- 
\m\ siMiii- tiiiM- lM-ri»r«' liail rlioM-ii I'ur lii.s liiirial |»l;icc fht* M«iiii^ 
tnv lit" Mnii/t I'lriiifi- , «iiH.'. oi" tin* must I't'loliraled saiu-tii.iric5 ia 
Italy. .Soo ou C. VIII., <»;;, iV,r a t'lirtluT notice of this suNjoct. 


The personal description of Manfred, preserved by his- 
torians, fully agrees with that given us by Dante, 

Biondo era e bello, e di gentile aspetto: 

and when the Poet, born only the year before Manfred 
was slain, meekly observed that he had not seen him in 
life, the shade, with that gracious manner which charac- 
terized the living man, 

— disse sorridendo: I' son Manfredi, 
Nipote di Costanza imperatrice: 

Manfred in character much resembled his illustrious 
father, like him he was a lover of literature, science, and 
art; took delight in those manly sports to which Frederic 
was so partiai, was courteous and affable, and of a kindly 
natare ; in person, Manfred was rather taller. He was twice 
married; by his first wife, Beatrice of Savoy, he had Ids 
beloved daughter Constance, "w/V/ huona Costartza^' (1^'ii'g- 
III., 143), who was married to Peter, son of the king of 
Arragon, who through her, subsequently claimed the 
throne of Sicily. Beatrice died about 1247: in 1259 Man- 
fred married Helene, daughter of the ruler of Epirus. lie 
was accused, like his father, of leading an epicurean life, 
"non credendo quasi in Dio n6 santi^^, but he kept his 
Idiigdom in good order, governed with energy, and per- 
petuated his name in Manfredonia, a port and city on 
the sheltered slopes of the mount Gargano. Dante causes 
him to accuse himself (v. 121 — '\) 

Orribil furon li peccati miei; 

thus indicating that he died penitent, and to show tliat the 
excommunications of the church in this world, are taken 
no account of in the world to come, he adds 

Ma la bonth. infinita ha si gran braccia 
Che prende cio chc si rivolve a lei. 

Such is the divine efficacy of th(i christian ductnne of 
the atonement, when penitence has j)rcj)ared tlie way for 
its saving operation. 

One more effort was made by the Iini)orialists in Italy 
to restore the fortune of the Kmpiro. In I2()7 (^onradin, 
then only in his fifteenth year, arrived to measure his 
strcDgth against the cruel Charles. Defeated on the plain 


of Tagliacozzo, August 23""'^ 1268, Inmself and his cou«n, 
Frederic, Duke of Austria, perished on the scaffold in 
the Piazza del Morcato at Naples, October 29"* 1269, and 
with him tln^ family of Holicnstaufen ended.* The triumph 
of the Guclfs, through the support of the papacy, did but 
hasten the loss of political rignt^. Invidia, the curse of 
Italy, rose more rami)ant than ever; the rivalry and di»- 
coras of cities and citizens burst fortli with renewed in- 
tensity, and individual tyranny succeeded to universal anar- 
chy wthout being able entirely to subdue it. 

CANTO IV., VERSO 118. ^ 

O aiuanza del prime amante, o diva, 

The expressions here, and elsewhere, applied 
to Beatrice, show that there was no element r>f 
the mortal in that figurative person, as set before 
us in the Divina Commedia. The words used i«^ 
this place by Dante are taken from the descrip- 
tion of Wisdom in the book of Proverbs (cha^^- 
VIIL, V. 22 — 30); it is sufficient to quote only 
the first and last of these to show the appli- 

V. 22, "The Lord possessed nic in the beginning of hi* 

Avay, before his work of old.'' 
V. ;{0, ^*Thon 1 was by him, as one bnmght up witJi 

him: and I was daily his delight, rejoicing always* 

before him.'' 


Tlio riaz?.,i del Mcrr.ato nt Napli-s was then smnllcr tb»n H ** 
now and of a dirtVrt'nt shajtc; over tlio snot wliere Conradin *^^' 
fi.'r<Ml, a rod jM)rphry column surniountcMl l»y a cross -lioloniiv **J 
oroctod; MubsiMjuontly a clia|Kd was Imilt there. After the tir^ <^' 
17.H1, the I*iaz7,a was rnlarfrod, and tlic eolunin and cross rcHU"^*" 
to their presmt situation wliere the small ehundi of Santa Croce *■* 
crecte<l. Ilort", in tin* Sacristy, the ndies will ho fimnd. as alw "*' 
Mock i>n whieli thtr jn'inees suffenMl. Tlu^ cross has a eniciti\ in '^^ 
centre, with a pelican over, and fijrures of St. John and the Madono* 
at tlie extremities. Klizaheth of Havaria, the unhappy mother of C^*' 
radin, arrived at Naples too late to save her son, and with ^''* 
nuiney provided for his ransom ereete<l the Clmreh of the CarBUB** 
Here, in a small chapcd at the hack of the hiph altar, the eutriB^" 
to which is thruujrh tlu> Sacristy, is the hurial place of the rri>^' 
and his cousin, 'i'wenty years ago when I visitei! tlie spol, thf 
was an inscrijttion, near the door, recording the fact, but no ino***' 


[ Tljis waa — 

"Pria cliC Beatrice disccndesse al mondo." 
Piirg. XXXI., 107. 

iBut it 13 in the book of Wisdom (Sap ientia) that 
correspond ence between tbc language of So- 
Mon and that of Dante is more espceially found. 
the commcucement of this book tbc author 
iates (c. I., G) that "Wisdom is a loving spirit": 
rther on (c, VI. 12) that she "is glorious", 
Bily seen of them that love ber, and found 
: such as seek her": that "To think upon her 
t porfpctiiui of Wisdom" (v. 15): that "shegoeth 
K>ul seeking sneli a» are worthy of her, shew- 
hornelf favourably unto theui in tlie ways, 
^d uieeteth theui in every thought" (v. 1(1). And 
ieu wc are told thiit "the very beginning of ber 
6 the deaire of discipUne; and the care of dis- 
pline ia love" (v. 17); "and love is the keeping 
I her laws" (v. IS). Dante first announces Bca- 
ice as the glorious lady of his inind, and says 
jBt she appeared to hini as such , thua siieeifying 
reflex ideal perception fashioned by the thougbta 
I hia own brain, wbicb, as the organ of bia niind, 
* soiucwhat younger than the rest of his body, 
be fiml time he ever heard her voice was in the 
\cet: she made herself known to him: and the 
lOU^ht of ber eonstrained bim frer|uently to go 
"i seek ber. Her iuflueiieo upon those to whom 
showed herself was sncli, that she did not 
I to tliem the daughter of man, but of God — 
y ifa noR parea falta //' uomo, ma ita Din". Hut with- 
fonl dwelling on these details, wbicb are noticed 
more fully on Pard. VII., verses \',\ — 15, I shall 
merely here sot down a few of the cxpre»«ionB 
Mpptied by Solomon to Wiailom, ami their paral- 
lel e4|uivalenlii in the Poem of Dante. It 18 in 
[the seventh chapter that these chiefly occur. 


"She 18 the breath of the power of God." v. 25. 
''Beatrice, loda di Dio vein:^ Inf. II., 103- 
''Donna di vtrfu, sola per cui 

L umana spezt'e eccede ogni contento 

Da quel ciel, c' ha minori i cerchi suiJ^ Inf. II., 76— S. 

Che non pud mal finir chi le ha fHt/alo. (.^anz. II,. v. 42- 
"OLuce, ogloria della gente umana,^^ Purg.XXXIIL, 1 15. 

Her mouth is the — 

"Fofite ond* ogni ver flftr/rd."./ Par. IV., 116. 

"She is the brightness of tlie everlasting light, the un- 
spotted mirror of tlie power of God, and the image of 
his goodness." v. 26. 

"0 {splendor di viva luce etenmJ*^ Purg. XXXI., 139. 

'^Che solo a suo fattor tntta la goda.^^ Par. XXX., 21. 

"She is mon; beautiful tlian the sun, and above all the 
order of the stars." v. 29. 

"Lucevan gli ftcchi suoi pit) chc la Stella J^ Inf. II., 55. 

'Terciocho In stella luce, lun non si cho a perfettione uioitri 
lo coso, conic il Kolo. Adunquc Hcatricc Incca piu che li 
Htclla, u cuinc il Solo, percho la i^ratia perficiente, e cun- 
siimHutc, luce piu cho V altro gratio." Landino. 

Her eyes also are 

"/ vivi suggelli d'ogni hellezzaJ^ Par. XIV., 133—4. 

Solomon says also, v. 27, that "she inakcth all 
tliiiiiifs new': lieatrice was tlie caiiso of the W" 
life in Dante. "And in all aji^es entcrinj*' into \m)' 
sonls, she niakotli them friends of God, and pro- 
phets.'' Hence Dante was a })ropliet and wrote 
as sueli. V. 28, "For God lovetli none but bin* 
that (Iwelletli with Wisdom." Therefore Dante fof' 
sakiny Beatrice fell nndcr the Divine displeasure 
(Puro-. XXX., nr)-i;{S). We are told, v. 2-2i 
that Wisdom is 'Miot sul)ject to hni-t". So Be*^' 
trice. Inf. II., S8 — 93, cannot be hurt, not eV^^^ 
by the torments of Hell. In c. VIII., 2, Soloni^^ 
states of Wisdom, 

"I loved her, and sought her out iroiu luy youthr 
I desired to make hur my spouse, and I was a lover 
of her beauty." 

Compare with this the expressions which lia\'^ 


given 8o umcli trouble to commentators, Piirg. 
XXXI., 49-51. 

"Mai non t' ai)presento natiira ed arte 
Piaccr, quaiito le belle membra in ch' io 
Kinc'kiusa fui, e chc son terra sparte: 

Solomon says furtlier, v. 10, ''For lier sake I sliall 
have estimaticm among tlie multitude, and honour 
with tlie ciders, though I l)e young." Tliis is just 
what Dante obtained tlu'ough Beatrice. Again, 
V. 13, ''Moreover by means of her 1 sliall obtain 
inmiorUility, and leave behind me an everlasting 
memorial to them that come after me." This also 
irt what Dante desired to do, and what through 
IJeatrire he effected. One; more parallel between 
Wisd<mi and Beatrice nuist here sufti<?e. c. VIII., 
7, ''she teacheth temperance and prudence, justice 
and fortitude." These were the handmaids of 
Beatrice before she descended to earth , see Pm-g. 
XXXL, lOG— 8. 

U<*t\veen Divine Wisdom, or Sapicnza, and Tht'olo^y 
tliiTtr ean b(^ n" just comparison. Sapi^'nza is tin* Wisdom 
«»f iio«l, jkT .sv*, or the pcrfrct knowludj^r of «liviu«* truths 
as tln'V exist in I)«'itv. Tln'cdo^^v is merriv tin* (lcriv<Ml 
('diMM'ptioii of th(js(i truths as thcv an* rrcriveil and h<'ld 
by human min<ls, and expressed m human fonnul:r. 

I»uti verv iustlv remarks, that Heatriee, (•(»nsid<T('d as 
the dhuna who ^^srmprr hntfi/irtf rnlui hi rui Hhi r^\ cannot 
b«' rt'^jarded as Tliri»h»^v: **imprrn rhf maUi sttmi sttili tjiU 
tp'tntiii tf'itUttji rhr son ft stud ftttinmti r iinn hi'ttft/]rtitr\ And 
that it is iinly wlirn Throhi^y is accompanird with p'aer 
i:m»pfratin;C and ;jrac<* perfei'ting, as in BeatriiM-, that it 
>av«'> ami Ix-atitirs. 

licatricf beinfj put for Ifirinr Wisiiam, Virpl, l)ante*s 
master in poctrv, and tlio philosophy of |HM*tical lan^ua^e, 
will H'presi-nt humun ivistintn, unenlightened by tiu* Divine; 
and a>, su'conlin^ to the system here followed, ji knowled;;e 
of Divine truths is vouchsafed onlv to thoM* who «;ivr them- 
.-••Ives to the meditation and cont«*mpl;itit»n of tli<ni ( 'V7//' 
// mnsrtfuir ht rvlrslr ht'ntthnlhir v Nfffssttrin, r/ic divcntiamn 
ronh'Nil^lativi drllr msr s/ririffifif/ , rf hiror/torrr, r tlirinr"" 
Lanuino)^ 8o Keatriee's place in Heaven is next to that 


of Racliel, the symbol, among the Hebrews, of the con- 
teuii)lativc life. {^^Sefica rettnmente Beatrice con RachdCy 
pcrche il propria suhietto deiia (heologin e la cttffuitione , e 
contemplaiiotic y et in quclla si ferma, e pon sua seggif^P 

But although Beatrice takes the place of Snpienza, and 
is so in a general sense, as the cause of human ha])|»iness 
universally, yet, more rigorously considered in rcfercuee 
to the Poet, she is so much of the Divine Wisdom as was 
vouchsafed to him for his salvation and glory; just »« 
the Saj»ienza of Solomon was so much of tlie Divine 
Wisdom as he was able to receive and comprehend. 

With the earliest commentators: Jaco])o and Pietn> di 
Dante, the Anonimo (on the Inferno only), Jac<»po della 
Lana, and the Author of the Ottimo, Virgil is human 
reason, or rational philosophy; Beatrice the Holy Scri|)- 
tures, or the s})irit ot Wisdom breathing through tnein, or 
Theology, or the Virtue which leads to Beatitude; the Dfmna 
gentile is cither the profound mind of Deity (Jacopo diDantd, 
or grace ])re venting, or foreseeing, "o vero aono d'intcl- 
letto" (Ottimo): Lucia is grace illuminating, or conjwrat- 
ing and assisting. The Anonimo mentions Lucia a« ibc 
saint to whom Dante was much devoted. Boccaccio, wb* 
belongs to the succeeding generation of conmientators, 
along with Benvenuto da Imola, Buti, and Bargigi, had 
deep views on this subject, but not very clear ones. With 
him Virgil is reason, but is grace cooj)erating als<». The 
story of Beatrice, as a Florentine lady whom the IV' 
once h)ved, seems to have occuj)iod Boccaccio's mind t" 
the injury of the other characters; or, perhaps, the Wvin^* 
Justice ]mnished him for this default of spirituality, !>>' 
confounding his wits, so that the Donna Gentile lt)st b^r 
personality and was reduced to Dante's j)rayer — "<' ^'***' 
dorvte intendere, quclla donna gentile essere fa santti '''"' 
zione fatta dal peccatore, r in tjneata parte dovemo /w''^' 
den' per Lucia la divina clemenza, la divina tniserivfr^''*' 
la divina henif/nila, la quale veramente e ncmica di /vW" 
crudele'\ Thus Boccaccio tot)k away the divinity of t"'* 
l)i)nna Gentile, and transferred her atti'ibutes to Lu*;*** 

Beatrice now became ^^la grazia salri/icante, n rrif/''''* 
dire headftcante-K With Benvenuto and Bargip, TV/V" 
is "A^ ragione nat urate -^ iwul Beatrice, T/tentttf/t/ ; Buti flL"'| 
regards Virpjil in the samc^ H^rht, but Beatrice h the srtrn^' 
script urcfi acconi])anied ^'cftn la grazia conperantr e rows*' 
mantc\ The characters (»f la Donna Gentile^ '*^ta prima gniii^ 

PARADI80. 365 

prevemenie^\ and of Lucia ^ "/cr grazia di Die illuminante, are 
the same. 

With the next, or transition group of commentators, 
Landino, Vellutello, and Daniello, Dante is "i7 semo'% 
Virgil is "/« ragione'% Beatrice is "/« Christiana teologia 
con la gratia perficiente , overo consumante'\ The Donna Gen- 
iile is grace preventing; Daniello calls her ^^ gratia gratis 
daia^^, Lucia is grace illuminating. 

We now come to the modem commentators, the early, 
middle, and late; Volpi, Venturi, Lombardi, Biagioli, Pog- 
giali, Cesari; FraticeUi, Bianchi &c. The first two were 
rather shy of gi\'ing allegorical meanings ; Venturi regarded 
the Donna Gentile as the Divine Clemency. Lombardi con- 
sidered Beatrice as "/« celeste sapienza, cioe la teologia'\ 
as if tliese could be the same tilings; his material views 
of this Donna seem to have obscured the clearness of his 
vision. Lucia f he says, is the divine grace, "/at divina 
grazia per Lucia intesa chiosano tutti gV inter preti^\ which 
is not true. 

Biagioli diflTered considerably from his predecessors, as 
was to be expected. Yet he gave some good characteristics. 
Dante is man with his natural reason] Virgil is the science 
of human things; Beatrice is the science of Divine things, 
or the christianized Philosophy of Boethius, ^^quella stessa 
donna che fu di Boezio consolatrice^\ The Donna Gentile, 
following the Convito is '^la nohile anima d' ingegno, e 
libera nella sua propria podesta, che e la ragione^^; Lucia 
is jmt, he says, for the effect of tlie light of truth operat- 
ing on the intellect, ^^nome convenirntissimo per gli e/fetti 
i*h' opera neir intelletto nostro la luce delta verita'\ In iSiH, 
Fraticelli gave a symmetrical form to these characters, in 
^'hich />//w/t' was man with his natural reason; Virgil , the 
science of human things; Beatrice, the science of divine 
things; the Donna Gentile was grace preventing, Lucia ^ grace 
"luminating; but in ISCO he had changed his mind about 
^he Donna Gentile and regarded her nu)re (^specially as />/- 
^hie mercg^ he says ^^e figura delta ?nisericordia divina, o, 
^Ofne dicono gli anlichi, delta grazia preveniente'\ 

As the personality of Lucia, considered as the Virgin 
**artyr of Syracuse, grew out of the materiality, s<» con- 
^Jdcred, of Beatrice (sec Lombardi) so the ])ers()nality of 
"^« Donna Gentile crew out of that of the former. ^^Beal- 
j^l*^ la Donna Gentile puo essere la Virgine madre di Dio 
(olanehi, 184G). The pious Canonico shcmid have stopped 
"^Jfe and not have added, ^^altrimenti e la divina Sapienza, 
"iiH, however, might have been a slip of the pen, for in 


the Edit. 1S54, we read instead, '^altnmen/i\ e la dhina 
Clemenza*\ Poggiali tells us, toiicliing this once nameless 
lady, "r/<' rosiftnfe tradiziom' trtii Coinmentatori, che inim- 
(fast !a ilivina Clemen za'*; if this were so, how happened 
it that Boccaccio did not notice it? It is true, the Divine 
Clemency becomes the Donna Gentile better, perhaps, than 
any other character, and it is also very applicable to the 
Madonna, but so are graee and mercy; we may conceive, 
therefore, that the Divine (\impassion was moved bv these 
to effect the salvation of Dante through Divine ^^ isdom. 
to the study and contemplation of which he had been led 
by the poetic philosophy of Virgil. 

(;anto v., versi 19-24. 

Lo maggii^r don che Dio per sua larghczza 

Fesse creando, ed alia sua bontate 

Piu conformato, e quel ch' ei piu apprezza, 
Fu dolla volonta la lilxTtatc, 

Di che le creature intelligenti 

E tut to e solo furo c son dotate. 

Ciidwortli in his treatise on Free-will (see p. 244) 
Cli. IX. says: ''The next grand inquiry is, what 
is TO ijyfuoviy.ov, the rulini::, gcoverning, command- 
ing, determining principle in us. For here, or 
no where else, is to be found tlie ro t(f' j)atiir 
aiid the to avTir^ovoioi\ stti /Htfcsfas, self poNver, or 
such a liberty of will as whereby men deserve 
praise or dispraise, commendation or blame."' This 
'7/^y^7///y;//r of the soul", according to Origin, is the 
only cause of moral will, vice or wickedness, which 
is trulv sucli. 

In Cli. X., sj)eaking of tliis, Cudwoi-th states it 
is that ''which is j)n)j)erly we ourselves", the soul 
''holding itself, as it were, in its own liand",... which 
''always determines the passive capability of men's 
natm'e one wav or other, either for better or for 
worse, and has a self- forming, and self- framing 
)ower by which everv man is self-made into what 
le is, and accordingly deserves either praise or 
dispraise, reward or punishment". 


Descartes in his system of metaphysical Philo- 
sophy, though he shumied the consideration of 
the will, held it to be superior to any other fa- 
culty of the soul. "If I examine the memory, or 
the imagination, or any other faculty that is in 
me, I do not find one that is not extremely small 
and limited, and which in God is not innncnse 
and infinite. There is but the will , or the liberty 
of the free agent only, which I am conscious 
of in myself to be so great, that I cannot conceive 
the idea of any other more ample and more ex- 
tended, so that it is this faculty, principally, 
wliich enables me to know that I bear the image 
and resemblance of God." (Meditation Quatrifeme. 
Du vrai et du faux.) 

Our Milton also bears testimony to the freedom 
of the will in that passage where, in reference 
to man's exposure to evil influences, Adam says — 

Against his will, he can receive no hami: 
But God left free the will: for what obeys 
Reason, is free: and reason lie made right. 

Pard. Lost. b. IX., 350—2. 

CANTO v., VERSO 88. 

Lo sno (acerCj e T trasmutar scuibiante 
Lo suo piacerCj e '1 trasmutar sembiante 

Twenty-seven Comci examined (Rom. 12; lirit. 

^I. li) [Cod. 3460 has only the first two words^ 

Oxford 4; and C. Roscoe) ^ave for the first reac 

i^ig 25 Codici (exceptiu<r that Ci. Ox. 107, 109, 

^Vid C. Brit. 943 had 'V trasmutar ') and 2 for the 

second, C. Vat. 3200, and 0. Roscoe, in which 

*^tter the verse originally written "Zf> suo piarere 

f^a^mutar sembiante^' had bceii altered to ^^ Lo suo 

ftarere e trasmutar semhiantc^\ and in a subsequent 

note tacire had been written. 


The CI. Vat. 3199, 366; the C. Caet., and the 
C. Barb. 1535 had the first, or ordinary reading. 

Twenty - nine Printed Editions showed five 
variations in the reading of tliis verse : tacere e V 
trasmutur — iacere e (rasmutar — (accre e 7 tramufar — 
piacere e irasmufar — piaare c 7 tramufar. 

The Ott, Ben., Edi. 1,2,3,4, the Vend., Nid, 
Viviani and Witte (ilj have 

Lo suo tacere e '1 trasmutar sembiante 

Buti has this reading also, but with "<» tras- 
mn(ar^\ Landino inti'oduccd piacere^ 

Lo suo piaccrc e trasmutar sembiante 

But Aldus altered this to 

Lo suo piacer, e *1 tramutar sembiante 
and was followed by Rov., the Cms., Dion., Pogg«, 
Biag., and Martini. 

Velhitello returned to the reading tacere; 
Lo suo tacer, e '1 tramutar sembiante 
and was followed by Dan., Lomb., Rom., i Padih 
vani, Cos., Costa, Fiat., "the Four", and BiaiicU. 

It was not true, therefore, what Lombardi saiJ, 
that })reviously to his edition, all others except 
the Nidobeatina read as the Crusca: an assertion 
meant only for those who take things upon trust, 
without ascertaini]i<»' for themselves if thev be su 
or not. The twenty -nine Editions give for tavert 
a majority of 21 to 8, and this, no diuibt, i» 
the ju'oper word, as shown by the eontext, and 
confn-med by the (-odici. 


Quel clio fo poi cir (?gli usci ili Ravenna, 
K saho il llubicon, fu di tal volo, 
Clio n<»l st't^uitrria lingua ni? penna. 

The Kubicon, which took its iiame from the red 
coloured gravel of its bed, rises in the hills of 

PARADISO. • 369 

Cesena ^ under the name Urgone or Rugone. Hav- 
ing been joined by another mountain streamlet, it 
becomes the Pisciatello ; it next receives the stream- 
let Rigossa, which descends from above the village 
of Budrio, and passing into the channel of tlie 
Fiumicino, then becomes the Rubicon. Some au- 
thors, however, think the latter is the Rubicon; 
it was crossed by the Via Emilia at Savignano. 
The Via Flaminia, from Ravenna to Rimini, pas- 
ses a little below the junction of the Pisciatello 
and Fiumicino; so that if Caesar rode to Rimini 
by this road, in crossing the Rubicon he may be 
said to have crossed both the other rivers also. 
In coming from Cesena by the Via Emilia, we 
pass the Urgone at Pont S. Lazzaro. Ariminio, 
now Rimini, was the frontier city of Italy towards 
Cisalpine Gaul; the line of demarcation was the 
Rubicon. The spot where Caesar swam across 
rt on horseback was ad confluentes ^ at the junction 
of the streams, and about twelve miles distant 
;from Rimini. Two other rivers, the Uso, and 
^the Marecchia, cross the Via Emilia, which was 
jjoined by the Via Flaminia not far from the gate 
■ of the city. The ancient Via UKorale was also 
lulled the Via Regina^ and was more inland than 
;fte present road. Caesar passed the Rubicon in 
libe winter; according to D*^ Tonini, it was in the 
[beginning of November, but the Sig. Paolucci, 
ifao of Rimini, thought it rather in February. 
He took possession of Rimini Avitli the Xlir'' legion, 
and assembled the Tribunes of the people in the 
Forum, now in part the piazza, of an oval form, in 
the centre of the main street, and where a rather 
recent pedestal with an inscription records the fact.* 

•The inBcription runs thus. C. C-ESAR DICT RVBICONE SVPE- 
JVM- (?) n stands near tho small oratory whicli marks the placo 
rbere happened the miracle of the mule. 



The piazza extended, at one time, at least as far 
as S. Mielielc in Foro, a church now at a little 
distance on the right. 


8\, eh' al Nil caldo si scnti del duolo. 

SI, eh' al Nil caldo sentissi del dnolo. 

Si, eh' il Nil caldo si scnti del duolo. 

Si, ch' il Nil caldo sentissi del duolo. 

Si, clie ncl caldo sentissi del duolo. 

Twenty -NINE Codici (Rome 13; Brit. M. II; 
Oxf. 4 ; and C. Roscoe) gave 1 1 examples of the 
first reading; 8 of the second; 3 of the tliird; 
1 of the foiuiih, and 2 of the fifth. The other 
readings were variations of variations. 

With the first reading were the Ci. Vat. 3199, 365> 
36C, 367, and 2373 ^7 serUir); C. Ang. lOf ; Ci. Ox. 
107, 109; Ci. Brit. 943 (originally), S39 fai y/ioj, and 
C. Kos. Witli the second reading were the Ci. Vat. 
4776, 2358; C. Barb. 1737; Ci. Ox. 108, 103; and 
Ci. Brit. 3581 fsentissej, 3513 (senfhi)j and 3459/*' 
Niilo chaldo). With the third reading were the C. Vat. 
4777; C. ( -act., and C. Barb. 1535. The fourth read- 
ing was the eon-eetion of C. Brit. 943. With tlie fifth 
reading were tlie C. Vat. 3200, and the C. Brit. 10.317 

Tlie C. Vat. 28G5 had ''Sin al nil caMo sentissi dH 
(hioln^\ The C. Ihit. 21.163 has the singular reading, 
"Si clie nel caldn se senti del duolu" (sic). The C 
Brit. 22.780 has, 

SI chal Nil chaldo si senti lostuolo. 

The C. Brit. 3460 has a variation of the first reading. 
"r/ ;///''; and C. 032 has wliat, probably, is meant 
for tlie same, ''si c(miculdo^\ 

Thirty -FOUR frixted Editions confirmed tbe 
four })riiicipal variations, and furnished one other, 
that of Daniello, 

Si, cir al Jsil caldo fe sentir del dnolo. 
The result was as follows. 

For the //>.s7 reading 10 Editions: Buti, Aid. (1515), 
Crus., Volpi, Vent., Dion., Pogg., Biag., Cos., Viviani, 


Frat., 1837 and 1860, "the Four'^ Mart., Bian., and 
Witte. For the second reading, 5 Editions: Edi. 1 
and 4 (cal nil caido sentisij, 2 and 3 fc/iai Nilo caldo 
$entisse)j and Vendelin. For the third , 3 Editions, 
Benv., Land., and Roveliio. For the fourth y 6 Edi- 
tions, Nid. (el nil) y Lomb., Rom., Portirelli, i Padov., 
and Costa. The Ed. of Vellutello agrees with that 
of C. Vat. 2373 (si sentir del duoloj. Cos., and "the 
Four'' also give the third reading, but prefer the first- 

Thus, in 19 Codici out of 29, and in 23 Edi- 
tions out of 34, "<?/ A7/" has been preferred to 
"i/ iVi/". Benvenuto, who wrote the latter, was 
followed by Landino. Nidobeato, for sisoiii^ gave 
^^senHssi^\ and was followed by Lombardi and all 
bis disciples. 

In twelve readings of this verse in the British 
Museum Codici, six had "^/ sen(i'\ and six ^^soi- 
Jissi'\ one of the former having been altered to 
the latter. In the four early editions we find only 
this, which is the reading also of tlie Vend, and 
Kidob. The reason given by Lombardi for pre- 
ferring the lezione ^^il Nil caldo^^ to that of the 
majority of texts, reads to me like foolishness. 
Biagiou wisely preferred the text of the Crusca, 
though he found the other in the C. Stuardiano. 
Fraticelli in his Edit, of 1837 printed the more 
Correct reading, but did not object to the second: 
in his recent edition (1860) there is no reference 
to this, and he paraphrases the passage ^^cosi che 
smo al caldo Nilo , cioe al caldo clima d ^ Eyito , si send 
id duolo^\ This is as it should be, and so thought 
Z)ioDisi and Witte. 


E quando il dente Longobardo morse 
La Santa Chiesa, sotto alio sue ali 
Carlo Magno, vincendo, la soecorsc. 

WTien Pope Gregory IL (726) ap])ealcd to arms 
g'ainst his sovereign, the Greek Knipcror, and 



the Iconoclasts, the Lombards, who assisted him 
took that opportunity to expel the Greeks from 
Italy; but soon the Pope found his new friends 
more exacting than his old enemies^ and ready 
to impose upon him a yoke more grievous than that 
which he had just shaken off, and consequently 
he invoked the assistance of the Franks. 

Supported by the arms of Pepin and Charle- 
magne, the Popes maintained the independence 
of the Roman territory, and were thus raised to 
the rank of temporal rulers (754). Grateful for 
the aid thus afforded, the Pontiffs decided that it 
was lawful for the Franks to change the dynasty 
of their kings, and to elect Pepin, the generoM 
supporter of the Church, who was accordingly 
crowned at Paris. 

The history of the Papacy begins at the period 
of tliis union of temporal with spiritual jurisdiction. 
The independence of the Roman principality, and 
the establishment of the Pope as a temporal sover- 
eign , resulted from the dread which the Latins, 
and especially the Romans, liad of the Lombards; 
tliere was no clioice but submission to them, «^r 
tlic Poi)C for tlicir prince. No materials existed 
for constructing a national government but those 
witliin the precincts of tlie (yliurch. 

In sanctioning tlic usurpation of Pepin, Pope 
Zacliary maintained that consideraf ions of public suf^^ 
justified a people in changing ils rulers; out of thrt 
decision grew the divine right of kings ^ which in 
those days incant tlie right of expediency, and 
not an absohitc personal right; its meaning was 
afterwards reversed. In this dicine righi the new 
dvnastv found a confirmation of its defective title, 
but it was in reality notliing more than the voice 
of the Popes, wlio took upon tlieniselves the pri- 
vilege of putting down one and setting up another, 
just as it ))est suited their purpose. 


It is true, no great injustice was done to the 
successors of Clovis, for the monarchy of the 
Pranks had originally been elective, and the prin- 
ciple of hereditary right was an innovation which 
they had introduced. To strengthen the title of 
Pepin, and give to it an appearance of divine 
sanction, the Jewish ceremony of anointing was 
revived , much to the satisfaction of Pepin and his 
successors. Both the king and the pontiff shared 
in the advantages of this profitable device , which 
gave security to the one , and power to the other. 

Pressed by his enemies in Italy, Pope Stephen 
III"* sought Pepin's court , and solemnly crowned 
both his sons. In the father's case it was only 
an election confirmed, but this was a substitute 
for election, and thus the popular rights were 
abolished just after they had been most strongly 
asserted. Inheritance by descent, and the per- 
verted principle of divine right, were now seem- 
ingly made to coincide for the benefit of kings, 
vhile the higher power of pronoimcing them sacred 
ms reserved for the pontiffs. 

The Carlovingians , grateful for the security 
given to their title , enlarged the papal dominions 
by territories wrested from tlie Lombards; and 
thus the Popes obtained the Exarchate of Ravenna. 
To give a colour of right to this acquisition, a 
forged deed was produced, piu-porting to be a 
donation from Constantino to the successors of 
8l. Peter of the sovereignty over Rome, Italy, 
and the western provinces. Thus the gift of the 
French monarch was made to appear as the res- 
titution of ancient rights, and tlie temporal power 
of the popes, while yet in its infancy, was in- 
vested as with the sanction of ju'ctended antiquity. 

Adrian P* combined the elements of tlie papacy 
ato a system. Hildebrand (Gregory VII'*') gave 
> it a finished form. There cannot be a doubt. 


but tliat, when first established, tlie sovereignty 
of the Popes, within certain limits, was a bene- 
ficial exorcise of Christian government, but it be 
came an int(>leral)le source of evil in the hands 
of unprincipled and ambitious men, and eventu- 
ally brouf^lit upon Italy an accumulation of those 
very miseries which it was originally designed 
to remedy and prevent. 

CANTO VI., VERSI 103—5. 

Faccian gli Ghibcllin, faecian lor arte 
Sott' altro s(»gno; die mal segno quelle 
Soiiipre chi la giiistizia e lui diparte: 

In this just rebuke of the Ghibelins, Dante 
shows liimself to be above the prejudices of party. 
A supporter, from principle, of the supreme im- 
perial authority in the state, he saw, with grirf 
and sliainc, the oppressions and injm'ies to the 
public weal committed under the banner of the 
eaj^'le , as well as under that of the keys. 

Giovanni Villnni relates that the contentions of 
Guolfs and Ghibelins in Florence commenced iu 
a family (juarrel (Lib. V., cap. 38). The miirdcr 
of messcr liondclmonte de' Bondelmonti, on Easter 
Sunday 1215, was the fatal cause of it: for al- 
tlioi!^li these divisicnis existed long* before anion? 
the nobles, on account of the "brighe e questioni 
della cliiesa u dell' imperio"; yet by the murder 
of messcr IJondclmontc (see Pard. XVI., 66; 136; 
1 10) ^*tiitti i lif^na^-^i de' nobili ed altri cittadini di 
Firciize sc nc partirono; e chi tenne co' Bondel- 
monti, che prcsono la i)arte Guelfa, e furonnc 
caj)(); e chi tciiiie coii li Uberti, che furono eapo 
dc' Ghibellini; (Hide alia nostra citta segui6 molto 
male c rovina''. 

Up to tliis time the nobles alone had carried 
on their family feuds under the respective ban- 


jrs of the eagle , and of the keys ; now, tlieir fol- 
-wers and retainers among the citizens took 
iirt in the dissensions, to the great grief of all 
ue patriots, who appear to have been as few then 
B they were in the days of Dante (Inf. VL, 73): 

Giusti son duo, ma non vi sono intesi. 

When Frederic 11. resolved to retaliate on the 
lapacy the unjust judgment pronounced upon 
lim at the council of Lyons, and to weaken the 
)arty of the church , he made offers to the Uberti, 
he chiefs of the Ghibelins , to assist them in ex- 
celling from the city their enemies and his own. 
[n this they were successful , and the Guelfs were 
Bompelled to leave Florence, which they did on 
Ihe night of Santa Maria Candellaja (February 2"**) 
1248. Tlic Ghibelins then reformed the city, des- 
troyed many towers of the Guelfs , including that 
of the Guardamorto, brought down witliout injury 
to the Baptistery, by the ingenuity of Niccola 
Pisano (see Vasari). On this occasion also, houses 
of the citizens were for the first time destroyed. 
**E nota", says Villani, "che poi die la cittJi di 
Pirenze fu rifatta infino a quel tempo non vi era 
stata disfatta casa alcuna; e allora incominci6 la 
detta maladizione di disfarle per li Ghibellini". 
In the following year (the same in Florentine 
reckoning), on the eigliteentli of February, tlic 
Emperor was defeated before Parma, which clianj^*- 
ed the position of parties, and caused a })artial 
•Iteration in the government. Frederic died De- 
cember 13*^ 1250 (seep. 351), and the same niglit 
hh podesta in Florence was killed by the ceiling 
of his bed-room falling down upon him (Vill. VL, 
12). The Guelfs were then readmitted to the city 
January 7*^ 1251). This was the first pacification 
f the Florentines. In July 1251 , several Ghibe- 
n families who had formerly been used to rule, and 


could ill ciidui'o tlie popular government, which 
was essentially Guelf , were expelled on their re- 
fusincj^ to accompany the host in the attack on 
Pistoja, wliich was Ghibelin. But the first general 
expulsion of the Ghibelins was in 1258, in con- 
sequence of their having formed a conspiracy, at 
the head of which were the Uberti, with the aid 
of king Manfred, to break up the popular govern- 

On this occasion, so great was the fury of the 
people, that several noblemen were beheaded, and 
a vnst number of families were sent into exile. 
The Ghibelins retired, chiefly, to Siena, and ere 
long , by the capacity of Farinata degli Uberti, 
and tlie troops obtained from Manfred, they gained 
the great victory of Monte Aperti (September 4** 
1200), whicli reversed the order of things in 
Florence, and the Guelfs precipitately departed 
(Inf. X., 85-93). 

After this fatal disaster they sought help from 
Connidiu (sec p. 350), joined their forces, drove 
the Ghibelins from Modena and He<2:i»:i^>, assisted! 
(diaries of Anjou against Manfred, and on 1"* 
defeat and death in 1200, thev were readmitted 
to Florence, when a pacification took place. Many 
matrimonial alliances were then formed betwcd* 
the opj)osite parties, and Guido Cavalcantc msu*' 
ried a daughter of Farinata. But the harmonV 
was soon again distm'bed, when, at Easter 126'* 
Guido di Montforte, the vicar of Charles inTu*" 
cany, arriving with SOO PVench cavalry, the GlU' 
bolins departed, and the Florentines gave the 
sifjNoria to Carlo for ten years. After this their 
])arty never returned to power, a judgment of 
lioaven upon them, as Villani thinks, for having 
bi*gan the strife by the murder of Bondelmonte. 
(Inf. X., 51.) 


The confiscated property of the Ghibelins was 
divided into three portions, one went to the 
comune, another to reimburse the Guelfs for what 
they had lost, and the third to form a fund, called 
wuMle^ for the support of their party. When the 
Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini (Inf. X., 120) 
heard of this fund, he said — "Now that the 
Guelfs of Florence have began to make mobile, 
the Ghibelins will never retiu*n any more". Nor 
did they as an influential party. 

In 1278, however, there was a partial return 
of the Ghibelins, and a second pacification was 
effected by tlie Cardinal Latino, at the instance 
of Pope Nicol6 HI. (Inf. XIX., 70) of the Orsini ; 
but the government remained in the hands of the 
Guelfs, and we hear no more of the Ghibelins 
in Florence. 


Assai lo loda, e piu lo lodorcbbe. 
Sc assai lo loda, piu lo lodcrcbbe. 

Two of the Vatican Codici examined on this 
ver8c had the second of these readings, Ci. 365, 
2865. But it was not foiuid in any other of the 
thirteen Roman Codici seen, including Ci. Vat. 
3199, 366, 4776, C. Caet, C. Ang. 10|, and C. 
Barb. 1535. Neither does it occur in any of the 
Krit. Museimi Ci., or in others seen at Oxford 
ftnd elsewhere. Nor is it found in any of the 
printed editions; yet it seems to me a much 
better reading than the one universally followed, 
and I think this will be admitted on considering 
the conditional tense of the verb in verse 140: 

E se il mondo Scipesse 11 cuor ch' ogli ebbe, 
Mcndicando sua vita a friisto a fnisto, 
Sc assai lo loda, piu lo lodcrcbbe. 


The story of Romeo is told by Giovanni Villani just 
as Dante relates it (lib. VL, 91), and a very pretty story 
it is, though not historical as regards the person of Romeo 
diVillanova, baron ofVence. By the will of Count Ray- 
mond, who died in 1245, shortly after the marriage of 
his third daughter; the baron was left tutor and adminis- 
trator of the state. (See Bianchi.) The true part of the 
narrative is that the four daughters of the Count, Mar- 
garet, Eleanor, Cynthia, and Beatrice, were married respec- 
tively to Louis IX. of France, Henry III. of England, 
Richard, Earl of Cornwall, his brother, elected king of 
the Romans in 1257, and Charles of Anjou. 


Ma quella reverenza, che s' indonna 
Di tutto me, pur per B e per ICE, 
IMi richinava, come Y uom ch' assonna. 

Whether under these foui- letters BICE, Dante 
meant to represent any thint>; more than the familiar 
name of a Florentine lady who married Simone 
de' Bardi, and died in 1290, is of little moment; It 
is possible, following a fashion of the age, that 
he may, and a very pretty theological onijrina 
might be made of them; but I shall assume that 
he did not, and that these four letters cover nt) 
mystical sense beyond that of the general allcgorj'. 
and what licatrice is there put for. 

Dante never leaves his readers in the dark, 
and if they lose themselves it is their own fauUt 
not his. At the very beginning of the Divni* 
Conunedia wo are told who and what IJeatricc 
IS (Inf. 11., 76 — S); and by possessing her thattn^ 
human species exceeds every other. There is w^ 
mystery here, but a fact very useful for phy**^ 
lo*ifists and others to bear in mind, that man 9^' 
))asses all other creatures which approximate ^ 
him in their structure, by possessing the kii*^^ 
ledge of God, and Divine *,Wisdom. The P*;^. 
states also that Beatrice's place in heaven is xs'^ 


* aHtira liathtlc", the symbol Jimoiig; tlie Hebrews 
of the contemplative life, this shoiikl remove all 
doubtK as to her purely spiritual clmrueter. Had 
Beatrice ever been a Christian woman, placing 
her with the Hebrews wouW have been incon- 
BiBtent (see on Canto XXXH., 7—9). 

Dante is always his own safest and best inter- 
preter; we are bound, it is true, to inform our- 
selves well of the philosophy of his time, to trans- 
port ourselves back to the period when he wrote, 
and to familiarize omr minds with his modes of 
thottght and expression, so tliat we may follow 
his conceptions without either adding to or talcing 
from them, but neither in the Vita Nuova, nor 
iu the Convito, uor in the Divina Commedia, does 
bo require us to gather his recondite meaning 
from other sourcca than from the explanations 
and illustrations which he himself from time to 
time supplies. 

Tn the Vi(a Num-a, Dante introduces us to the 
beloved object of his juvenile aspirations, "/a 
tfoivia'", as ho calls her, "drila mia mente". 
bin the CoiwUo^ we have this Donna presented in 

tnnrc matured form, in accordance with .the 

(et's advance in age, 
I tlic Divina Commedia Beatrice appear* an a 
red personage, symbolical of the highest spiri- 
life. Dante's atTection throughout, is of a 

■itoal BO]^, and his love is a religirxis sentiment. 

^t the close of the Vita Nnova the Poet alludes 

•n admirable vision, which caused him to post- 
pone saying more of this heavenly one until he 
could more worthily treat of her. At the com- 
monremcnt nf the Convtto (Tratt. I., c, I), he says: 
"And if in the present work, which is called Con- 
irito, and xuch I desire it to be, a more matured 
■]e be used than in the Vita Nuova, I do not 


mean in any way to detract from that work, but 
more especially to assist it by the present cue, 
seeing it was reasonable that the former should 
be fervid and impassioned, but that this should 
be temperate and manly". Whatever, therefore, 
the Vita Nuova was, the Convito is to be also, 
and is to confinn it. Now there can be no doubt 
that the latter is a philosophical treatise, with 
poetic and fanciful speculations; and it follows, 
in consequence, that the former must have been 
meant for a similar treatise, but written in a more 
juvenile style , as Dante states , ^^dinanzi aW entraia 
fit mia giovenMc^\ and the Convito ^^di pot quella gii 

The Beati'icc of the Convito is declared to be 
Philosophy. It is written (Tratt. III., c. 11 ) "^ 
cost si puo vederc chi e omai qmsta mia donna ^ per 
iutte le sue cagioni^ e per la sua ragionc; c percke 
Filosofia si chiamma^\ 

But Philosophy in the mind of Dante, is a dif- 
ferent thing from what Pliil()soi)hy now passes 
for. It is more than a l)os()m friend and coo^' 
panion, it is a close jnul intimate partner of tb^ 
heart, identifying itself, or rather herself, wi*^* 
the soul of her lover. 

^^ Filosofia e uno amoroso uso di sapienza^ il qu^'^ 
massimamenfe e in Dio^ pcrocvhi in lui e somma y^' 
pienza^ e sommo nmore^ e sommo affo^ vhe non /^^' 
esserc allrove ^ se non in quanfo da esso procede'' (CoiB- ^ 
Tratt. III., c. i;i). 

This is an important declaration, it reveals xW ' 
intimate character of the connexion between Dan. z 
and his Donna, who is thus transfonnod into 1b- ^ 
own soul obje(*tivelv rejjfarded. For this DiAnr^* 
Philosophy , this 

" — perpetual feast of ncctar'd sweets 
Where no crude surfeit reigiis'', 

nn intellectual creation, and has a personal 

^iiitencc only iu tliu lover's mind, or lieart. It 

[ the link bctwecit the moi'tal and the immortal; 

light wliieli passes from the Creator to the 

Kated, "/awe Ira 7 vera e /' htlelk-flo", and is re- 

(Cted back again to its divine source. Beatrice, 

lereforc, to use an Aristotelian phrase, becomes 

J fertH of Dante's intellect and affections, as, in 

her words, is intimated by Jacopo della Lana, 

1 in recent years has been repeated bv Uossetti. 

■ Boccaccio says of Dante's early love for Philo- 

tihy, that having attained a thorough knowledge 

fthe liberal arts, he did not desire to follow 

by lucrative profession as young men mostly do, 

, with a praise%vortliy love of perj)etiial fame, 

Jtulting aside the actiuisition of wealth, he gave 
linisclf np to tlic (jitiidy and contemplation of 
spcnilalivc sciciu-e, and, ax, with his acute intel- 
ligence, it wna obvious that Heavcu had designed 
him for this pui-pose, he commenced the study of 
the works of the poets, and iu a short time became 
familiar with the most important of them. ITiese 
wcirks lie found were not mere fictions, as is com- 
monly supposed, but contained, beneath their 
poetic drcsH, hititorical facts and philosophical 
truths, wliicli with great earnestness aiul well rc- 
)pilnt4.-d hours of study he set himself to acquire. 
Wlieii he liail become well inforuu-d of these, the 
love of knowledge increasing with its growth, 
K^e sought to investigate what, by the Inmian in- 
Hiellect, may be understood of the first cause, and 
HNvf the celestial intelligences, and with ihe greatest 
floticitude di<voted himself to their study. Nor did 
lie enmplele these studies in a short time, nor 
v/vap the fruits of his labours without undergoing 
iiiy privations, and enduring much inconvenience 
Oth at home and abroad. 
iBofjcnccio tben relates his having gone to Bo- 


logna, as to the place where the food which his 
lofty intellect craved, was the most liberally pro- 
vided, and where he remained a considerable 
time. At a later period of his life , and under very 
unfavom*able circumstances, he did not deem it 
too great an undei-taking to go for the same 
purpose to Paris also. It is evident, from what 
is here related , tliat the dearest object in Dante's 
intellectual life was the love of Beatrice, or tlie 
science of divine things, and that he was more 
especially given to speculative studies, and to 
the meditation of those things which theological 
demonstrations afforded (see on Purg. XXXL, 
49 — 51), so that these became the special objects 
of his soul's contemplation — the ^^Pan degli Ange^ 
which he so devoutly desired.* It is satisfactoiy 
to find Dante's earliest biographer sensible of the 
importance of setting before the reader the Poet's 
intellectual life, of which the Divina Commedia 
is the reflex light. The statements of other original 
and contemporary authorities on this subject con- 
firm what is here said. 

At the first notice of Beatrice, we read in the cow^" 
niontary of Jacopo dolla Lana — "Dante intende dinio*' 
traro in qsto luogo eomo lo suo itcllecto era abilc disjK)^^*^ 
avol(TC intendoro atlieologia. Et ymacina die «]dto s*-"*^^ 
intellccto abbia sua ydea Icielo laqle yaea ello apoUa l*--^' 
cia: o getile ciou cliiara e nobile. Et innnagina cho ^l**^^^ 
ydea sissi lanioti dello stato di Dante chera vitioso e Isc-^ 
(Tte ^lo (jlc lanieto si mosse biatrice a prcgaro Virgil — 
clio soceorso. Or qllo che qsta allcgoria ae a signitican? 
dui vogodosi Dante insi inperfecto stato ppose di volei 
uscirc c Iprendcre tlicologia". Beatrice says 

"Lucia ncmica di ciascun crudelc 

Si niossc, vennc al loco dov' io era, 
Clic mi sedea con 1' antica Itachclc." 

* Tlii.' '*/>//;/ di'dH Antn'li'\ says Vellutollo, following; S. Tb«"»n»»**^ 
Aquinas, "r soUtmrntr In tu'simi tli Dio ^ f/i rhv rssi nMgeli si /iii/riV'»'»'^ -^ 
f fltt f/itaic inuw si rh'c (/iti ^ per csstr H cifio ttpirilital tic' routrhtithinti - 


What Lucia was, an idea only^ that also was Beatrice 
In the opinion of this early commentator. But Jacopo, 
the son of the Poet, if the commentary be his which is 
BO called, and if not, it is at least of his time, goes 
Farther than this in his intellectual definition of the donna 
gentile — "Figurativamente per questa gientil donna la pro- 
fonda mente dcUa deitadc si considera della qualle ogni 
esere prociede" (p. 9). Of Beatrice, the same author 
states — "per tuto questo libro la divina scritura sintende 
sicome pertetta e beata''. And in reference to Beatrice's 
place, as Rachel signifies the vita confcmplah'va, he says: 
*'Onde perla contemplatione della teologia cioe della divina 
scritura allato di lei sicome simile permanendo si pone'' 

(p. 10). 

In the Convito, Tratt. II., c. 13, Dante proceeds "alia 
sposizione allegorica e vera^' of his second love, the "pictosa 
donna" of sonnet XXIII in the V. N. This lady was the 
Philosophy of the Schools — "/^ immaginava lei fatta come 
una donna gentile^^: after thirty months attendance "nella 
scuola de' religiosi, e alle disputazioni de' filosofanti'', he 
80 felt her sweet influence, ^^clie 7 sno amove cacciava e 
^htruggeva ogni altro pensiero^K In the Canzone which 
Dante here explains, allusion is made to his first love: 

Dun' Angiola che 'n eielo e coronata, 

as well as to his second, and it would seem as if this 
wore only another form of the other. The last seven verses 
^f the 4"' stanza may be understood of Beatrice, in part 
as she appeared to Dante in his juvenile years, ana as 
"o afterwards beheld her on the summit of the mound, 
•J'ansfigured before him, and who by tlie love slie inspired, 
^2is always in his memory. (Conv. Tnitt. ii., c. 2.) 

^Vhat is said in explanation of verses 11 and 12 of the 
^cond stanza, 

chi veder vuol la salute 
Faccia che gli occhi d' esta donna miri, 

[aore "gli occhi di questa donna sono lo sue dimostra- 
'^rii, le (juali dritte negli occhi dello 'ntellctto, innamo- 
^no r anima, liberata nolle (dalle) condizioni (umanc)", 
*»vro8pond8 with the words of Beatrice, 

Mostrando gli occlii giovinetti a lui, 

•^^^ also with what takes place when tlicse eyes arc directed 
^^ him again. (Purg. xxx., 122 ; see also Purg. xxxil., 
^"~-^*; Pard. i., «l— 0; xxii., loi; xxviu., 11 &c*.) 


By "wwo spiritel d'amor^% Dante says, "s'lntomle iino 
pensiero cho iiasct* del inio studio: onde c da sajn're vhe 
per Amore in t/m'sfa (dletjoria sanpre a' intendc csso simiiUf 
il quale v appUrazione dell' animo ihuamorato deiia casa a 
quella rasa'''. From the intimate connection between the 
V. N. and the (.'onvito, as tliii» is the sense o{ Amore in the 
latter; it shouhl be so regarded also in the former. The 
ofiict^ also of this J)unna in demonstrating '*^// adornamenii 
dei miracoli (niaraviglie)'', though ascribed to Filosoiia, 
pertains rather to ^apienza, as does the title given to 
lier, ^^Regina di Uitto^\ ''la Mlissima fiylia dello Imjferadiire 
deir Unwerso^' (See Pard. iv., lis). But in the bccond 
Canzone (Tratt. in.) the e(»rrespondence between the Doniui 
thi»re meant and Beatrice is obvious, see st. 4., v. 1—13, 
especially the last Hve of those verses. The whole uf tlie 
treatis(; on this canzone is of special importance to those 
who desire to imderstand the meaning of the Poet, and 
more particularly c. 13, 14 and 15. Cap. 1 is introducturv; 
Danti* n'lates how tho small lire of love grew into a gn-at 
flame, favoured by his own disposition, thanks to the iu- 
ttuence of **il terzo cielo'', and that whether waking or 
sl(»eping, ^^iuftw di cosici nclla mia testa era yuidata, E yuaiito 
foase grande H desiderio, rhe Amore di vedere costei mi dm% 
tie dire, nc intendere si potrebbe*' (compare with V. N.)« 
Kor was his n^gard limited to the lady alone, it extendeu 
to all her assticiates, friends, and relations, lie exclaims - 
'*()h (juante nnlti furono, ch(t gli occhi «h;ir altre persone 
chiusi dormendo si posavano, die li miei netl' abitadJo 
del mio Amore tisamentt; miravano.'' One might imaj,nne 
froni this that Haute sat \\\\ ail night looking from lii^ 
chamber window on that of his beloved lady, for Folio 
Portinari's house might be seen from his own, bur Ik* 
moH'ly nutans that he sat up through the night stuilviniT 
Philosophy, lie was also dosinms to tell the world who 
th(i laily was, lest it should accuse him of levity, and 
slauderouslv c<»ncciv(? that this connection had been fonu«l 
for "seusibile dilettazione'*. Love is defined to be **MflA 
mentu spirit ua/e dell' anima e delta eosa amata: mi 'i^'i^^ 
iinimentn di propria sua natura V anima eurre tostn o turdi* 
serondttrhe r libera n impedita'K This is taking up such Iriffh 
philn^tiphieal ^--rountl, as t<» jiut aside all ordinary atliwV 
nients, and eh-ar the way for a ))urely (ihitonic flight. As 
the stnil, writes l)ante, receives mure of the divine nature 
than any creature y^S. earth, it desires to be uniti-d with 
l)<*ity as its ehi«?l good — ** jierocche il suo essere dipeiide 


o, e per queUo si conserva; natnralmente disia e 
a Dio essere anita per lo suo essere fortificare'\ * 

ft lesser degree ^ it seeks union also with what on 
seems most divine; hence Dante's soul found such 
t in this gentle lady who, he says, "spirituaimente, 
era coUa mia anima una cosa^', so that from this 
f "continui pensieri nascevano". 

ly of these spiritual oflFsprings have been registered 
i Purgatory and Paradise. In the seventh chapter 
! explains the third stanza of this canzone, and now 
jpect of the lady increases the Christian faith — 

E puossi dir che il suo aspetto giova 
A consentir ci6 che par maraviglia. 
Onde la fede nostra h ajutata; 
Per6 fu tal da etemo creata. 

h we are told in the V. N. was the eflfect produced 
)y Beatrice, "quando passava per via". ^^Dicevano 
poich^ passata era: ^Questa non k femina, anzi h uno 
liissimi Angeli del cielo.' Ed altri dicevano: ^Questa 
, maraviglia; che benedetto sia lo Signore, che si mi- 
lente sa operare!' lo dice ch' ella si mostrava si 
e e si piena di tutti i piaceri, che quelli che la mi- 
0, comprendevano in lore una dolcezza onesta e soave 
che ridire nol sapevano; ne alcuno era il quale po- 
mirar lei, che nel principio non gli convenisse sospi- 
, But it is more especially in reference to the fol- 
j sonnet in the V. Is., no. XVII, and the cause of 
at the similitude holds. We here read of Beatrice — 

E sua beltade e di tanta virtute 

Che nulla invidia all' altre ne precede; 
Anzi le face andar seco vestute 
Di gentilezza, d'amore e di fede. 

5 appearances of the two ladies thus correspond, and 
eflFect is the same. The cardinal virtues were the 
led hand -maids of Beatrice before she descended to 
, and the Christian virtues were also her festive com- 
as. Of the other lady, the Poet says, her beauty was 
led from all eternity to promote the Christian faith. 

Cap. VI. Dante also says *^^ da sapere die ciascuna cosa 
lamente desidera la sua perfczione, o in quella s' acquieta 
lo desiderio, e per quella ogni cosa i> desiderata". This is a 
lental axiom derived from Aristotle. 


386 PARADI80. 

This is true of Philosophy in whatever aspect viewed, 
but especially of Sapienza. In the last verse for ^^da eifmo 
creata^\ numerous Codici read ^^daW eterno ordmata^\ ac- 
cording to the passage in Proverbs VIIL, 23, ^^Ab efemv 
ordinata sum", thus identifying the lady of the Canzone 
with her of the sonnets (see note (2) Edit. Padova, p. 125). 

In Tratt. III., c. 14, Dante states that the body of Phi- 
losophy, the material subject of it, is DiAine Wisdom 
(Sapienza), that the form of Philosophy is ^^Amore^\ "ch'e 

?arte di Filosofia'^, and that morality is the beauty of 
Philosophy: ^^che siccome la bellezza del corpo risulta ddk 
membra , in quanto sono debitamente ordinate ; cosi la bel- 
lezza della sapienza, ch' h coT\yo di Filosofia, come detto 
h, risulta dall ordine dcUe virtu morali, che fanno qui^ 
piacere sensibilmenfe'^ (c. 15). 

Here we have the meaning of Purg. XXXI., 49— 51» 
as regards "/^ belle membra'' in which Beatrice was en- 
closed , and with which the Poet had been so familiar thit 
nothing in nature or art ever pleased him so much asth^ 
did. The verbal members of i)ivine Wisdom perish witn 
the using, 

Che Tuso de' mortali e come fronda 
In ramo che sen va, ed altre viene, 

but the substance of Divine Wisdom abideth for ever. 

It results from the above remarks, that the Donna of 
the V. N., of the Convito, and of the Divina Comraetoy 
is one and the same, only differently considered. In the 
first we have the Aristotelian form of Hcatrice treated ot 
that is Amore; in the second we have the Ipeauty of Be- 
atrice treated of, that is Morality, or Ethics, so far a? this 
work was carried on; in the third we liave tlie suhsUmef 
of Beatrice treated of, ^^il soggetto matiriale'\ or Sapiftt:^* 
in which the real nature of Dante^s Donna is made inaw* 
fest: and this is the Lady wlioni the P(»et loved from hU 
youth, who in wisdom led him witli her on earth, and, by 
the contemplation of lior excelltMice, raised him with hff 
to glory in licavon. 


CANTO Vn., VERSO 114. 

O per Vuna o per Valtra fue o fie, 
O per Vuno o per Valtro fue o fie, 
O per Vuno o per Valtra fue o fie, 
O per Vuna o per Valtro fue o fie. 

One hundred and sixty-seven Codici examined 
fave for the first reading 108 examples; for the 
wcond 52 ; for the ihird 5 , for the fourth 2 Codici. 

Codici Consulted. Rome 47 ; Florence 39 ; North 
of Italy and Siena 31 ; Paris, in the National Library 
13, in the Library of the Arsenal 3, at Montpellier 1 : 
Brit. Mu. 11; Oxford 11; Cambridge 3; Germany and 
Denmark 6; C. Libri, and C. Roscoe. 

Thirty of the Eoman Codici had the first read- 
ing, among them were the C. Vat. 4776, and that 
g). Caponi 1) containing the Latin version by 
iov. aa Serravalle; also the C. Barb. 1535, and 
the C. Caetani. Seventeen had the second reading, 
among them were the Ci. Vat. 3199, 366 and 365. 

Twenty -six of the Florentine Codici had the 
fitst reading; nine had the second; and four the 
M»rrf. Eight of these Codici were in the Lanren- 
^ana, six of which, including the C. Vill., had 
"tile first reading, and two, the C. Vise, and C. 
Temp. miL, had the third. 

Among tlie Codici in the North of Italy with 
the first reading, were the C. Land., and the C. 
Ihrciano. The C. Estense had the second read- 
ing; the C. at Parma, No. 17, had tlie fourth. 

Of the thirteen Codici in the Nfitional, or Im- 
perial Library at Paris , ten had the first reading, 
three the second^ this was the reading also of the 
three Codici in the Arsenal. 

Out of the eleven Codici in the Brit. M. only 
me had the ^^r^nrf reading , C. Brit. 3513; all the 
tbers had the first. In the eleven Oxford Codici 
Kamined on this verse, six had the/fr.v/ reading, 



five had tlie second. At Cambridge, two had the 
former, one the latter. The Codice at Berlin had 
the first reading, so also the C. Eug. at Viemuu 
The Dresden Codice had the fcurik reading, thus 
corresponding with C. No. 17, at Parma. 

Printed Editions. The six early editions, and 
also the extremely rare edition of Naples, 1477, 
have the first reading, which is that explained 
by Pietro di Dante, and Benvenuto da Imoia. But 
Buti preferred the second, and this was followed 
by Landino, by Aldus (1502 and 1515), by Vel- 
lutello, by Daniello, and by the Crusca (1595 and 
1598), when it became the established reading of 
Editors , and so continued for two hundred yean. 
Venturi, however (1732), though he gave the read- 
ing of the volgafa^ prefen-ed the other, sayiny 
"qualche esemplare dice ''o per funa o per faUn\ 
e allora intendi tanto per la giustizia, quanto per 
la misericordia, essendo Tumana redenzione U 
cosa in cui risplende la maggior gloria dell' un» 
e deir altra di queste divine perfezioni". Thtf 
was the sense in which the Prince Bishop, Giov. 
da Serravalle wrote , who for the euteiiainnient of 
his brethren assembled at the council of Constance 
in 1417, made his latin version and interpreta- 
tion — "nee inter ultimam noctcm, ct primum diem 
tam altus et magnificus processus sive per uniun 
modum sive per alti'um fuit vel erit". Or, a* 
the postilla to the C. Vat. 2866, explains it '*^ 
via di justicia et misericordia \ 

In 1791, the Padre Lombardi printed the fourth 
reading as a great discovery* making it appear to 
be that of the Nidoheafina^ which it is not. It was 
retained in the subsequent editions (I SI 5, 1820), 
and was printed by the FIditors of the Minerva 
Ed. 1822, and in the Editions of Florence (IS30 ! 
—41) and of Prato (1847—52); the four learned 
editors of the ^^ Divina Commedia ridotta a 


zione^\ Firenze 1837, having, in the meantime, 
itablished it as ihe reading from which in future 

^rould be heresy to depart. 

Monsignor Dionisi of Verona has the merit of 
aving restored the true reading, in his Edition of 
^arma 1796; and this has been followed by Witte, 
otwithstanding the fierce condemnation of it by 
18 friends the four Florentine Editors. 

"In the works of creation, in the order of celes- 
ial phenomena, in the laws of physical science, 
md in the ultimate facts of organic life — in the 
instincts of animals — in the faculties of the human 
mind, and in the affections of the human heart, 
man is privileged to perceive something of the 
power, wisdom , and goodness of the Deity ; but, 
ire must turn to the revealed work of Redemption, 
to feel and to know the perfection of His justice, 
wd the plenitude of His mercy." * 

CANTO Vm., VERSI 49—51. 

Cosi fatta, mi dise, il mondo m'cbbo 
Gill poco tempo; e, so piu fosse stato, 
Molto sark di mal, che non sarebbc. 

When the unfortunate Conradin, from the scaf- 
fold at Naples , in the Piazza del Mercato , rebutted 
•rith indignation the false accusations of his 
demies, and tlu'ew down his glove in token of 
lefiance, he publicly declared as his heir, Pietro 
dng of Aragon , who had married Constance the 
laughter of Manfred. The cruelties committed 
>ii the Normans .of Sicily by Henry VI., were 
fcvenged on his posterity in the third and fourth 
^generations ; but the Nemesis that pursued Charles 

^In 1857 the Author privately printed a dissertation on this passage, 
kowing the doctrinal importance of the reading found in the majority 
fCodici, and how mnch snperior it is, theologically, to any other, 
(ee **Lbttbjutuba Damtbsca''.) 


of Anjoii did not so long delay to strike. One 
of Cliarlcs' earliest exploits was to fly to the aid of 
his hrother, Louis IX., the Saint, who had fallen 
a victim in Africa to his religious fanaticism (1269). 
On returning home with his nephew, now become 
Philip 111. (tlie Hardy), in company with Prince 
Henry of England, son of Richard king of the 
Romans , a tempest destroyed the greater portion 
of his fleet. Charles had .ambitious views on 
Constantinople, and in 1278 prepared a great 
armament for its conquest. But before he could 
carry out his piu-pose, the ^^mala signoria^^ of the 
French in Sicily who, as Villani says ^^teneano 
i Ciciliani e Pugliesi per peggio die servi" (lib. 
VII., 56) rnised a spirit of rebellion which, fomented 
by Giovanni of Procida, disguised as a Franciscan, 
aided by Paleologos, and supported by Peter of 
Aragon, soon relieved the Sicilians from the de- 
tested yoke. * 

On Easter Monday, March 29*** 1282, on an 
insult l)eing offered by a French soldier to * 
woman f)f Palermo, tlic flame burst forth. Furiou5 
as the iires of Etna, tlie Sicilian Vespers raged 
thnmghout the island (v. 73 — 5). Never was a 
conspira(!y conducted more secretly, nor executed 
more promptly. ** 

The ruler of Aragon helped the revolt \\\\\\ W* 
fleet, and arriving at Palermo, was there crowned 

* I*opc Niccolo III., of the Orsiiii , is bclicvod also to htTek* 
Koino h.'iml in tlii:*, from Cliarlos not pormittinfr tho roiitifTs b*'''' 
to inarrv into tho roval family. Dante confirnig the report tbati* 

* * * * aft Aa 

received a snin of money from (fiovanni da Procida, as a babei* 
favour thi- nvult. Inf. " XIX., 97—9. ^Sco also Vill. 1. VIL *) 
Tht»popo died in Aujrust rJHl, to the ^tqhX joy of the kinp. 

** The numhcr i»ut to death hns been variously stated from ejl^ 
to twenty- t'our thmi^.ind; women and children perished indirt^^J 
nately, nnd the most atrocious horrors were committed; one individ** 
only, (iuilliiuinr t/r /^uurrrfrt. a proyon«,'al p^cntleman of irrepro»eb»W 
probity, was sjiarcd. Tho iirm countenance of the French il Mii' 
sina sayed thmi from tho general execution, but they were oblif* 
to leave Sicily. (.Vnqietil.) 

■ng: of Sicily, by the bishop of Cofalii, AugTiet 

J"" 12S2. The first act of the popular sover- 

gn was directed against his opponent of papal 

Bvetititute, who returned an equally threatening 

e«8age to the one he had received , and laid siege 

Messinu; but being in danger of having his 

fjplies from Naples cut off by the admiral Rug- 

Beoi di Loria, the best naval officer of the age, 

» nbandnned the project, and retired to Cala- 

ria (Vill. 1. Vn., 64—74). Thus Sicily was lost 

the house of Anjou. "E cosl si mostra, che 

mo umauo nt- forza di gente non ha riparo 

Anzi al giudicio di Dio." (Vill. I. VII., 74.) 

VU., 79—8!. 

' Charles still licld the kingdom of Naples and 

Lpulia, and supported by the Pope and the 

^valry of France , was more than a match for 

|ie new king of Sicily. Of this, Peter was per- 

'sctly aware, but being a master in cunning, and 

bly supported by his admiral, he contrived to 

icape from these dangers , and to defeat his 


IHe propoBod to Charles that they ehould terminate thoir 

^test by wager nf battle, on neutral ground, a hnndred 

ir^iere aside , themselves inclnded in the number. The 

anch prince agreed; Bordeaux, which belonged to Henry 

'.■ of England, was selected as the battle ground, and 

We I" 1283 named as the day of meeting. Thus Peter 

buied time, and drew off the attention of his adversary 

I what ho desired to conceal. All Europe was alive 

I news of th>' projected combat. Charles set forth 

fe in company with his royal nephew and a glit- 

.)at of knights iind nobles. Arrived ou the given 

fcthe iilace appointed, he there remained till snneet. 

i) Hng of Aragon did not come. Charles demanded ofi 

le Seneschal ■.•( tlie king of England the proof of Ms ap^ 

ig, and having received this, departed. In the evoningp 

tne wily Aragonese, disguisea, pretending that the 

ndi king, who was in the neighbournood, had a design 

him, mid that he was ready to fight as soon as 

392 PARADI80. 

In coiiflnnation of having thus saved, as he supposed, 
his personal honour, he left, in the hands of the Senesdial, 
his helmet, sword, and lance; and then got back to his 
own states as fast as he could (Vill. 1. VII., 86). Dante 
was at this time eighteen years of age. On quitting Naples 
to go to Paris, on his way to fight at Bourdeaux, Charies 
had left his sou, the prince of Salerno, vicar of the realm. 
Ruggieri di Loria knowing the temperament of the prince, 
by an insulting demonstration before the walls of Naples, 
drew him out to sea with the galleys at his disposal, 
defeated him, took him prisoner, and carried him, with 
the great officers of his court, in triumph to Messina, 
where Queen Constance remained as regent in the absence 
of her husband. Charles, furious at this result, resolved 
to wreak vengeance on his rival, and recover his only 
son. He collected a fleet of two hundred galleys and sped 
to Jlessina (1284). Arrived in the straits, the resointe 
Queen sent to inform him, that if he did not immediately 
quit the shores of Sicily, she would take oflf his son 
Charles' head Either the threat sufficed, or other cogent 
reasons prevailed, and the king retired. But the pnnee 
of Salerno was still in gi'cat peril ; the deputies of the 
Sicilian cities were clamorous for his execution, in revenge 
for that of (.^onradin. The noble Constance, as magnani- 
mous in security, as undaunted in danger, resolved to save 
him. She ]>ermitted the estates of the island to assemble^ 
and tlioy unanimously decided that he should die. On 
the following day, which was Good Friday, the sentence 
was couuniuiicated to him, and he was told to prepare 
himself to moot it. The reply he made, if true, was 
remarkable. "I am willing", he said, "to suffer on this 
day with (.-lirist my Saviour". The piety of the imuce 
found an echo in many hearts. The Queen infomiea hiw. 
that on account of his Christian resignation, and out of 
res])ect for tlio li<»ly day, his life would be spared: w^ 
she represented tt) the assembled states that, although 
regent (►f the kin<»:(l<mi, she had no power, in the absence 
of the King, to put her prisoner to death. Tnie iKifev 
is ever on tlie si<le of mercy, and so it was here. Tho* 
Constance saved the son of her fathers mortal enefflj? 
who had brought d(*struction on her house, and with reck- 
less cruelty had huiTied into eternity many of her nobl<^ 
kindred, and dearest friends. Well miglit the mangl^ 
shade of ^Tanircd exult in the beauty of his daughter 8 

— mia bclla fifrlia, genitrice 

Deir OQOr di C'ldlia e d'Aragonn. 

laUmce had a siator named Beatrice, who, when the 

J of Lticera, the refuge of Manfred's family after the 

tin of Benevento, fell into the hands of Charles of 

bjon, had been eent prisoner to CasteUamarc*, and now, 

" the capture of his son, was happily rclc^ased from 

tivity, so that Constanco had everj- reason to value hor 

Tie success of tlie king of Aragon brought upon him 

r enemies; Pope Martin IV., a Frenchman, elected in 

I, published a crusade against him. and gave away 

) tenitory to Charles of Valoia, second son ol the king 

France. But ttiese efforts failed, and Charles of 

■jou, a prey to tho deepest melancholy, died of fever at 

ggia, in Apulia, January 7"" I2S5, aged sixty-five years, 

. without some suspicion of having stranded himself. 

lute alludds to him in I*urgat«ry (Canto VII., 113), as 

d/h/ dai masthio naio", from tiie prominence of that 

■tare; and, at Canto XX., (>7, reproaches him with the 

^ths of Conradin and Thomas Aquinas. He built at 

Il|ilr<i the Castello Nuovo, and created many cavaliers. 

T the nutuniu died I'eter of Aragon, and also the lung of 

nunce, in the midst of a war by which both were losprs. 

mortal iTiomies may meet on their way to Heaven, 

inle shows, whero Charlos I. and the king of Aragon 

b found singing in harmony together (I*urg. \ II., 112—4). 

I Poet who speaks of botli from personal knowledge, 

I nf the latter, that 

U'ogni valor porlit cinta la corda. 

He was a large and powerful man ■ and to personal valor 

SMw^Tice of mind, added a stralccctic talent under the 
cant symbol of an outwanl good faith. In tlie group 
FnegUfTcnt monarchs passing the night together at the 
^e of the purgatorial mound, and witom Dante, placing 
ft Emperor above all , describes in the order of Germiin, 
'loeh, Italian and English (Purg. VII., 91-136), there 
J'WUii III., "tjuel nasetto" (103) "strctto a consiglio" with 
lory ni. of Navarre : 

Mori fuggendo c distioraiido il giglio: 

J died at Perpignan, October f/'' 128.1 (ViU. I. VlI., 

■). Dante ro])re8enti him as beating his breast in con- 

g Boiai "StorU i!-Ii»lU", Vol. XV., p. 21 


trition and sorrow; his companion is not iniicli less sad. 
Philip is contrasted unfavourably with tlie valiant king of 
Ara<)fon. Pietro loft four sons; Alfonso, the most like to 
his father^ succeeded to the paternal realm, and died in 
1201, aged 29; Jacopo, wlio then had the kingdom of 
Aragon; Frederigo, who held Sicily; and Pietro who had 
nothing fl 19—120). Charles II., when prince of Salcmo, 
passed through Florence in October 1282, on his way 
from France to Rome to meet his father, and possibly 
was then first seen by Dante; he is represented as being 
as much inferior to Charles I., as the latter was to Peter 
of Aragon (126—8). (See p. 206.) 

There is some difference of opinion as to who the Indies 
"Beatrice e Margherita" were, and who tliey had for their 
husbands , or whether they had only one between them, 
Cliarles of Anjou, who married first, Beatrice, the daugbter 
of Raymond count of Provence, and then, Margherita, the 
daughter of Eudes duke of Burgundy. Constance, the widow 
of Pietro, was living in 1300, but the other two ladies 
were not, this objection, if such it be, is not obviated by 
supposing, as many have done, that Margaret is put for 
the eldest daughter of Ravmond, who married St. Louis, 
the brother of Charles. See on Pard. VI., 142. 

Charles II., of the house of Anjou, commonly called 
lo ZoppOy was reloased from captivity tlirough the inte^ 
vention of Edward I. (1288), when the accommodating 
Nicholas IV., absolvf^l liim from his oaths; but the king 
had a more righteous consc-ienco than th(^ pope, and tb«-' 
hostages ho had givon having remained in custody, he 
voluntarily reconstituted liiniself a ])risoner in ArafjoD 
(12S9). On tlie <l<'ath of Alfonso of Aragon, his brother 
Jacopo still claiming the crown of Sicily, a ensuen 
between him and Fn^doric. The former marritnl Hianc^* 
the second danp:htrr of (yjiarlos, and ceded his claims ofj 
Sicily to his father-in-law; thev set forth to take it. aa*J 
a furious war f(»lIowed in wliich IVoderic, crowned kinj; •^^ 
Sicily as the elected of the states, showed great oouragT*^ 
and capacity; the dispute ended by his espousing f^loonor*- 
the third daughter of Charles, 1302. on the c<mditionth»^- 
at his death, the government should return to the djua*^?" 
of Anjou, whicli it did not. 

Ladislaus IV., king of Hungary, dying childless in l'-'*^ 
tlie crown, according to tlie laws of the country, pa»*cC* 
to his sister Maria, the wife of Charles II., who ceAed it 
to her eldest son Carlo MarteUo, and he was crowned at 

I'AKAniso. 395 

Naples (Vill. VII., 134), but his rival, Andrea II., reigned 
till 1301. The prince died in 1295, aged 23 years. Four 
years before his death, he married Clomenza, daughter of 
Rudolph of Ilapsburg, Emperor of Germany, by whom he 
had a son. Carlo Roberto (Carobert), who was subsequently 
elected king of Hungary in 1308. (Par. IX., 1.) 

Charles II., in May 1289, the year after his final libera- 
tion from prison, spent, with his son Carlo Martello, three 
days in Florence, on their way from France to Naples: 
possibly at this time Dante laid the foundation of that 
iriendsnip to which he alludes (55—7). Scarcely had they 

Iuitted tne city, when it was known that the Gliibelins of 
^rezzo purposed to attack them on their way to Siena. 
<*>n hearing it , eight hundred hors(». and three thousand in- 
fantry were sent out to accom])any and ]>rotect them. The 
king was much gratified at this, and the Florentines being 
about to make an attack on Arozzo, ho left them an ex- 
perienced captain, Mcssor Amerigo da Narbona, to com- 
mand th<»ir army. As Dante was in this expedition, it is 
probable also that he rode in the escort. 

The Poet was then in liis twenty-fourth year, the prince 
only eighteen: during Dante's official visits to Naples on 
the part of the Kepul)lic', tlie friendshij), Ix^gan in Florence, 
miglit ripen into intiniaev at hnine. and the <lonionstrations 
of kindness received, lay the foundation of those hopes 
which w<'n» never to 1h» realized. I^it it is nu»re ]>robal)le, 
I think, that the confimiation of this friendship took place 
later, in 12*^5, when, as related hy Villani (1. VIII., i;{), 
< 'arlo Martello, tlr jurr king of Ilun<:arv, eanie to Florence, 
to meet his father and hrothcTs. the latter now liberated 
from thrir con<lition of hosta^'s, aee«>nn»anied l)y a gallant 
retinue of two hundred vounjr e:ivali(*rs dressed like the 
king in the* same l)riglit enjours and etistunie. with the 
anns of Hungary enibrnidrred in silviT and golil on their 
saddle cloths, '*clie parea la piu liella conipagnia, ch«» 
mai avf^s.^e un giovane l{e con seco'*. He remained in 
Flon»nce more than twenty day>. reciMving nnich attention 
and respect from tjie FI«»rentines. h^MnL*" hiirhly in favour, 
and showing groat love to them in return. Thes4» were 
events in whi<*h the gay and gallant spirit t»f Dante Alli- 
ghieri w<Mild find a congenial sphere, and that could not 
fail ti» bring him into intinnite relations with the princt* 
whom all men delighted to honour. 

•'^Charles II. had been able to (piiet his conscience t^nly 
by a matriiiMmial alliance between his daughter Margaret 


and Carlo de Valois, by which, in consideration of receiv- 
ing the countries of Anjou and Maine, the latter consented 
to renounce his pretensions to the kingdoms of Aragon 
and Valentia. On the death of Alfonso (1291), the king 
of France and the pope were both urgent on Jacopo to 
renounce Sicily, but Nicholas IV. dying shortly afterwards 
(April 4^** 1292), he persisted in retaining it, and the con- 
clave of cardinals , thrown into interminable discord by the 
state of political parties, were unable for upwards of two 

i rears to come to any conclusion about a successor. At 
ength they elected, as by divine inspiration, the saintly 
Pietro da Morona, who much against his will, asCelestinV., 
was translated from his hermitage on the wild mountains 
of Murone, to the sovereignty of St. Peter's chair. Charles 
hastened to pay the holy man a visit, moved either by an 
innate sense of piety, or a desire to profit by his sim- 
plicity of character, and persuaded him to fix his residence 
at Naples. The short lived dignity of (-elestin, brought 
to an abrupt end by the intrigues of the Cardinal Gaotano, 
who as Bonifacio VIII., became ])ope, December 24'*' 1294, 
and the mysterious death of the ex -pontiff in 1296, a^* 
intimately connected with the historical incidents of the 
Divina Oommedia. (See p. 101.) 

Boniface, it would seem, outbid his predecessor in the 
interest of Charles, and his favourable inter\-entirtn now 
removed all iinpodimc^nts to the conclusion of a peaif* 
With hope cLat*' the king again set out for France. an<l 
Jacopo of Aragon renouncing his rights in Sicily, the thr(K* 
young princes, Louis, Robert, and John, who had remained 
as hostages, wero set at liberty after seven years of cap- 
tivity (1295). Well might their elder brother go forth ot» 
this occasion to meet them with joy and gladness, an" 
Dante and his fellow citizens rejoice together with theni* 

(.'harles II. died May ;")'*' i;^09, aged seventy - three vear^- 
and was succeeded on the throne of Naples b}- his thiro 
son Robert, Duke of Calabria. 

When the Emperor Henry VII. in 1310, descended i|»**^ 
Italy, Pope Clement V., then resident at Avign<m, foarinlT 
lest the Emj)eror should fix the im]>erial seat at Rom'** 
and appro])riate to himself the patrimony of St. Pete''" 
nifide Robert of Najvles his vicar in the Roman ]»roviiice^' 
to o[»pose th(» Kmperor's progress; the Florentines ftlf*^ 
looked up to him as thf? recognized head of the GueU^* 
The Ein|)eror, indignant at the opposition of the kinf? 
cited him to appear before him as nis vassal, and Rob^^^ 


refusing, he fulminated against him, April 25^^ 1313; a 
sentence of condemnation and destitution , as terrible in its 
language as that which Pope Gregor}* IX. had, in 1245, 
hurled at the Emperor Frederic II., but as harmless to 
hurt, as it was absurd to hear. Kin^ Robert was natu- 
rally of a pacific temper, more fit, perhaps, to occupy the 
cell of a monk than the throne of a prince (v. 145—7). 
It is related that he daily recited the canonical hours, as- 
sisted at divine service, and gave much time to meditation. 
He was, however, a generous patron, and studious culti- 
vator of literature; a strict administrator of justice; and 
when war had to be made, not wanting in energy and 
pcrsevcnince. He died January 19"' 1343, aged about 
sixty -four years, in the habit of the third order of St. 
Francifi, which, like Dante, he directed to be put on him 
as his end approached, a pious practice, at that time, not 


Dii ove Tronto e Verde in mare sgorga. 
Lii ove Tronto e Verde in mare sgorga. 

Twenty- mnk (.'odici examined on this verse 
(Home i;{; Hrit. M. 11; Ox. 4; and C. Rose.) gave 
tnr the first reading ^^I)a ovr^' or ^"/)ovr'\ 1!) Co- 
iliri , for the second 5 Codici. Other readings 
were also fonnd, as ^^/)a ondt'' (Ci. Brit. 19..'>87, 
22.7S(l; r. Ox. los); Ad dorr (C. Hrit. 21.163); 
and 'La dmr' ((;. Brit. 34()0). 

Among iIm* first wero (;i. Vat. 3190, 305, 300, 4777; 
<;. i'a.t.: and (\ Barb. LVC). ('i. Hrit. «M3, S39, 
in.317: i'i. Ox. l<»y, W,\ (all with tin ore). Among 
thf MHond were i\ Vat. 2373: Ci. Hrit. 932, 35S1; 
i\ Ox. 107. and C Uoscnii. 

Thf C. Brit. 21.n)3 has tin* reading ^'cnrer del mare*\ 
and tho C Hrit. 3513 ''invcnir murt'^^; this last ('odic(*, 
with 22.7SO, has '^TrcNfo'' tor ''Troftfo'\ 

TwKNTV-FouK pKiNTKi* Kditions ;^ave a majority 
f)f 13 texts for the lirst reading. 5 had ""da ondc^ 
ttlie Kdi. I and 4, Xid., Lonil>.. and Costa), and 


4 had "/tf dove^\ Benv., Aid., Rov., and Daniello ; 
Buti and Landino have the singular reading, 

Lk ove tronco el verde mare sgorga. 

Buti explains ^UroncOj cioe troncato lo como di Ausonia 
e partite dalla Sicilia, sgorga; cioe mette fuora lo mare 
nostro tirreno, o vero ionic nel mare siculo; e pero dicc^ 
el verde mare; cioe lo mare nostro tirreno che la pare 
molto verde, che qiiando era coniunto sgorgava". Lan- 
dino has: "dove el mare al quale dimostra verde colore 
separa la Sicilia dall* Italia '\ 

The Padre Ab. di Costanzo, in his remarks on the read- 
ings of the Codicc in the Archivio at Montecasino, was 
the first clearly to show, see his Letteka etc., that the 
Verde is the same as the ancient LiriSy now called Gari- 
gliano. The PostiL cm this passage in the Cod. Cas. is.. 
^UUn pars Regni Italia' y quie in forma cornu apparel in 
mappay q\m amfinatur per ista duo flumina, scilicet Trontum 
fluvium curre/ttem inter Apuliam, et Marchiam Anconte, d 
mictentem in marc Adriaticum , et Viridem fluvium currentem 
per Campaneamy et mictentem in mare Leonis^\ by which 
name the Mediterranean was tlien called. "Kel batto 
tempo varii furono i nomi del fiume Liri(s), ed or fu detto 
MinturnOy ora TraJettOy era CarnellOy o finalmento Gori- 
gliano come aneo ai nostri giorni si chi.ima, ma ebbean- 
cora qucUo di Verde y la dove passa da Sora, e Coprano.^' 
The Padre Costanzo (|Uotes the Abate Gattola in liis a*l" 
ditions ad Historiam Casinensemy to show that from a mixU^^ 
of sulphur with the water it became changed from azut^ i 
blue to green. The name Verde was given to it as cart 
as the end of the tenth century. lie also adds . . "An^^ 
certe 1014. die 17- Apnlis, eleganti marmore unia invef>^ 
pene muros veteris poutis, cum jussu Pauli V. sup^^ 
Lyrim seu Carnelhnn, qui nioenia C<iperani ambit, r*-^^^ 
ceretur, marmoreoijue operculo plumbo uma' adnexo h^^ 
inscriptio sculpta. 

Hie jaceo (-aroli Mamfredus marte subactus 
Ctesaris lieredi non fuit urbe locus. 
Sum Patris ex odiis ausus contligere Petro 
ilars dedit hie mortem, mors mihi cuncta tidit. 

It is an indubitable fact, says the Padre, that Manfr^^ 
was buried on the banks of the (iarigliano near the ^**L-^^ 
of Ceprano. The circumstance that the river was heC'^ 
called Verde from the colour of its water, helps to ^y^" 

PARADI80. 399 

plain the remarks of Buti and Landino, and the errors 
of copyists. 

By the treaty of peace conchided August 19'** 1302, 
between the house of Anjou, and that of Aragon, the 
island of Sicily and the four provinces of the main land, 
**la Calabria, la Puglia, la Terra di Lavoro, and I'Abruzzo", 
were distinguished as the kingdoms of Sicily and of Naples ; 
Dante marks the first of these provinces by Chatona, the 
second by Dart y and the third oy Gaeta; the position of 
the kingdom is indicated by the two rivers Tronto and 
Verde. Chatona used to be printed as Crotona and under- 
stood for Cotrone in (Jahibria Uiteriore, which serves to 
mark the foot of Italy and is a town; but all the British 
Museum texts*, and the four early editions have Chatona 
or Catonay which is a vill.ige just at the tip of the toe 
of Italy, and opposite to Messina, than which no locality 
coutd [)ett<T define, in connexi(ai with Ban and Gaeta , the 
triangulation of the kingdom of Naples. Catona is the 
reading of Buti, who also understood Crotona for this i)lace, 
"dove si ruppe Tltalia dalla Sicilia che fu gik t(Tra lenna, 
B(H:ondo che diceno gli autori presso a Reggio". Viviani 
has the merit of having restored the original reading, 
which Witte also has followed. 


E dove Sile e Cagnan s'accompagna, 

Cities (lisa])])ear, and tlieir ancient sites come 
to be idcntilied by the features of nature which 
rarelv alter. Mostly situated on or near to Rivers, 
these serve as their more perniaueut marks, and 
especially if they liave been phu^ed at the con- 
Hiience nf rivers. Dante >yas j)artial to this man- 
ner of refcrriufr to them: thus London is indicated 
by the Thames (Inf. XII., 120), 

Lr) cunr, che 'n huI Tamigi ancor si cola, 

alludiu'T to the lieart of Prince Ilenrv ^vhich had 
been jilaeed in Westminster Abbey (see p. 124). 

• rhatnna \V\. Ilrit. WX'A. JJ.Thi, :U.V.». .TiXl : rhuthtnm 10.;J17: Cattmn 

I'l.iw. h:v,», y:<2. :rii:i; Katntm ni..>7. ;iir,<». 


Paris is noticed by the Seine (Pard. XIX., 1 IS) 

Li si vedrk il duol che sopra Senna, 

in reference to the bad government and atrocious 
acts of Philippe le Bel. 

Florence is specified by the Arno finf. XXIH., 95) 
Sovra 1 bel fiume d'Amo alia gran villa, 
where Dante speaks of it as his birth place. 

Thus also Vicenza is meant by the Bacchiglione 
(Inf. XV., 1 1 3), where Andrea de' Mozzi is alluded 
to , as having been ti'anslated from the Bishopric 
of Florence to that see, 

Fu trasmutato d'Amo in Bacchiglione. 

Faenza and Imola are also mentioned by their 
rivers (Inf. XXVII., 49) 

La cittk di Lamone, e di Santemo; 

and Cesena by the Savio (Inf. XXVII., 52), 

E quella; a cui il Savio bagna il fianco. 

So here the city of Trevigi is indicated by the 
confluence of the Sile and Cagnano. 

This union takes place at the extremity of the City, 
towards the Portello, in the Kione del Botteniga, Quir- 
tiere del Portello, just at that spot where the Ponte del 
Impossibile, of six arches, spans the sluggish Cagnano, and 
the Sile, like a mountain torrent, its rapidity increa«d 
by the mills in the stream, conies rushing towards it, and 
bears its waters away mingled with its own. The line 
of junction is marked, no less by the different conditions 
of the water, that nf the Ca«jnano being turbid and muddVi 
that of the Sile clear and bluish, than by their different 
velocities. Here the Cagnano ends, its waters arc n<> 
longer its own, but become a part of the Sile. At the 
junction is the Port of Tn?vigi, and the Custom hottsej 
opposite to which is a military hospital. A little above 
the junction there is a bridge over the Silo of one aicbr 
calhid of Santa ilarghcrita, from the dismantled church 
in the neighbourhood, in which it is here believed th»^ 
Pietro Allighieri, the eldest son of the Poet, was buried 
(see p. 73). 

In the year 1300, Hiccardo da Cammino ruled in Trevigi. 



E di cui 6 la invidia (anio pianfa, 
E di cui u la invidia tufia quanta ^ 

Thirty - THREE Codici examined on this verse 
(Rome 14, Siena 3, Hrit. M. 11; Oxford 4, and 
C Roscoe) gave of the first reading 25, of the 
Becond 8 examples. 

Among the fonner were Ci. Vat. 3109, 365, 30G, 
367; (■. Ang. lOj; C. Barb. 1535; Ci. IWt. 013, 10.5S7 
and seven others; Ci. Ox. 107, 108; and C. IU»s<*oo. 

The latter were C. Caet.; C. Min. d. IV. 1 ; (\ Vat. 
4770; C. Barb. 1530; Ci. Brit. 932, 3513; and (^i. Ox. 

103; 109. 

Twenty- TimEE Printed Editions u-ave 18 ex- 
amples of the first reading, 5 of the second, (liuti; 
Edi. i and 4; Vend., and Landino). We find liere 
as elsewhere, Landino foUowing Huti. lint all 
the modern Editors folh)w Aldus. Huti ex}>hiins 
the verse: *'inipero eh' elli (Luc'ifer) e jKidre delT 
invidia*'. This reading is, I think, preferahh' to 
the usual one, it avoids a rej)Otition of tlie sinne 
word in a diflerent sense, nnd a;:rees h<tter with 
the general sentiment expressed in the terzina, 
that invidia abounds at Florenee. 

i^VNTO X., VEKSO 112. 

Kntrn neir nlta menio \\\\ si in-olondo 

Sav«T fu m«'SSo, etc. 
Enlro nell* /////*// mcutr un si jn*nt\»iMl«» 

Saver l*u niess«), rtc. 

Thirty -oNK Codki examined <»u tliis verse 
(Rome 15; Urit. M. 11; Oxford 1; and ('. Koseoe) 
jT'ive 2!i examples of the first reading; W of the 
nVermd. The V. Vat. TMW had '^Knfm v r /V////v/ 
ifr/i/r i,U\\ The ('. Vat. 'MU\) ^^ Enfm v r raltra 



lucc^ u: si profondo etc." The C. Ox. 107 and C, 
Brit. 839 had 

Entro v' e Talta mente u' si profondo 
Saper fii messo, etc. 

and the C. Ox. 103 had "Entro nella mia mente uii 
si profondo etc." 

Among the Ci. with the first reading were: Ci. Vat. 
365, 366, 4777; the C. Barb. 1535; the C. Ang. 9|; 
(the C. Caet. had '' Dentro'' for Entro); the Ci. Bnt. 
19.587, 10.317, and 22.7S0; the C. 3581 has ''Enno'' 
for Entro, The Ci. with the second reading were the 
C. Ang. 10|, and the Ci. Brit. 943, 21.163. 

Not one Codice of all these had the ordinary 
reading, ''^ Entro i^ c falta luce etc.", but in the C. 
Brit. 839 was the variante in the margin: "/iW7' 
alta lucc\ 

lows. For tlie /?r^/ reading, Bon., Edi. 2 and 3, 
Vend., Nid., Buti (Dentro)^ Land., and Viviani. 

For the second reading, p]di. 1 and 4. Aldus ha« 

Entro v' Taltu hicc; u' si profondo 
Sav(»r fu niesso, etc. 

And this was followed bv Uan., tlie Cms., Vulpu 
Lomb., Potig., Hing., Ces., Costa, '"^the Four, 
and Bianchi. Vellutello has the same reading ^^ 
the C. Brit. 

Entro v' (• I'alta nient(»; u' si ])rofondo 
Saper fu niosso, eto. 

and this wns followed by Dion., Frat. (Saver), und 

So that Benibo set the text wliich was not fouiw 
in anv of the tliirtv-one Codici examined, and ha* 
been followi'd l)y ten editors out of twenty-five, 
ineludin;^' '*th(' Four'', thou*rli it is the worst reaJ- \ 
ing of any. Tlie best reading is that of Dionisi 
niul Witte. 


CANTO X., VERSI 139—141. 

Indi come oroloffio, die ne chiami 
Neir ora che la sposa di Dio surge 
A mattinar lo sposo pcrche I'aini, 

^t la Verna, the Friars turn out at midniglit* 
the maflufino^ and return to their couches again 
half past one; at four they rise; at six they 
{ the ora prima and the ora scconda; at ten the 
za and sesta; at twelve they dine; at two p. ni. 
jy proceed to the church again to recite nona 
i vespers; and at six the compicfa, Tlie time 
' keeping tliese canonical liours varies in dif- 
ent establisliments ; but tlic hours themselves 
3 invariable in their order. The first is always 
fore day-light; thus Dante remarks (Purg.I., 115) 

L'alba vinceva I'ora mattutina. 

le ora prima corresponds to six a. m., it is men- 
aied Pard. XXVL, 141, in reference to the very 
ort time, only seven hours, that Adam is sup- 
•sed to have remained in the primitive Paradise : 

Daila prim' ora a qiiella ch' e secomla, 
Come il sol miita quadra, all' ora sesta. 

le ora (erza is nine a. m., and sesta is twelve 
iloek, or noon. Nona corresponds to the three 
>urs after midday, and begins from that time. 
'Bpero is said at the conmiencement of the three 
•urs before Sun -set, which end with the com- 
(a. Then comes Sun -set, and, half an hour 
er, follows the Ave Maria, Put into a tabulai* 
•m these hoiu*s would stand thus — 


Media iioctc surgebam ad confidendum tibi." Pstilm CXVUI,, 


11 ^Nlattutiuo before Sun -rise. 


Ora Prima | ^.j^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^f^^^ Sun -rise. 

(>ra Icrza ' ^ 

Ora iSosta { '^^^^ three hours before Noon. 

Mid day 
Nona ... I q.,^^, ^jj^^^, i^^^j^ ^f^^^ y^^^^^ 
\ esporo . . ' ^ ^ 
Toiupiota . } i'li^ tliree hours before Sun -set 

Srx SET 
Ave JIaria. Half an hour after Sun -set. 

It is necessary to bear in mind, that Ttrzn is 
not said till tlie tliird hoiu* after Siui-rise, so that 
ffuzza-iirza (Inf. XXXIV., 96) is one hoiu* and a 
half before (crza. or half })ast seven, and mezz€^ 
sesfa would be one hour and a half before «'*/«, 
or hah' })ast ten. Hut Nona is said when the first 
six liours are passed, so that mt^zza-nona is one 
hour and a half after nona . or half past oue, and 
mezzo-irs/frro is one hour and a half after respcro^ 
or half past four. For the correct way of reckon- 
ing tlu»se hours, in I)antc*'s time, see CoxviTO 
Tratt. IV., cap. 2;^. 


IVro chi d'osso loco fa parole 
Non dioa Ascesi, die dirt^bbr oorto, 
]Ma Orirnte, se pri^juio ilir vuole. 

*'Asisi, citta seratica",* is so rich in saintlv 
records, so renowned in sanctitieation, that the 
pen of an aii^el alone could do justice to its 
merits. Ihri* was born St. Francis: here the hi»ly 
sisters Saints A^^nes and Ciiiara lived, and loved: 
here pious hermits, in narrow cells scooped out 

• Si-o ilir lir'f 111' tin- I'atriart-a si-raluvJ, liv ilic I*. Aiigolico il;i Vi- 
cinza. ^'^■llk•o 17.'i«». 



of the limestone rocks, devoted tliemselves to 
fasting, meditation and jmiyer; and here, in tlie 
month of August, pilgrims flock from all parts 
of the country to obtain the pardon of their sins, 
and secure an entrance into everhisting life; the 
shortest, and surest road to which is popularly 
believed to lay through the house of Saint Francis, 
for over the door of it is the assuring inscri{)tion 
^"IlfTC est Porta Vitw JEternte^^ Now the indulgence 
of the Porziuncola, so this house is called, arose 
in tlie following numner. As the holy man was one 
night praying with great fervour of spirit, the 
I^Iadonna and her divine Son were graciously 
pleased to appear before him. Encouraged by their 
visible presence, and nothing doubting that what- 
ever he might ask in faith, believing, he wcmld 
receive, lie begged of the Saviour, through the 
intercession of the Mother, that a general ])ardon 
might be granted to all those, who, having pre- 
viously confessed and been absolved, might, with 
true penitent hearts, pass through the Porziuncola, 
provided that the Pope should a|)prove of the 
proceeding. His holiness, admonished of (Jod in 
a dream, gave his (*onsent, and f(»rthwith a com- 
luission of Hisho|)s was appointed to carry out 
the intention, and tlui h' <»f August was lixed 
uj>on f<»r its celebration. Accordingly, in the after- 
noon of this dav, in each year, the Fran(*iscans 
of Asisi, carrying the benediction of their founder, 
walk in solemn j»rocession through tlu* scorcliiiig 
sun, from their convent on the hill to the church 
of Santa Maria degli Angeli below, where the 
** Porfa viUr .EtiTnfr\ which has stood open the 
whole of the day to admit witliout distinction all 
whom nietv f»r curiositv may have drawn to the 
n|>ot, is then closed, to be (»jM*ned again at Vesj)ers, 
wlien only till suns<»t of th<* next dny. is the pass- 
ing through it held \\^ possess any saving eftic.icy. 

100 r.\KAi»is«». 

Snim* vf';ir.> aLr«» llu* Author >\ itiu-ssril tlii> ceremonv. 
TIh- v.•l^t j»ia//.a, outsiilt- tho rliuivh, tillod with a mulri- 
tmh' nf iMmiitrv |HM»nh». who hii«l flofkcd from far and near 
to ]»artirii»al*- in u\r jn'ivih'iro accorded t»» St. Francis, 
jin'si'uttMl a livini: ina>s of I'lithiisiastic human In-inp. 
whili' th«' iiarn»\v wav that h.*d ti» lif«' otornal, jrtianle*! bv 
militarv, ami i»rittt'i-ti-d bv stnuiLC harricados. was cramni'^ 
to siitl'oratioii. h sfi-incd |n*rilous to attempt thi.^ j»a.*:?affc. 
iu»ni* liiit th«' Hio<t drsi»orati* .s«»uls dan-d to venture there: 
in fact th«' v«-rv as^jiect of tlic>c zcahits? h:»oked .so thn?atf»n- 
in^', that a ca>nal sjicctator niitrht innocently have suspected 
they wiTc all p>in»; the wron*: way. As the moment drew 
n<*ar fi»r ojn'nin^ tjje door, the ardt»ur of the crowd increased 
to a fearful extent, the cries and >houts and ejacidations 
were redouMed, and hand> and arms were raiseil in 
eaiii-r anticipation of the comin^^ ji»y, to obtain which 
thou>an«ls liad toihul for manv davs thnuitrh the sunnuer 
>un. At lenj^th tin.' clajn»inj; of hands announced that the 
tliMir nf till' Ptirziunci'la wa> iM'ini: openetl. and. in a in«"»- 
nient more, the dense mass was? movin*:: forward amid 
clouds of ilust and univer>al clannuir. Manv stronir ono«, 
not cont«nt with passinir thri»uj;h once, on account of their 
sins, rtju-ati'tl the oporation, citlnM* t«» insure it* increa>eJ 
I'fticacy, or by way of a sjiiritual ])astinie. Nor wa> the 
cn»wd always sn jieacefully disjiosed a« became the can- 
didati'> for heaven: hand^^ u]»rai>'ed in fervent devotion. 
n"t nntVi-ijiniitly di>r«MnhMl with eijual finve tin the li«*a'l* 
of tljMx in tVoiit. wlio. >\ith correspoiidinL: wariiith. 
>trnL*"::linLC to r»iurn th»' eoinplinient , the tliftieultv ff rlu' 
niai!<«.n\ v«' iiHTi a--id their iinj»atieiu'i'. an«l tin* j»iou> cin- 
)»atant>. t'«>rLr<'lt'ul nf St. Kranci>. ihi' Madonna ami tlit- 
ror/.iunenhi, |«a>^ed tliroM:^h f^t*- i/itfr of Kh'rvtl I.ifi' 
bi;n\linu:. aid -en iniin^'. and liL;htin;r with one anotlior. 
In tonner tinn'> it wa^ no micomnion thin:^ for }»eo|il»* !«• 
,:^ei traiujiled !•» death i»n ihe^r anniversaries. th'^ 
>nn had >«'T. tlie ri'«»\Nd> were mi tln-ir wav In'ine, and 
th«' Pia/./a. which an hour betore hail been '•o thronirni 
wa-- now a eoni|iarniive d«><rt: the >udden di'^persion was 
n*' !•■>> -irikiniT than tin- cnllei-tinn itM*lf had been. Th^ 
r«»r/.iiuii«'la i^ a >niall uothie chajM-l. with a pointed r'»"t. 
Imilt of the liini-^toiir rock, and >tandinjr immotliately 
nnd'-r ilii- donio of the rhureh : there is an altar at tht* 
end within, and a fre>c'» by nv,.rln.i.k witlnmt, while «'V»'r 
the ^liMir jv tli«- >iiriiiticant in^eription 

Hac '^--t Torta vita* a*tern:v. 


The origin of the PorzhmcoUi is derived from the name 
a church, so called, which St. Benedict built at Sabiaco 
honour of the Queen of the Angels. Subsequently, the 
3nedictincs had an oratory here of the same name which 
ey presented to St. Francis. The Author of "Collis Pa- 
disi^', 1704, gives a view of it surrounded with tlie huts 
' the Franciscans; it has the same form as the present 
oilding. St. Francis was much attached to this locality, 
id it 18 related by his biographers, that Santa Chiara, 
ho»e residence was then at St. Damiano, coming here 
ith her companions to dine with St. Francis, the spiritual 
J of the dinner party became so truly ineffable, that 
€ whole place appeared to the people without in a ter- 
ble conflagration, so that they hastened to the spot to 
8cue the holy inmates and extinguish the flames. When, 
4eir great surprise, they found the place uninjured, 
id, on entering, beheld the nuns and friars at table, safe 
id sound, exceedingly happy and well pleased with each 
her. The Biographer merely remarks on this, that the 
'pearance of devouring flames was the symbol by which 
>d chose to make manifest to believing minds the sacred 
e of divine love. (M. S. 1843.) 

•Asisi, called by the Romans Asisiumy from the name 
the Mens Asius, now Subasio, on the side of which it 
tiids, appears to have been, originally, an inde])endent 
y of Tjmbria. The Padre Antonio of Orvicto, in his 
»torv, asserts, on the authority of tradition, that it 
18 tounded in the year 1616 before the Christian era, 
d that the first edifice there erected was the temple of 
in(?r\'a that stands in the market place , a well ])reserved 
inuinent of Roman art. In the time of Octavius Augustus, 
Usi had been made a municipality and capital city. The 
J)nian remains which exist show it to liavo been a place 
considerable importance. In the 3"^*' century it became 
bristian, and St. Rufino (235) was its first bishoj). In 
•e middle ages, it experienced its full share of vicissitudes 
- the hands of oi)posite parties, nor did it entirely escape 
'ft ravages of the Moors, who besieged it in 1234—5, 
lit the presence of mind of Santa (chiara saved it, and 
le enomv, as it is said, was driven back confounded by 
*r exhibition of the holy Eucharist from the window 
her room in S. Damiano. In 1528 Asisi submitted to 
le Pope, under whose paternal nile it has ever since been 
Creasing in population and importance. The streets of 
sisi lie along the hill side, mostly in })arallel lines, not 
"en the Piazza is quite level. The nouses arc built of the 


mountain limestone, and liavc a rather venerable appear- 
ance; tlni i)ointe(l arcli occurs frequently in them. The 
churches are mostly in an elegant style of gothic archi- 
tccturc, with a wheel window^ over the prinoinal portal. 
There are a few modern palaces. The wjills of the city are 
extensive, and enclose almost as many houses as iuhabitants. 
Th(? cathedral, dedicatcjd to S. Rufino, dates from 1140: but 
the orighial Basilica was founded in 412. The church of 
the Franciscans, whose noble convent, raised on arches, 
at the extremity of the city, looks, at a distance, like 
a vast castellated palace, was erected by Jacono Ale- 
manno, whose services Father EHa obtained of Freaeric 11. 
for that i)ur})ose; it was consecrated in 1253, three year* 
after the Emperor's death. Here is the ])ietorial history 
of St. Francis by Cimabue and Giotto, a very instmctivf 
and amusing Biography. In the church of St. Cliiara (1253 ^ 
whr'ro Agnes rests with her saintly sister, may be seen xlr^ 
crucifix, formerly in St. Damiano, that said to the yout"^ 
ful Francis **go and rt^pair my church which is in niins "* 
when he, taking the words ot the crucifix in their liter' - 
sense, wont home, collected all the money he could fin -^ 
and carried it to the curate of St. Damiano, who refngir*"^ 
to receive it, the pious youth threw it in at a window^ 
This ap(»rture is still shown, and there is an inscripticra 
as folhiws — 

II buon Francesco, in questo finestrino, 
(Jetlo la borsa di denari plena, 
IVr questo ri}>arar il temi)io divino. 

It was prohahly for this oft'ence that his father contiiir-*' 
liiin in llie cell which is shown in the house wlien^ i"*'- 
lived, now la Cliiesa Nuova, a small edifice in theltAli:^*' 
niauiKM*. Th<j clmrch of St. Damiano, a small and obsi'ur<? 
I)uil(ling about half a mile beyond the Porta Nuova, i#a^' 
tach<Ml to the conviait when^ Santa Chiara first eslahlii^h^* 
herself and sisterhood: but burly fat friars have ^n^' 
tak^'U their ))laces, and now instead of the seraphic s«»n|?? 
<»t' Vir;xin saints, we hear (Hily the rough voices of Hear- 
ing <'a|)uehins. There are a few otluT churches, nk'^ 
sf'vrral religious houses, and mimerous public juoturos <**^ 
the ^fadonna. An imposing castle frowns tVoiu above th^ 
eitv; and behind, in a deep vallev, the Tesche tako> *^' 
mountain eoiu'se, issuing forth from a ravine at th** «*" 
and winding in many a sinuous tV)ld through the ''li**^ 
Ix'aring plain. The inha!)itants of Asisi are reniarkaW*, 
for their urbanity, and, it is said, also for the purity ^* 


their lives. Iljippily, for the preHcrvation of good morals 
and manners, the city stands apart from the great high way 
between Florence and Rome. Asisi may be likened to a 
littlo Zion gradually growing less, but the blessing of 
8aint Francis still cleaves to it, and long may it do so. 

"Renedicta tu a Dominis (^ivitas Deo fideiis, quia 
l>cr te, et in te anima> nmltic salvabuntur, ct in to 
multi servi Altissimi habitabuut, et de te non pauci 
jnsti cligentiir ad vitam aiternam." 


Ma regalniente sua dura intonzione 
Ad Innocenzio aperse, e da lui elibe 
Primo sigillo a sua religione. 

Innocent III. wus made Poi)c in the early part 
of I I9S, and sat in St. Peter's chair nearly eifrhteen 
years; lie was a bold, saj^aeious, and ambitions 
man who jn'J^f^ped at tlie s(»verei}rnty of the whole 
civilized world. He enforc^-d the surrender of the 
lands hefineathed to the eliureli by the f'onntess 
Matilda, formed Tuseanv into a leafjue for tlu» 
a^rrandizement of the Papal se(!, jx'rsecutcd here- 
tic's to the death, and was favoured by heaven 
with useful visions for the support of erelesias- 
tical rule. Ambition and avari<*e rei}rn(;d in hi;rh 
pla<M»s, too o-reat strinjr<'n<*v of disci]»line had 
caused the inferior clero-v to run riot in irreli^ri^ns 
licenre: men, de|)rived of their lawful helpmates, 
had taken to their hearths ami hearts others of 
h'ss honorable character: monks and nuns wen* 
un lony'er |)atterns of self denial: while, t(» add 
to the abuses within, a flood of heresy from the 
Kast ha«l inundat(*d Kuropr, and seltlin^T <lown in 
Iter mountain vallevs. and alono- the fertile borders 
of her southern streams, o(*cMsioned an antaironism 
from without, so that tin* church of the liateran 
sct'iiied trulv in dantrer i>f fallimr. Innocent had 
timely intimation of the peril which threatened 

410 rAUADiso. 

it, and of tlic succour required. He beheld, in a 
vision, Saint Francis of Assisi propping up the 
ecclesiastical edifice with his shoulders, and will- 
ingly approved his order of the Frati Miiiori, or the 
begging friars, founded in humility, poverty, and 
love. (Pard. XL, 28—93). Subsequently, in a 
similar vision he saw Domenico de Gusniau, of 
Callaroga, performing for the church the same 
office, and approved the foundation of his order 
of the Frati Predicatori , or the preaching friars, 
though he did not live long enough to confirm if; 
this was done by his successor Honorius III. 
(Pard. XTL, 46—111.) 

San Francesco was born, in the flesh, A. 0. 
1182, but it was not till the vear r20« that he 
was born in the spirit, and commenced a new 
life entirely evangelical. At the beginniiiff be 
rencmnced every sort of worldly j^oods, inchidint? 
even his cloths, and that he might be born agaii^ 
as at first, stripped himself naked in the market 
place, before the bishop, his fnther Pietro HcnW" 
done looking on witli amazcmient (XL, r»2\ 

To judge by tlie fresco ot' (Jiotto, the Saint Wi^^ 

then as fine a youn«>' mnn as one nii»i'ht see in -^ 

thousand. Two years after this lie called i\^^ 

disciples, and sent tlieni forth to i)reach. In 121'' 

he wrote the rules of his order, and iccoivc«i 

from the lienedictines tlu^ Porziuncola (see p. 4i'v/' 

In 1212 he consecrated to Jesus Christ tlu* iiobK' 

ladies Santa Chiarn and S;inta Agnese, two sister!* 

of Asisi, and founded his second order. In 12-' 

he founded his third order of ] penitents. In 12-"* 

he received the sti"*m:ita on Mount Alvernia (L^ 

f • ■ t - ■» "111 

Vernia), nnd on Saturday the 4"' of (.)ctober 122"' 

'^Seraticus ilh^ vir, minorum Patriiircha. Assi^^'^ 

Franciscus, Crucifixi Hedem|)toris imitator in>i- 

gnis etc. etc.'' breathed his last, aged ITi. Fatkr 

Klia, the friend of Frederic II., saw him ascend 


ven ^^per diriita v%a\ in the form of a brilliaDt 
n a white cloud; and the feathered tribe, 
the saint had always regarded with especial 
, chanted his requiem as he went up.* He 
Iso seen to ascend by a moribund friar, 
jked the saint to stop and take liim with 
n 1228 Francesco was canonized by Gre- 
X., and in 1230, the same pope, by letters 
lical, created the new church of St. Francis, 
id and mother of the order minoritico. The 
was consecrated in 1253, the same year 
mta Chiara and her sister died. 

CANTO XI., VERSI 106-8. 

Nel cnido sasso intra, Tevere ed Arno, 
Da Cristo prese riiltimo sigillo, 
Che le sue membra du' anni portamo. 

I up amon^ the mountain ranj^es to the east 
Florence, with a climate scarcely Italian, 
soil where tlie oaktree takes the place of 
t^c, is the well watered and fertile valley of 
sentino, rich in reminiscences of Dante 
cri, and remarkable for its romantic beauty, 
he River Arno, fresh from its rockv source 
ite Falterona at the head of the valley, 

II southward, fed by tributary streams, pass- 
its course the small towns of Stia, Prato- 
), Poppi, and Hibbicna, and as it ap- 
es Arezzo turning from it in a disdainful 
ind bending" its course back to flow through 
?e. Near the entrance to the valley, by 
id from Pontassieve, is the battle field of 

ogni modo in pran mnltitiidiuo s'aduriftrono sopra il tetto 
i, e con insolita alleprezza, battendo Pali, e girando all' 
riocondo o chiaro testimonio reiravano dolT ctorna felicity, 
tosto pabsa doveva queH' uonio piirissinio, chc a cantar 
laudc era solitu d^invitarli." 

412 rAUADiso. 

Canipal(liiu) , where, iii 12*^9, l^ante, as a Guelf. 
commenced Ills political career, fighting in tlie 
front rank of the Fh>rentine cavah'v; and where, 
twentv-two vears later, he mav be said to have 
ended it, when, from the Castle of Porciano. ""W* 
fontcm Sarnr. he wrote, as an uncompromising 
Ghibelin, his memorable letter tt> the Emperor 
Henry Vir'\ urging him, mthout dehiy, to march 
against the rebellious Florentines. 

This castle is not far from Stia, and the view 
it affords, lookin*^: down and aloiiff the vallev, 
is extremelv interestin<r. (^n a neifrhbourinjr eleva- 
tion we see the ruins of Komena (p. 1 5^) : beyond 
this are the stately towers of Pop])i, with its nol>le 
Palazzo del Podesta, l)uilt by La])o di Cambio, 
who afterwards erected a similar edifice at Flo- 
rence, and whose dcsin^H was imitated by Anolfo 
in the Palazzo dei Signori: these crown the suininit 
of a lofty hill, making it look like the ver}" 
metropolis of this picturesque valley. Poppi and 
its ])alace recall to mind the interesting story '»f 
the '*buona Gualdrada". whose modesty and finii- 
ness, as related by l>ocr;u*cio, ])rocured for her 
the richest dowrv of nnv maiden in Tuscanv. niifl 
whose grandson, (>uido-gnorra . is introducea ov 
Dante, as equallv distinguislied in council and i" 
war (sec p. ll)^\ liiyond Po|)pi is Bibbicna. al:?«.» 
])crched on the top of a steep hill, from whence 
we look d(»wn upon the ''Archiauo robusto". 

Clie snvra rKrin«^ nasce in Ai>onnino, 

and tracing its course to the Arno, may observe 
where Ibionconte di Moutifcltro. Captain geucnu 
of the Aretini in the battle of Campaldino. 

Fiigi:roinl«» a ]»ir<lo, r iiisaii.:rniiiaii<lo "1 piano. 

sank down and died. The loftv alnine ridjre 
wliich from Mniite FaltiTona pnsses in a SE. di- 
rection nbove (/aiuaUlolc .' to the source of the 


Tevcrc, and which Dante calls "il grand giogo", 
bounds the Casentino on this side, as Pratoniagno, 
and the Alps of the Jiadia, bound it on the other. 
A mountain road passing easterly from Bibbiena, 
leads to Alvernia, or La \'erna (Pietra Verna), 
seven miles distant. The sanctuary and its sacred 
wood, bristling up among vast fragments of a 
very hard porphyritic conglomerate, appears on 
a ridge of the Apennines, as prominent as the nose 
on tlie face of the holy St. Francis — a mark on 
the horizon seen from afar, and the most con- 
spieuous object in the neighbourhood. Dante has 
accurately described its position, 

Niil criido sassu intra Ti'vi:rc eil Ariio. 

It would appear that Otlio r', in «j()7, privilugtjd to 
line (lot) rodo; son ot IKh^brando, tlu^ i'cndal right and title 
to tilt' A|M>nninL*s (»t' the i'ast'ntinu; and tiiat tlie possesisioii 
wai» continued in the family till 12Kt; when tht* Signoria 
•it" tJhinsi and Montedoglio having des'eentled to Orlaiuh), 
th<* lord ot' t'hinsi, th<* latti'r eont'erreil it on St. Kraneis, 
w lio at this period hapiicncd t<» br his guest. The sons 
ol" Orlaiuloj in 1274, eontirinrd the bet^uest to tin? t»nler. 
I'Ih' tirst Kreino was i'n.*et»Hl hen* in J2JS, on the south 
^itlt■ ot' the roek. Tlu^ ehureh was d<Mlirat<'d tu the Ma- 
donna (h'gli Angeli, and gave the title to that al'terwards 
i-i-iTt«-d in I.'UN by Saeeon*: 'I'arlati ot* I'ictraniaia. The 
i'oiivent and ehureli ol" tht- Stiniate w«'r«* tinislunl in 1204; 
at the (Xpenst; nl' the Count Sinionc di J>attii'olh'. In 
1 I.VJ this ehureh was rebuilt. Th»* I'Vati Minori (^Minori 
Cuiivtntualii n-sideil lure t'r«>ni I21S till 1 l^tO, wln-n the 
M.-«>i rvanti tinik their plaee and n'uiainrd until l<)2r>; the 
Min<*ri liit'orniati .suee«'eded tiit-iu. In is Is. the Author spent 
j-Mne* d:ivs ln-p*; at that tinur th«* tauiilv i-on>i>tfd ut 117 
jii-r>on>, ini-lu«ling s»-e\Uar>. Tin- jp-ad ot' tlie r.stablish- 
in(*nt is niiuK'd tin? i'adrt* iiuardiant>, he i.^ elfrtrd lor 
liipr y<ai>, but may be eontinui-d lung<r; on tiu' expira- 
tion «»t hi> iillirr he p'turns t«» thr ranks. Tin* onh-r in 
"i UM-aiiN ha.- lour 1 )<tinit«)ri, who an- eliar;;<'d with the 
tr:in>tVr ol' individual> trum on<- eonvfut to anotlu'r. In 
rank next above tlie J)clinitoi-r^ is the Provineiale^ the 
ibii-t' ot' the order in tin; proxinee^ and above him is the 
J'ru«-nratore tieiuTale, who ahuig with the tunerale, tin; 


head of the order, resides at Rome. A Dofinatore, after 
four or five years , retunis to the capacity of an ordinarv 
member of the society, but is always regarded with respect, 
as being a person of talent. The Padre Lettore at la 
Verna, the family professor of Theolog}', had been Guar- 
diano and Dofinatore, and was exempt from turning out 
at midnight with his brethren to keep the Mattutino in the 
church of the Stimate. 

The name given by Dante to the rock on which the 
convent is built, might, with nmch propriety, be trans- 
ferred to the locality itself, which is cold and cLimp. Tie 
rocks about la Verna are split up into blocks and per- 
j)endicular masses, with rents, ana fissures, and caverns of 
singular shapes and pro})ortions; in one of these St. Francis 
was pleased to lay his head, and in another to say ha 
j)rayers. This latter is called the sasso spicco; it toucbw 
the adjacent rock at one point only, and the simple luinded 
friars regard its stability as a perpetual miracle. Tliey 
also ascribe many of the splits and rents to the eftect of 
the earthquake at our Saviour's crucifixion, and believe 
that similar phenomena were repeated here at the suffer- 
ings of St. Francis, thus looking uj)Ou la Verna as a seconil 
Calvary. The sjJitting of the rocks was owing to volcauic 
action, evidences of which may here be seen in torrents 
of tufa interspersed with streams of volcanic nmd. The 
spot where St. Francis received the prints of the wxA^ i" 
his liands and feet flc stimntr) is regarded as the nu^*^ 
holy })lace of all, and the anniversary of this event, ^Y" 
teniber 17^'', is lu-n^ the grand fete day. One of the la* 
thers assured me that thev were real wounds, which »» 
most probable, and that the saint was found the nest 
morning in a state of insensibility from pain and suflering* 
In pit^-torial representations, these wounds are produced 
by rays of light })roceeding from a vision «>f the Redeemer. 

St. Francis of Asisi, 

la cui mirabil vita 
Meglio in gloria d<*l t-iel si canterrbbe, 

was drserv(?dly regardrd by l)antt? with poculiar venera- 
tion; the ))urity of his motives, his jM-rsonal character, his 
noi)l<» soul, alive U) all the charms and b<»auties of naturt\ 
and full of the most tender and delicate sentiments, added 
to his self denial, humility and p(>verty, present him to 
us, as, **rhomnie <lu moncle (pii, par son exquise buutc. 
sa connnuniim delicate, fine et tendre avec la vie univer- 
selle, a le plus ressembh' l\ .lesus'\ (M. Kenan.) 


CANTO XI., VERSI 136-9. 

In parte fia la tua voglia contenta: 

Ferche vedrai la pianta onde si scheggia, 
Vedrai il corregger che argomenta 

U' ben s'impingua; sc non si vaneggia. 

E vedrai il correggier cK argofnenta 

&c. &c. 

Thirty -FIVE Codici consulted (Rome 12; Flo- 
ence 7; British M. II; Oxford 4; and C Roscoe) 
;ave 29 for vedrai or vcderai^ and (5 only for ve- 
Ira^ which is but a contraction of the former, 
*edra\ and not vedrd as frequently printed. The 
atter six were C. Caet., Ci. Vat. 3199, 3200, 4776, 
1777 and 367. 

Among the Codici >vith vcdim were the Ci. Vat. 
165, 366; the seven Codici consulted in the Ric- 
3ardiana; all the British Museum Codici; the C. 
Ros., and two at Oxford, Ci. 107 and 108. (Accord- 
ng to Biagioli , vedrai is also the reading of the 
-. Stuard.) The C. Barb. 1535, the C. Ang. 10§, 
md the Ci. Ox. 103, 109 have vederai. 

The first question on v. 138 in this passage is, 
•^ot whether we should read vedtai or vedrd^ but 
whether it should be Vedrai or E vedrai. The 
evidence derived from the Museum Codici, and 
^hose at Oxford is against the use of the con- 
junction: out of these l(> Codici, onlv 5 have E( 
or^, these are Ci. Brit. 139, 3513, 35S1, 22.780, 
and C. Ox. 109, which reads "A" /u vederai il cor- 
reger vhargomcn(a^\ 

The next question is, whether we should read 
^^rK argomenta^^ or ^^che s\iryomenfa^\ The Roman 
md Florentine Codici are against this latter rcad- 
ng by a great majority, and it is found in 6 
mlv out of the 16 British Codici examined, in 
►ne of which, C. Brit. 94*^, it now exists no longer, 
nly tlie traces of it; the other five Codici are 


Ci. Jirit. 3581, 10.317, 22.780; and Ci. Ox. 107, 
'Fhe original reading of the C. Brit. 943 was 

In parte fia ]<i tiia voglia contenta 

jiclic vodrai la pianta nnde si selicggia 
vcdrai ol corrcgior chsiarghumenta, 

I J ben si ])igna seno si vanegia. 

Hut now, V. 138 has ^^carghomcnfa\ this, how- 
ever, is a modern alter<'\tion , there are still the 
faint traces of the original letters left, the erasure 
not having been perfect. The C. Brit. 1{).7S9 lia« 

In parte fie la tua vt»lglia contenta. 

perche vedrai la pianta ondc si schegia. 

vedrai 11 coregier die argumcnta. 
U ben sin pingna send si vanegia. 

Another diil'erence found among the (.'odici in tlie reaJing 
of V. IHS, consists in the various modes of spelling f ■ 
reyyier; I shall set down here a selection froni them. 


Vcnlrai il corregtjier che sargonuaita. 10.317. 

Kt vedrai 11 chorregijier chargonuaita. 3513. 

Et vedrai il vhorrvfjier che sarghonuMita. 22.780. 
Vedray il vhoreyier eh' si argomenta. C Ox. lOi* 
Vedrai il vurt'ijicrl die sargonienta. (\ Ox. IrtS- 
\'<'drai il corrfjfjirr die argomenta. ;54UO. 

Kt vedrai il mrrvf/f/rr diargomenta. S*^^». * 

Vcderai il runvf/hr dii" argomenta. C t )x. lUS 
Vedrail cnrvf/er die argomenta. WWl* ** 

Tliese, with the verses previously ([Uoted, atford olevon 
varieties in the wiiting of this word. 

TwKNTY-six Pkintkd EDITIONS g:ave the follow- 
ing^ result: 2(1 had the article, had it not; these 
hitter were I hit.: Kdi. I, 2, 4; Land., and VelUi- 
tello fvvflcrai). The Ed. I? has E rvflrrai. 

Tliat only one »»f these four early editions has then'O- 
junetion r proves, what has before been statinl, that their 
readings, taken together, show either the same proportion 

■^ So also Ci. Vfit. ;JI'.M) iK), ami ar.i;.- tlio ('. IJarli. i:>r» with "K 
i'fi/trai'\ ami tin' ('. An<r. lO;. 

** Tliis nulicM- lias lien- hwu cnn'li'ssly oo|iii'fl: tin* last vrrso is* 
"I'll lull siiMii;!iic c'lu' iii» si vniu'jr^ia." 


differences as the Codici, or very nearly correspond to 
f result obtained from them-, thus the Codici give 5 to 
for the conjunction, the four editions give 1 to 4, or 
less than the latter, which is the nearest approxima- 
Q they could give. The readings with the conjunction 
re, for tf vedrai (6) Ben., Vend., Nid., Viv., "the Four'^ 
i Witte; e vederai (2) Ed. 3, and Frat.; et vedra' (2) 
i., and Danielle; e vedra^ (5) Crusca, Vent., Pogg., 
ftg., Cesari ; and for the mistake of the Padre Lombardi, 
fedruy (5) Lomb., Rom., i Padovani, Costa, and Bianchi. 
^mbardi says, that three MSS. of the Corsini Library 
ve his reading; now there is no Codice in this library 
sufficient authority for changing an established text, 
B whole taken together are not to be compared with the 
idici in the Vatican. Venturi was here quite right, 
OQgh Lombardi blamed him for taking an unfair ad- 
ntage of vedra, ''approfitando delF apostrofo dalle mo- 
me edizioni segnato sopra Tultima sillaba^'. Aldus has 
ia (1502 and 15); the Crusca has it (1595)? and so has 
>lpi (1727); it is a correct form. 

The next question is whether we sliould read 
earrcgicr^ correggier etc., or // corregger etc.? 
eaning by the former S. Domenico ; by the latter 
e argument contained in the words i/' ben etc. 
ow the reading of Vendelin is — 

perche vedrai la pianta onde si scheggia 
e vedrai il corregger che argomenta 
Un ben simpingua se nonsi ^neggia. 

On which the commentator remarks : " Cioe se frati suoi 
fedicatori segueno sua vestigia e ordine chiaro appare 
le sono beati. Et pero io dicto dubbio 6 dichiarato. 
H ben sinpingua . Cioe nel ordine di San Domenico senon 

avegna vaneggia. Cioe se non attendono ad altra cura. 
t qnto piu. Cioe quanto 11 suoi frati pin si dilungano 
il ordine tanto smagrano elli piue c li suoi uberi si 
ivano e diventano voti di lacte." The Nidobcatina has 
e reading U hen, and remarks: "Peroche vederai la 
its . cioe lalbero onde si leva quello dire uben sira- 
dgoa . e vederai il correggiere desso." The commentator 
en refers to a legend of what took place at Rome, when 
L Francis and St. Dominic appeared before the (Cardinal 
ihop of Ostia, afterwards Pope, and were asked, wliy 
e members of their orders, who by example and doctrine 
ipassed the others, should not bo made bishops and 



])rclates. On this occasion tlie humility of St. Francis 
withhehl him irom answering first: and the humility at 
Si. Dominic prompted him at once to obey the cardinal. 
So ho replied; that, although his preaching triars were veil 
trained to do their duty, he would not let them mount any 
higher. And then St. Francis followed, and said, his frian 
were called *'w/wor/" because they should not become "»•■ 
f/iorf-\ Now, adds the commentator, God knows, and the 
world sees, what these "corrcf/f/ieri e cordelierp^ make them- 

The Nidobeatina, in the text, reads ^'correggierp^ but is 
the comment correggiere, Lombardi made another nodsUke 
in supi)osing that Dante here meant the Dominicans, who 
gird(^tt themselves with the coreggla^ a leather thonff, the 
Franciscans girding themselves with a cord, and liencff 
the distinction in their names coreggieri e cordiglieri, which 
]^ia«i^i()li is pleased to ignore, possibly to show his cob- 
tempt for Lombardi and both orders alike. He sav^ 
"eoreggier h lo stesso che cordigliere^^y it is evident M 
did not know the difference. The remarks in the Procnw 
of the Ottimo on the two orders arc here much to the 
])urpo8e. "God provided for directing the Christian 6i4 
two chiefs, who were and are conductors of the ChuiA 
and who formed two orders, that of the Minor! , entirdy 
devoted to holiness, and that of the Predicatori given •• 
scicnee. l)i (piello della scienza tocca qui — V' ben si*- 
phigf/ff cr,: (piasi a dire: se 1 frate di quello ordine iHffl 
altende a vanitade, elli e in tale ordine e a tale escnafl*^ 
<lin*tt(), elr elli in^rassera ben(^, cioe avra ogni nerfe^tt 
scienza.'^ In tlie comuKmtary ascribed to Pietro Allighie"? 
it is said of the Hock of S. Domenico, ''qui in scienttf 
j)rac('edunt eonnniiter alios Fratres, ])lcrum(]ue superhl 
hu'duntur. lTiid(* dicitur: sctcntia in/fat, idest supcitoj 
(piac r\ seientia provenit. Et hoc est quod concludit. qiHW 
bene inipinguatur quis, si non vane et superbe proceW 
in dicta ro^da sancti Dominici eorum archimandritic • 
And lie winds up his remarks with a saying of August*' 
that lie had never f(»und better men than those w 
nMiiainod in monasteries, nor worse than those who C90^ 
nut of them. 

'•rH'lia ditlorenza dal verbo correggvre a coreggiir^^ ^ 
ilaiuis Viviani; and so (me would think, but BenvenoW 
*lid not, if his editor has not done him wrong, for 1* 
rrad // cnrrrgicr and (^xj)lained it "e conoscerai quel »r; 
^•onirnti) raei'liiudono le ])arnle u hen etc," While Bufi 
\vn»te 7 nnrcggrr, and explained it in thi» other way, 


Domenico. Lombard!; not very gracefully, accuses 
smdino, Vellutello and Daniciio, of not hazarding any 
liosa on this passage, as he believed, '^da oscttriia trat- 
im/i"; and then attacks Venturi for putting an apostrophe. 
[it two of the three transition commentators did not pass 
rer this passage in silence; tliey made sense of it, which 
e Padre Lombardi did not. Landino, who read, 

In parte fia la tua voglia contenta 

perche vedrai la pianta ove si scheggia 
vedarai il corregger che argomenta 

Do ben sinpingua se non si vaneggia. 

c^Iained: "Dove bene s^impingua, cioe ingrassa: se non 
vaneggia. Intese, che Tanima ingrassava d'ottimo cibo : 
oh dcfia sacra theologia. Se non si vaneggia: id est se 
on si attendessi per lore alle scientie secolari, che gli 
inno . invanire, et insuperbire: overamente non atten- 
essino alia theolo^a, per acquistare fama et inutile glo- 
ia." Vellutello follows to the same purport. It is true 
leither of the three offer any remark on v. 138, it was not 
lecessary; with the reading corregger the sense is obvious. 
Bnti in explaining corregger as S. Domenico, was obliged 
to explain la pianta as the sentence (X. 96) "cioe lo 
ietto, che e come pianta '', and ^^unde si scheggia '^ cioe 
ondc si deriva, come la schegeia da la pianta, questo 
ietto''. Scheggia means a chip, fragment, also a dry twig, 
•nd may mean the trunk of a tree ; scheggiare^ fare schegge, 
ievar le schegge, has a special reference to the case of the 

From the whole teiiour of the preceding dis- 
course, it is obvious, that la pianta means the 
Order with its institutions as founded by San. Do- 
t&enico; and schegge^ the chips, or twigs that are 
ieparated from the parent plant, and thus, losing 
^he nourishment they would otherwise derive from 
the root, become saj)less, are dried up and 
vrithered. This was the sense in which the earliest 
tommentators understood the passage, as shown 
by the quotations already given. 1 think Lan- 
ihno was right in leaving out the conjunction 
before vedrai or vederai^ as in the majority of Co- 
fici, also in putting a colon, in his comment, to v, 
136, a suggestion followed out by Aldus: we thus 



commence u new sentence witli v. 137; and v. 
138 expresses the condition there alhided to, as 
though tlie Dominican (St. Thomas) had said: 
'For as much as seeing how the Dominicans 
desert their institution, and neglecting the rulca 
of their order , follow other ways and become as 
dried chips, thou wilt see the force of that ob- 
servation before made in reference to the pre- 
scribed p<ath, U^ ben s^ impingua^ se non si ranegpi\ 
If we read Correggicr we must understand by it 
what the Dominican (St. Thomas) had said, who 
is still addressing Dante; to take it as intended 
for St. Thomas himself would be absurd , and for 
the founder of the order, little less so. It may 
have Ijcen on account of this dilemma that Lom- 
bardi altered the verb , and wrote vedra , thus sub- 
stituting a meaning of his own for that of Dantfe 
Fraticclli rightly blames liOmbardi for his altera- 
tion (Edit. 1 860) ; but the remark that, to sustain 
his reading, he introduced **di suo arbitrio un * 
fra il chc e aryomenta^\ is not so true, for thi| 
reading is found in Codici, of which fact Frati- 
cclli docs not seem to have been awjire. 


Dirotro iul Ostionse ed a Taddeo. 

Tlio celebrity of the Florentine Physician, Maestro W" 
(le<» (VAlderotto, hi» learned labours, the success of W 
jiraetice, the fortune he amassed, and the benevolencf 
which led him to (lisi)08e of his wealth cliieHy in foaar 
in^ ho{>i>itals and ])roviding for the poor and needv, * 
title him to more notice than he has hitherto received fw* 
commentators on the Divina (^ommedia. His history* * 
related !)y FiHi)})o Villani, "De Taddeo sonimo Fiaico'*' 
in \\\> lives of illustrious Florentines,*' is a very marvelloo* 
►story, and re([uires to be read with the corrections supp'i^ 
hy Anton Maria Biscioni, in his note to that passage >■ 

*'!.(■ \\\\' (riioniini illiistri riorontini otr./\ VcnexiJi, 1747. 

i Convid) (Tratl. 1., ]()), where Dante, alluding to liis 
miun of th« Etiiics of Aristotle, epoaks of it &a not 
bidbring juatieo to tlic national idiom.* 
■According to Villiuii. Taddoo was boru at Floreiice about 
S**, of very hniublo iioreiitttgc, and up to \m thirtieth 
r was a poor sttipid idiot who, to Biipport his uiiscrBblu 
rtencu, 8(ild farthing candles at the slirine of the mira- 
Jjoas Madonna of Orto San Michelc. 
I After this time, however, hU constitution underwent a 
■vellouft ehaiigo, the grose and slng^eh humours which 
prevented his mental dcvelopement , gavo placo to 
iltlty Action, tlie operations of tiie soul were no longer 
idod, and Taddoo, as from an oppressive sleep, awoke 
r lifr and became a new man. 
KHiA wind which hatl previously been ao oppressed , inort, 
*■! Htnpid, now took on a wonderful activity. Taddco 
t roused up to an intonae desire for the acnuisition of 
lowlcdgc; with ardent solicitude ho sot nimHolf to 
Iqnin the first elements of letters ; and It^arnt grammar 
Ln incredibly ahort space of time. Having, with a 
1 friendly helj), been onabled to proceed to Bologna, 
Bteoled with the poorest living, without intermission, 
it loiiog a moment, by dav ami by night, he resolved 
J make up for tlie time he nad lost, and devoted himself 
I Pliiloaouhy and the litudy of the liberal arte. Eventually 
i Applietl liimMclf to Aleilielne, and to every branch of 
Icncc connF;ct(>d with it, «o that he became the most learned 
■ysieiAD "f his time, taught Physic in thcUniversity of Bo- 
^na, for which ho received a public salary, and practised 
t healing art with eminent success. 
ht first he showed no regard for the lucrative fruits of 
skill and attainmcnta; honour and fame were all ho 
[ for. He also lalmured to render the great uuthurs on 
[unc more easily understuod, and his notes and an- 
ions were nddea to their books to facilitate the study 
: BO that ho became, in Medicine, what Ids con- 
rj', Accorso, was in civil law. 
I regarded as tlio llipuocrates, and as the Gnlon 
, on whose works no wrote leamod ewinmen- 
dao on tlioac of Avice4ina. f'alled to attend 

"I>eU« Opi'T* di I>s»lr Allgbiari oto.", VobcsIb, ITli. rr*wo 
nbalUU PmiiusU. CoksUo, p. 30. 
fTUn to laeh |tfPbabUHr »■* 1 


the wealthy of Italy in all parts of the country, he received 
from them enormous fees, wliich he appropriated to chari- 
table uses. Being sent for by Pope Onorius IV., who'had 
been tiiken alarmingly ill, he required for his daily stipend 
one hundred golden aueats; the rope thouglit this demand 
extravagant, and remonstrated with him on Avhat be 
regarded as avarice and liard dealing. Taddco, pretend- 
ing to be suri)risod at these remarks, replied: "I am in 
the habit of receiving, unsolicited, from other Lords and 
rulers of Italy, fifty golden ducats, and your Iiolines8» 
who is the greatest ])rince and potentate of any, has 
denied me a hundred"; at the same time modestly fiinting 
at the reputed vice of the clergy. As it happened, the 
Pope got well, and whether out of gratitude to Taddeo, 
or to escape any suspicion of Avarice, in addition to the 
hundred ducats daily, he gave the professor ten thousand as 
a reward for his services, all of which, the good man, 
as soon as he got back to Bologna, laid out in building 
churches and hospitals. 

The enumerated works of Taddeo, besides his com- 
mentaries, are not very numerous; among them are the 
treatises ^^J)e cotiscrvanda sanitatc^\ and "Constfia rarht »i^ 
(egritudinca varias curandas''. His version of Aristotl(»'5 
Ethics is believed to be the same as that which apj>oar» 
in Bono f Jijimboni's translation of the Tesoro by Bninetto 
Latini, published in Venice, 1528. 

l^iscioni has printed one of his proscrijitions fuun^l in 
a manuscript in the Lauronziiina, it contains forty -five 
ingredients, simples and spices, to be ]M)unded n|> voiy 
line witli half a pound (»f loaf sugar, it is called "ifWnTf' 
mh'atfi/c^\ and is not only of approved efticacy in n^m«>v- 
ing morbid humours, achr's, and ]>ains; in curing all man- 
ner of diseases of the heart, stomach, liver, kidnovs. an^l 
spleen; and Jill attacks <»f indigestion, gout, rheumati^ni 
and stone, ])ut can be recommended also as etfeotwall^ 
driving away melancholy, ini]»roving the memorj'. and 
sharpening tlie wits. If all Doctor Tadd(»o's prescri|»ti'>ns 
were equal to this, and so well fultilled the intention* ^^ 
which they were given, it is no wonder that he shool" 
have received from his patients fees in proportion to ihri' 
usefulness and length. Taddeo died at l^oh^gna sh'^TtW 
before 12i)G, which is the date of acquittal given by hif 
wid(»w to the trustees he had appointed for the irans- 
mission of liis pn)pcrty. Among the ])U])ils of TaiUeo, 
were Dino del (Sarbo, and Torrigiano, both Florentine, 

PABADI2S0. 423 

the former of whom succeeded to the chair of Physic at 
Bologna, the latter taught Mcdecinc in Paris. 

From the researches of Biscioni, it appears that tlic 
family of Taddeo d'Alderotto in Florence, were not of the 
poorer class; and, to prove this, he notices a contract found 
in a manuscript volume in the convent of St. Crocc, wit- 
nesBed (rogato) by one Ser Rustichino in 1251, in virtue 
of which, Buonaguida, son of Alderotto, sells to Simon 
his brother, a house adjoining the church of St. Crocc, 
and in this contract Taddeo is mentioned. The fact, also, 
that Taddeo married a noble lady, of the family Rigaletti, 
would serve to confirm the correctness of this view. The 
will of Taddeo was made in Bologna, January 22, 1203. 
By this he left ten thousand pounds to charitable pur- 
poses; to his wife Adola a house in Florence in tlie 
contrada of St. Croce, and a piece of land in the place 
called a Rotico; and instituted three heirs with an equal 
portion to each, his daughter Mina, liis son Taddeo, and 
his nephew Opizzo, the son of his brother Bonaguida.* 


Sieti raccomandato il mio Tesoro, 

Nel quale io vivo ancora; e piu non cheggio. 

Contemporary with Taddeo was the preceptor 
of our Poet, Brunetto Latini, the son of liona- 
corso Latini, of an honourable family, bom at 
Florence in 1230 (1220), married in 1260, and 
who died in his native city in 1294.** Giovanni 

• The win begins thus : ^^Egrcgius vir et discrclm mttfjiatcr T/iad- 
dafus gnondam Domini Alderotti, qui fuii de Florentia:, Avtis phisicff 
proftBSor et doctor, fecit Testamentttm , et letjavit pro anima ana ri pa- 
TtpiwH suorum lb. decern mitia honorum dlstnhncndorum etr,'^ 

^ These dates of 1230 and of V29i arc found beneath a portrait 
of Bmnetto Latini, engraved from an original picture preserved in 
the Gallery at Florence, so M. Chabaille, the Editor of "A/ Livrrs 
don Tretor''\ Paris, 1863. I do not remember such a picture, and 
■hoald mach doubt its being contemporary. A copy of this engrav- 
ing occnrs in the manuscript of the Ti'esor left by ^I' Francis Douce 
to the Bodleian Library at Oxford. M. Fauriel places the birth of 
Ser Brunetto ten or even fifteen years earlier; and this is more 
pobable, see Batista Zannoni in **// Tesoretto^\ p. VII.. who thinks 

," that about 1220 would bo nearer the date. He died in 1294 ^ and 
was already vecchio, or nearly so, when, in 12G0, lie quitted Florence 

. for France. 


Villain says of biin, that he was tlie first not 
only to teach his fellow citizens the art of public 
speaking, but also to instruct them in directing 
with address and intelligence the affairs of the 

Well versed in the Latin, Florentine, and 
French languages, Brunetto acquired a great 
celebrity as orator, poet, historian and philoso- 
pher. It is uncertain at what time he began to 
take part in the government of Florence, but he 
was employed in it in 1253, and shortly after 
his marriage, in 1260, was sent on a mission to 
Alphonso X., king of Castile, to induce him, to 
assist the Guelfs in the war which the Ghibelins, 
aided by Manfred, were making against them. 

This mission failed, and Ser Brunetto >va« 
forced to go into exile along with the Guelfe, 
who fled from Florence on the 1 3*'* of September 
1260, nine days after the battle of Monte Aperti.* 
lie appears , from the list of the emigrants given 
by Malespini, to have taken his family with him. 
for the chronicler, contrary to his usual practice, 
when he comes to the name of Latini says: "Ser 
fi rune do c suoT , 

Brunetto mentions his exile, in the Tcsoro, when 
speaking of the original patron of his native city. 

"Et sacliioz quo la place do torro ou Florence sict. 
fu jadis apclee C'hirs do Mars, cc ost a dire maihon? if 
bataillc; quar Mars, qui ost uiic do.s VII. planctcs? e?t 
apelo Diox do l)ataillc, ot aiusi fu il aorc ancienncmenl- 
Por ee n est il mic mcrvcillc sc li Florontiii soni totu 

* If this einl);issy tf>ok place, as stated, in 1260, shortly after hi* 
marriape, tliero would scarcely have been time for HruiicUo to bw 
returned home before September, and this tends to streufrtlien tb* 
infi»renco from his Tcsoretto, that he heard the now8 of the dcff»^ 
at Monte Apcrti on his way back, and therefore, voluutarily. M- 
mained in France, where his t'amily joined him. Others 9llP|^o^*. 
as the embassy was nntinished at the time of the battle of Mi»nte 
Aperti, September 1"', that Jicr Brunetto returned between that day 
and the l:)'^ 


ors en guerre et en descort, car cole planete regne sor 
iim. De CO doit maistres Brunez Latins savoir la verite^ 
iar il en est nez, et si estoit en essil lorsqu'il compila cc 
ivre, por Tachoison de la guerre as Florentins.'' {Li Tre- 
;orSy livre I., part. I,, chap. XXXVII.) 

The subject of his exile is more fully noticed 
by Brunetto in the introduction to his comment 
on a part of the first book of Cicero's De Inven- 
tione^ as given by the Abate Zannoni, from two 
Codici of the 1 4''' century in the Magliabechiana ; 
and also in the following passage from Li Tresors: 

*'Et quant il (rempereur Fr^diric) fu trespassez de cest 
siecle; si comme k Dieu plot; Fempirc vaca longuement 
sanz roi et sanz empercor; jk soit ce que Mainfroiz li filz 
dou devant dit Frederic , non mie de loial manage ^ tint 
le roiaume de Puille et de Secilc centre Dieu et centre 
raisoD; si comme cil qui dou tout fu contraires k sainte 
Eglisc. Et por ce fist il maintes guerrcs et diverses per- 
secutions centre toz les Ytaliens qui sc tenoient devcrs 
sainte Eglise, meismcment centre la guelfe partie de Flo- 
rence, tant que il furent chaci6 hors de la vile^ et lor 
choses en furent mises k feu et k flammc; et k destruction; 
et avec els en fu chacid maistrcs Brunez Latin; et si 
sstoit il par cele guerre essillicz en France quant il fist 
iest livre por Tamor de son ami, selon ce que il dxt el 
prologue devant." {Li Tresors, 1. I., part. II., c. XCIX.)* 

This friend was a wealthy Florentine of the 
same party as himself, who kindly received and 
entertained him. How long Ser Brunetto remained 
an exile in France is not known precisely, it must 
have been at least from 1260 to 1267, or till after 
the death of Manfred, killed at the battle of Be- 
nevento, February 26"', 1266. It is generally be- 
lieved, as most probable, that dm-ing this period 
he resided in Paris, and the Abb(5 Melius quotes 
an early unedited commentary on the Divina 
Commedia, in which it is said that he taught 
philosophy there. But this is not confirmed by 

* The statement that Brunetto Latini was driven from Florence, 
would seem to contradict his not being there when his party left it. 

any hint ffiven us by Ser Brunetto, who, in 
irig of himself, merely says that he was 
intento a lo studio dc la rciorica". He was, in 
a great proficient in this study, and from 
Daiite derived his art of public spealdug. 

Returned to hia native country, after tlie.l 
of tlic Ghibelins, and the triumph of Charli 
Anjou, he resumed, from 1269, his former 
of Secretary in the councils of the Republic. 
nil its honours, rights, and privileges, nnd 
filled the office in 1273.* From 1279 he 
with distinction in almost all the importnut evi 
which occurred at Florence. In 1 280 he was one 
of the commissioner.s and guarantees of the eplie- 
meral peace concluded between the Guelfs Mil! 
Ghibelins his compatriots. In 1284 he was syndic 
of the comune; in 12S7, he became one of tie 
priors; and iu1289, was public orator in thcgtiicwl 
councils of Florence. Up to the time of his deatli 
in 1294, he continued to exercise considcraliie 
influence on the affairs of the Republic. The 
Author of the Ottimo says : " e grandc parte delli 
sua vita fu onorato in tutti i grandi fatti dfl 
comune di Firenze". 

Filippo Villani, in his lives of illustriouK Flo- 
rentines, gives Brunetto Latini the sole title of 
'■^ Rc(forico'\ as that by which he was most dis- 
tinguished. Filippo thus sneaks of him; 

"Brunetto Latin!, of the nobility of SeamiAnc. «M J^f 
profeBBJon a Philosoplier , of the order of Notaricit, <^ 
brated and renowned. He showed all that Uip art "f ™^ 
toric can add to the untutored efforts of nature. He *■* 
a man, if it be lawful ho to speak, worthy of ^f4i 
numbered with the most distinguisned oratoni of ontiipuV' 
Florence being involved in internal discords, this pen*» 
was induced to leave his conntry, and having, fl»bf* 

• Giv. Ilali»U Zannoni shows lUal, in liflU, Brnnctlo UlW"* 
protoDoUry of the Cnrik of Iho vicar penoml of Tuscjiny fot CI>»J* 
kiitK of Naples and Sicily, to whom th» t'lor<*nline Quflft. la »"' 
had given the Sig'iioria "dclla Icrra" for ten yoars. 

pAUADtso. 427 

'vottintarv ecparation, pone to France, lie there, almost 
in his "III iige (gii qiinsi veccliiii)i wonderfully, and with 
ver^ great cclcnly, learnt the French language, and to 
please the noble and disltngiiislied men of that country, 
composed a beautiful, and very usef'nl book on rhetoric, 
in whieb he described the whole art of Kpeakinp. with 
gn»i can- and onlor, according to practice, which he 
called 7'rsoro, tridy u must agrccablu work, replete with 

B>IUUed eloquence, which the French hold in high esteem, 
mnetio was witty, learned, and lihrewd; and abounded 
in fnrctimis snyings, but not, at tho same time, without 
K certain modesty and p-avity of manner, which caused 
hi* hnmorouB remarks to be received with jocular faith, 
and thus, being very . pleasant in his conversation, be 
often cxcitinl coneidcrahlo mirth. He was over ready to 
iiao hU influence and abilities in the service of othors, 
was orderly and polinhed in hi8 manners, a very useful 
persiin. and, by the practice of all the virtues, would 
have been most happy, if ho had only been able to 6np- 
port, with itiunniniity , the injuries of his turbulent 
conn try." 

Gifted with iL concilintory Bpirit, and animated 
by a sincere lovi: for the Republic, Itrunetto La- 
tini wax, of all men, the most capable of suc- 
ceeding in bringing togutlicr in amicable relation 
the oppMsiug factionid , wlioac nitemnte trinniphs 
and reverses tended equally to the niin of Flo- 

To the Icaxons of Scr Brunettu was probably 
due the aitbaequeiit effort of hi« jjupil, when he 
bccnint^ a nieniber of the government, to reduce 
to unity the fatid division among his coiuitrynien, 
by forming a middle party which shoidd embrace 
Ihe more moderate members of each: as related 
by Giovanni Hoccaccio in his life of the PoeL 

Dante's Hiogrupber expressly stjiteH that ht: matte 
ntnny efforts to effect this desireable object, but 
that all bis endeavours failed. In consequence 
he resolved to give up pnblie affairs and betake 
himself to a retired and private life. 
K^^ut still, like his old master, having a great 


desire to make himself useful, and to serve the 
state as best he could, and being persuaded by 
his ciders to continue in its service, he did so, 
though eventually it proved destructive to all his 
political hopes. (See p. 468.) 

In this respect the master, who was of a different 
temperament, was less unfortunate than his pupil. 

In the discourse of Ser Brunetto to Dante (Inf. 
XV., 55 — 87) it is obvious that the political desire 
of the master was revived in his pupil: 

E s^o non fossi si per tempo morto^ 
Veggendo il cielo a to cobi benigno, 
Dato t'avrei all' opera conforto. 

This is sho^\Ti by what follows , and the state- 
ment in reference to the opposing parties. 

La tua fortuna tanto onor ti scrba; 
Che Tuna parte o Taltra avranno fame 
Di to: ma lungi lia dal bccco Terba. 

And the complement to this , in the speech of 
Cacciaguida (Par. XVIL, 67—9), 

Di sua bestialitate il suo procosso 
Fara hi i)ruova, si ch'a to fia beUo 
Averti fatta jiartc per tc stesso. 

To Ser lirunctto, Dante was also indebted for 
his views of the future life (Inf. XV., v. 85) as 
well as for his Florentine policy in the present. 

Dante , probably, became the pupil of Bruaetto 
Latini shortly before he was made syndic to the 
comune of Florence, or about 1283. That a public 
functionary and Notary should also be a teacber 
of philosophy and ethics, and take pupils, niHV. 
at first, api)car somewhat singular, but, under the 
Republic, the talents and attainments of individuals 
formed a better title of introduction to public life 
than did the rank of their families, or their po- 
litical connexions: and Brunetto Latini , it seems, 
gave instruction only to a very few; we hear of 

no other pupils \}( his than Guido ( 'nvalcante, 
aiid hiw younger fric-ntl, Dante Alligliieri, whom 
Ser iJrunetto educated to take part in the ad- 
ministnition of public affairs, and, possibly, may 
luivc inducted him into them. M. Ohabaille states, 
that Bnuietto taught political economy to the 
more intluential Senators of the llepublic. Chria- 
toforo Landino tells us in his Commentary, tbat 
Brunclto was also a good mathematician , and 
from a calculation of IJaute's nativity, predicted 
Umt he would arrive at the highest grade in 
doctrine; but this may be merely a repetition of 
what we read in the poem (Inf. XV., v. 55 — 7). 
Giov. IJoccHCcio relates the story, that Ser Bru- 
netto, who prided liimself on his legal abilities, 
and surpassed in reputation all other notaries of 
his time, being accused of liaving falsified a deed, 
prt-'fcrrcd to be punished for it. as a wilful in- 
tention, rather than admit tluit he had made a 
niiittakc, and so, as a banished man, he went and 
lived in Paris. This, however, has been thought 
a wicked invention of some Ghibeliu, moved by 
Uio wtme spirit which would seem to have actuated, 
lo a certain extent, his promising pupil, when tie 
bnd thoroughlv imbibed the principles of that 

tinrty, c o that, tor a political sin against conscience, 
w put liis respected master in a disrcputjible place 
(see p. 2ll2): from which passage Gio. Vdlani 
may iiave been induced to call this verv pleasant 
gentleman, ^'Mow/ami t'omo", the historian in thiitf 
iM in some other cases, taking the hint from the 
Divina (.'omniedia; imless, indeed, we sunpoHC it 
to be a ucrversion of Ser Jtrunctto's huuible con- 
fesflicin in his Trutretto, cap. XXI., v. 17 — 23, 
when? he describcit his going to the fralr; «ud 
addrL-siting his worthy friend in whom lliis work 
wns iuHeriUe«l, says — 


OncV io tutto a scoverto 

Al frate mi converto, 
Che in' ha pcnitenziato. 

E poi ch' i' son mutatO; 
Ration e che tu muti; 

Che sai; che siam tenuti 
Un poco mondanetti,* 

On a "carta membranacea" of the XIV"* cent. 
found at the beginnmg of a Codice of the Div. 
Com. in the Magliabechiana (Classe VII. al n. 
152. in fogl.), is the following notice of Bninett^i's 
death: ^^Passo di questa vita Ser Brunetio Latini Fkh 
renlino noma ne^ tempi suoi di yrande letter aiura , e uom§ 
molto attivo^ gran cittadino^ e motto adopraio^ e mtdte 
famoso net 1294."** 

He was honorably buried in Santa Maria Mag- 
giore, in the cloister of which may still be seen 
some remains of liis monument, in the slender 
shaft of a colinnn of the doric order, without its 
capital, and about six feet high (6.3731), bear- 
ing, on the upper part, Ser Brunetto's coat of arms* 
six roses, of five petals each, in pile, with the 
inscrii)tion over it, S.S. Buknetti Latini et Filio. 
This was probably Pcrsio , mentioned as his only 
son, who, out of respect to his father, obtained 
of the king of Naples, the privilege of adding to 
his arms a red rake with golden lilies, as borne 
by the younger branches of the royal house of 
France. (See Mazzuchelli, annotazione allc f'f 
d^ vomini illustri Fiorenfini scrittc da F Hippo /'///'*• 
Venezia 1747.) 

Brunetto's i)ortrait was painted by Giotto ^ 
the chapel of the l^ilace of the Podesta at Fl^" 
rence, along with that of Dante, and Corso Dt>' 
nati, where, thanks to the Dantophilist Seyniour 

^ Tliis mundiitu'.m ^ (liiniiintivr of iiioiidauo, haH been inu^niried inW 
its \\%\\ (M-i^iiml nliicli, with Vill.-ini . moans Ittsrim or «/i,vx/*/m/'i, ci»i' 
thots ijiiito iiioonsiKti'iit with tin* charnrtor of Si»r Krimrttn. 

** So MazziU'helli: f'itr rtr, d.i Filijipo Villnni, p. i.i\. 


Kirkup, it may now again be seen, thoiio;!! not 
exactly as it was by Vasari. 

Tlu* chief work of Brunctto Latini is Le Tresor, a me- 
diaeval encyclopedia of useful knowledge, recently (1863) 
Srintod for the first time in the original French , after the 
-IS. 19S, suppL, Fran^ais in the Imperial Library at Paris. 

Lc Tresor (Li Litres dou TrcsorJ, consists of three partS; 
which arc divided into nine books, and these into numerous 
cha|)ter8. The first part consists of five books: 

1. General notions of Nature: Creation, the World, 
Body and Soul; followed by the Old Testament 

2. The New Testament History. P^uropean History. 
The Elements, the Sun, Moon, Planets etc. 

3. (^f the Map of the World, with information for set- 
tlers, how to build and inij)rove their dwellings etc, 

4. Of the animal kingdom, and, first, of Fisiies. 
r>. ^>f Serj»ents, Birds, and l^Tiadrupeds. 

Part the stnrond consists of two books on morals and 

f5. The Ethics of Aristotle abridged. 
7. Of the Virtues and Vices: Religion, and the Chris- 
tian Virtues. 
Part the thirtl consists of two books. 

5. Khc^toric. 

9. La Politica. (Public p<»licy.) 

S«»r Bnmrtto l)egins by saying, that the Trr'sor is a 
brief sunmiary of the most j>n*cious things in Philosophy, 
and that the first part of it is as niiiney count4»d down 
ti> spend v\vr\ day in such things as an? nec(»ssary. It 
tn*ats ot' the beginning of the world, and its histi^ry^ and 
of the nature <»f things, and this b<'longs to the first 
science of Philosophy, that is, thron^tical. The second 
part, he states, treats of vices and virtues, and is prac- 
ti<*al, that thus a man ought to act, and thus not, and 
gives the reason why. And this belongs t»» the second 
and the third iiarts of philosophy, that is to the practical 
and the higicai. 

The third part of the Trr'sor is (»f fine gold, that is to 
say, it teaches man to sp<*ak according to tin* principles 
•»f rhetoric, and how the Signor « night to govern the 

Iieople under him, esp^riallv acctu'iling to the usagt* of 
taly. And this belongs to the secimd part of I'hilosophy, 
that is to the practical: for as gold surpasses all other 


metals ; so the science of well speaking and governing is 
the most noble in the world. 

At the close of the first chapter, Ser Brunette says: "El 
se ancuns demandoit por qiioi cist livres est cscriz en n>- 
mans, selonc le langage des Francois, pxiisque nos somes 
Ytaliens, je diroic que ce est por .ij. raisons: i'une, car 
nos somes en France ; et Fantre porce que la parleurc est 
plus delitable et plus commune a toutes gens/' 

The Rhetoric is taken chiefly from Cicero s de Inven- 
Hone. The book on public polity is the most original of 
any. Ser Bnmetto was well able to instruct the grand 
Signori in this most useful science. 

The public orator of Florence shows in his first book 
what his favourite study is; the eulogium on Rhetoric, at 
the close of the fourth chapter, contains many useful 
remarks, the last one is especially so, that ''many diinffSy 
both great and small, may be eftected merely by elo- 
quence, which coidd not be accomplished either by force 
of arms, or by any other means". 

His work next in importance is 11 TesoretlOf a book of 
instniction chiefly in the conduct of life, contained in up- 
wards of 3000 verses, in couplets of seven syllables cael, 
and written as a marvellous vision, whicii some have 
thought may possibly have suggested the visionary vovage 
of Dante. Other works are, a translated compcndinm of 
the Ethics of Aristotle, and oi)e of the Rhetoric of Cicero. 
The book called Pafaff'm (for Epitafrio), dt^scribed bv 51a«- 
zuchelli as "una lunghissima Frottola ])iena di sohewo, 
e di riso'', is now believed to be by a later hand, and 
has been attributed to tme of the Mnnelli. A few otber 
minor works have also been ascribed to our author, bat, 
it would seem, erroneously. 

CANTO XII., VKRSl J27-<). 

lo son hi vita di Honaventura 

Da Hagnoregio, che no' grandi utici 
Seinpre p(»sposi la j*inistra cura. 


The oultivators of tlic scholastic Pliilosopliv ot 
the middle a*^es, bej^iiiiiiiit^ with St. Aiisehw^ 
(H)3;{-1I0!)), tlu^ cliicf of the realists, reai^ei 
the full liiirvesi of tlu* science tliev had sown. 
]{eeeiit intellectual Philosophers have nicrolv re- 

liitated the remains of llicir jiretlecessors , and 

Bed up uM figm-ea in modern habiliments. 

iertus Magnus at Coh)gnc {X., 98), Roger liacon 

jie calm retreat of his cell at Oxford, St. lio- 

jientura at Paris, and St. Thomas Aquinas at 

iixa (X., 99) had filled Eui'ope with their fame 

t originality. To the profundity of Albertus, 

|, penetration and practical results of liacon, 

P contemplative theories of Hoiiaveutura , and 

I encvclopedic combinations of St. Thomas, 

bte added the positive science of Aristotle, the 

Bonalism of Plato, and the speculative doctrines 

the Arabian Avcrrhois; drawing from each 

,tbat whtrh to lus mind seemed ti'uc, and forming 

I tliesc elements a system for himself, wiiich 

kstcd the paxt and, in part, anticipated the 

■icivaniii Fidenza, otherwise Bonaventura, so 

''. from an exclamation of St. Francis*, was 

at Bagiierfa in Tuscany in the year 1221. 

^243 he entered the order of Frati Miuori, 

at Paris under Alexander of Hale«, and 

bmiug successively professor of Philosophy 

I Theology, was made doctor in 1255; in the 

pwing year he rose to be general of the order. 

nent IV'" offered him the archbishopric of 

" , which he refused. It was he who named as 

Pope's successor, the archdeacon of Liege, 

J became Gregory X'\ bv whom he was made 

■op of Albano ami Canliniil. lleing taken by 

t to Lvr)ns to attend the second cuuni^t, he died 

' • Julv IS'", 1274. 

Ixtna IV"', in 1482, canonized him. and Sixtns 

bproclniuied hira the "Doctor Scraphieus". 

w BwUiBr uf tilotraniii Fiilenta, \iaiag Bfritiil of loiing hcf 
, fran a i]aa|[oroua dlRcarxi, rscomoicailod liim Iv the prayer* 
LiPruicis of AHisi. whii. un liciriti)- nf liia rurv, cxolatiiiFd, d*' 
laa f xlMm.' lu whtcli Uio cUilil'i namo waa ehaiiKviL 

434 rAUADiso. 

Dante was nmcli indebted to St. Bonaventnra. 
The {Terminal existence even of Beatrice hersetf 
may be discovered in his writings. 

All light, he observes, descends from God, but is ^- 
ferent according to its mode of communication. Thus there 
is the outer light, or of tradition; the lower light, or of 
the senses; the interior light, or that of reason , by whicli 
we learn intelligible truths; and there is the liiglier light 
which proceeds from grace and holy Scripture, and rev^ 
to xis the truths that sanctify. (See Ozanam. * p. 35.) Here 
we have the preliminarj' traces of Dante's tre donne. of 
Virgil himself, and perhaps of Dante also. Landino's 
remarks on this subject (Inf. II., v. 94—114) are very 

"These different kinds of knowledge are co-ordinate 
among themselves, and form an ascending progression. 
The soul, after having descended to the study of ex- 
ternal objects, ought to retire into itself, where it will 
discover the reflection of eternal realities; next it should 
rise to the region of eternal realities themselves, thereto 
contemplate the lirst principle, (lod. Then, from this fiwt 
princi}>le, the soul will see influences emanating which 
make themselves felt through all the degrees of creation; 
and tinally rodescending as it rose, it will recognize the 
divine traces in all that is conceived, felt, and taught. 
Thus all the .sciences are nonetrated bv mvsteries: and it 
is bv lavinj:: huld on the conducting thread of mvsterv thai 
we penetrate into their ultimate protundities.'* (Ozanam. 
>. *'^h') Dante followed this course in his ascent to Heaven: 
ut, not satisfied with assertins}: the doctrine of diA^ine light, 
he sought to show its modus ttpcrandt y and, taking the 
Arabian into hi.s counsels, enlisted the celestial bodie* 
as the agents employed in its ditfusion. lionaventura, in 
anothcT place**, gives a hint of Beatrice, as divine Phi- 
losoj)hy. He says: ** Philosophy is the medium (Piirg. ^^- 
4r>) by wliieh tlie The(»li>gian makes to himself a mirror 
out ot created things, by which, as by a ladder, he is 
raised to heaveir*. Beatrice's eyes became to Dante thi? 
mirror (the unspotted mirror of the ])ower of God), in 

* "Dante it la rhilnsojihir Catliolique all troizii'mo .li^clo etc. 
Paris 1^4.".. 

'*^I)i- KV'iliictioiu- artiiim a«l Thoulogiam." 




wliieh he saw reflected the glory of beatitude; and was 
raised by them to its enjoyment. * 

Tliu golden ladder between earth and lieaven, 
in Dante'ft system, is holy eontemphition , by 
which, aa in Jacob's dream, tlic divine agents 
ascend and descend. P^ven our practical Roger 
l^acon admitted an internal experience accjuired 
1)V the connnercc of the soul witli God. Hut tliis 
experience does not extend beyond the con- 
templated objectiveness of its own impressions, 

* Though, in vurious pliiccfl, I havi* iiotici^d tlio remarks of Laii- 
•niio in refon'Dce to the principal actors in the (;encrnl aIIi*(;ory, 
Tut, I shall here repeat the sui)Rtancu of tliem. Landino (Inf. H , 
42i — T)?; ronmrkH a^rnin, that Dnnti' putn himself for "la senttunHta *• 
rrtifioHf imft'nore^\ Virf^il for '^ta ratfion*' xit/Htion'^* illuminated by the 
IcarninfT <>f the pfeutileR, but not by the Hoioncc of divine thinj^s, 
which Christian IMiilosopherH receive by divine rev«'lHtion and the 
H|;ht of the lluly Spirit. This bcini; undcrHtood. he continues, *'it 
is t'Asy to coniprehi'ud that the inferior reason, disc(}ura);ed and dis- 
lioartenedy and knowin*; only particulars, despairs of arriving; at the 
knowlvdf^e of universals: rnd that the superior reason exhorts and 
Aids the inferior, and shows that, if such contemplation is nbovt^ the 
liuninn force . it will be strengthened by the divine assistance. Virpfil 
tlii*r«*fore, or the hi^^bcr reasi>Uf stren;:tlicnin^ and advancing 
tbi- lower, hiiows that it is able to conduct the latter to salvation, if 
not by its own powers, at least by tiie aid of ^rnee divine, without 
which, so arduous an etfurt would be in vain. After this, the hi^^her 
n'AMin points out. according to the true Chri.stian doctrine, the way 
by \%hicli we may arrive at beatitude'*. 

In reference to the **/;#' <lntnir'\ Landino observes; that althtuifrb 
there is in man freedom of the will to act Wfll or ill, nevertheless 
no onir ran put away his vices, and act accorilin<; to virtue, with 
(Hit thir divine f^race: for which lie (juntes auth(»rities. Further on, 
hf remarks, that as sonu as the human reason, with its freedom of 
ihf will, turn.H itself to seek the way tt» e?irape froni the n-Jva of 
i^^noranee, whence all vices proeei'd, (lod, moved to eompassion by 
man s imbecility, bt>eause He sees that the pnwir rather than the will 
fails him. inspires the (graces already spoken of. And henci- tin- ;:ra«'e 
which, because it c<unes simply throutrh tin- tliviiie bounty, is ealbrd /#f #■- 
rf-nlhtf/t first directh tlie human effort in the ^ond determination alreatly 
t.iken by the will. After this comes the s(>e<uid irrace, calb-il iffmtti 
Htitinif, by which the pooil intention, born of th*> rea^on and the tret* 
will, and i-ontirmed by the first ^^race. is illuminated, and enabbd 
t«i reci'i^e the truth, ami is shown tin- way, and led t«i know (lod 
by nieau'* of the true Theobiiry, which is ari|iiir<Ml by every one who 
a<idresAi>N bimsrlf to it. The third ;;race is callnl f nftrnifimf, bi-eause 
it arts alonj: with man. It is also called fni/n/inif t/rtfi r, bfcause 
it accompliNlns what is sought. Dante, thrri-hm- , puts tbe duHun 
i/effif*' f"r till* !ir»t ^Taec, Lm hi lur tbi- <ii"iinil. au'I It'uhiv t'nr tin* 
ibini with Tilt iilopy. Lnndiiio is vi-ry ditlie^i- •ui ibis subjert. 

•Ik. '* 


or its own transformations, as it ascends this golden 
ladder which joins the mortal to immortality. 
Dante regarded the viewing things in God, a« 
seeing them as they really are (Par. XXVL, v. 
106 — 8), that is, seeing them in their imiversal 
relations ; and the more we are enabled to contem- 
plate them in this light, the more correct will be 
our conceptions of them. It is not true that die 
contemplation of Deity is none other than the con- 
templation of man himself, or the conscience and 
reason of humanity personified , as a recent writer 
has remarked, for tlie felt experience of every- 
one is that in endeavouring to raise liis mind to 
the contemplation of the perfect, and seeking to 
ascend towards it, he is striving to attain that 
which he docs not possess. 

We cannot, however, by any contemplation 
of the divine attributes and powers, as present 
to our thoughts, arrive at tlie knowledge of jutf- 
ticulars regarding things around us; this notion 
never entered the mind of Roger Bacon, nor of 
liis illustrious namesake of Verulani; but contem- 
j)lation may, and does bring out universals, ^f 
the relations of things in reference to the Divine 
Reason, l^he remark of the founder of inductive 
philosophy on the works of God in refei*ence 
to their Author: "Thy creatures have been D»y 
books, but Thy Scrii)tures nmch more": expresses 
this fact in its most comprehensive form. 


(Jio clie non iiiuore c cio che puo morirc 
Non (' se non splendor di quella idea 
(Mie partoriscc, amando, il nostro sire; 

&c. &c. 

I)ante's philosophical system included, as i^ 
here shown, the theory of Phitf»nic ideas (set 

, 2J2), but tlie Poet desired to sliow how, or in 
mhal manner, God's creation before ali tiuic jini- 

I On this subject, Landino, confeseing its difficulty, is not 
1 tlifFiiBC fts might have been expected. It/ea, lie says, 
I a word invented by Plato to exproBa t!ie osaiuple, and 
K in the divine mind, according to wliieli the Divine 
ulom produces all things viBible and invisible. Daniello 
I deeper into this abBtniso matter. Ideas, he states, ac- 
xJing to the Platonists, are certain eognitiims and intellec- 
of all things in the divine mind. Idea in Greek has 
i same meaning as forma in httin, so that ideas are not 
9)o thinga thfimsnlvos, but the forms of them. Tims Augus- 
tine ill the tirst book of the LXXX questions: "Sunt enim 
Idea' {irinctpales t'nnnte qnicdani, vel rationes rernm sta- 
biles atoHo incomniutabilos, quie ipsa; formatie non sunt: 
m: (wr doc eternie nc semper codotii mndo bcsh habcntes, 

aua; in diWna intelligontia continentnr." Daniello then 
Instratos liis meaning by the example of an an-hitect 
who plaus and arrangoa all the parts of an eilifice in his 
mind befttre he proceeds lo erect it. Ideas, therefore, 
are the intHlectual forms of things existing in the Divine 
Mind before they arc produced objectively to the senses. 
Th« Thffology of Plato, observeti a modern disciple*, 
celebrate* the great cause of nil "as something superior 
ovi-n I" bc'ing itself; ns exi'inpt from llie whole of things, 
of which it is ncverthelcas ineffably the sourco, and doea 
act ihercforo think fit lo eon-numerate it wilh any triad, 
or order of beings". "It denominates it the one, and 
TitB (loot); by the fonner of these names indicating its 
trail !<i:<-n<Iitnt simnlicity, and by tlie latter '\{n snbHtBtcnce 

a« it bject of desire to all beings, for all bcingtt desire 

gn.'c!." '-Ill the Platonic system the onf, and thk OOOO 
i» the principle of principles, in which all thinpM causally 
■nbsii't, abfiorbod in sn per- essential light, and involved in 
unfalbomabh) depths; and from this principle of principles 
K beauteous progeny of principles procec<l , all largely 
partiiking <if the ineffabh', all stamped with the occult 
I hiirfULifTs of Deity, all possessing an overHowing fullness 
1. 1 i;'."(i." "From these dny./.ling minimitii, them' ineffable 
bliiii'oins, these divine prnpngatidus, being, life, intellect, 
»onl, nature, and body depend: monadx suspended from 
mmifiat, deified natures proceeding from deities." Each of 

' M'. TlioinB* Tsylor 

1 the U-siulation uf Proeliu. 

138 rAUAi>iso. 

tlicse raouada, too, is the leader of a series which extend 
from itself to the last of things, and which, whilu it pro- 
ceeds from, at the Bame time abides iu, and relunu to 
its leader. "And all these principles, and all th«r pre- 
genies, are finally centered and rooted by tlieir suaiimU 
in the first great all comprehending ONE." 
Eternalmente riiuanendoBi una. 

"Thus all beings proceed from and are comprehend 
in the first being: all intelleiits emanate from one fint in- 
tellect: all souls from one first sotd: all natures from one 
first nature: and all bodies proceed from the vital tai 
luminous body of the world:" by which, probably, tlii» 
eminent Platonist meant a quasi metaphysical condition of 
primitive matter containing light and life as its essential 

And lastly, as M' Taylor continues, all tJiesc gnat 
monads arc comprehended in the first one, from moA 
both thoy and all their depending scries are unfolded ioto 
light. "Hence the first one is truly the Unity of uiutM*, 
the Monad of monads, the Principle of principles, tie 
God of gods, One and all things, and yet prior to all." 

Dante was well acquainted with this platonic systpm, 
yet, evidently not quite satisfied with it, as how couH 
he be? Mucn more rational and edifying to us ani tht 
grand truths of creation as related in tlie first chapler of 
Genesis. Yet the professors of Nco-platouism, in ^ 
schools of Alexandria, exerted, perhaps, a beneficial in- 
fluence on the rising Christianity. "So far as liuinun rcatoi" 
was rightly employed by the Platonists , it led ibem w iIm' 
great truths of religion, which were also contained i^^'^ 
Christian Revelation. And so far as the Christian fai!i(« 
rightly exercised their reason in applying, Ulnatrating' >'"' 
corroborating their apostolic creed, or in invcslipiu''? 
questions independent of it, so far tliey trod in tin; iinw 
steps with the heathen philosophers. To snppuse ihsl tlira* 
should not bo a very close and striking reseinblaBW 
between the two systems would be to imply that the 
of sound reason are not the truths of inspiration, t 
truth under the Gospel must be a wholly different 
from truth under nature." ■ 

Not only Plato, but also his master Socrates, ha4 
greatly indebted to the philosophical Theism of Pythi 
and sought out the chief good , not for the tnert^ ii 

■ ]mr(w« 

' l,!uHrtctly Kuv 



of mnking men wiser, but fur making tlicm better and 
lut(tuier. This was the iirst great aim of D&nte in writing 
his XMvinft Coinmodia. Socrates recognized the Deity in 
thi' hanriony of the laws of nature, in the constitution of 
the mind, and in the existence of the moral faculties — so 
did our Pitet. Socrates perceived, with Pythagoras, that 
the object of man was, or ought to bo, to regulate his 
will in accordance with that ot the Divine Mind, and this 
cfmntitiited virtue. Dante perceived the same, and adopted 
the same meaning of virtue. "Ciascuna cosa e virtuosa 
in Rua natura, cnc fa quello a che ella b ordinata; a 
qnunia mcglio lo fa, tanto h piii virtuosa." 

The homage rendered to Deity, in the practice of this 
rtrlue , was religion, and in it consisted the happiness of 
iDKn, as did, also, the chief purpose, or tinal cause of his 
b«ing. In tlie loving conformity of tlie human will to the 
diWnc. Dante places man's hignost felicity, Man, in seek- 
ing (lie good, according to his moral and intellectual na- 
ture, is socking happine'>s and obtnimng it at tlio same 
tinic. In Ui(r first book of his "Monarohia", c. 7, Dante 

"Et omno illnd bene se habet, ct optimc, quod ee 
I habet »ccundum intentionom primi agentis, qui Dciis 
. Do intcntione Dei est ut omno creatura divi- 
militudinem repriesentet, in qunntum propria 
■tiatnra rcciperc potest .... Cum totum univon<um nihil 
mliud sit, cpiain vestigium quoddam divinic bunitatis. 
ICrp> humanuin genua bene se habet, et optime, qiiando, 
l»ccondum quod potest, Deo assimilatur." 
^lo V. ()ti Dante records, with Aristotle, his bollof in 
utAncous generation; no longer held by Physiologists. 
1 much in llio philosophy of Dante to which tlio 
iDfuund cogitations of Spinosa correspond. The sum* 
tj of whose doctrino concerning Deity is contained in 
I H"*, IS''', and 1(i"' propositions of his Ethics: 
"Pr»tt«r Deum nulla dari ncqun concipi jiotest wib- 
t»t«nti«" etc. (See p. 179.) 

><>za evidently had, in his mind, the notion of Deity as 

jBiitK'iated In tin; highcat philosophy ; an<l a.-< signifietV by 

I poculiar name among tlic Hebrews. This conception 

riscd, abstractedly, cxtenwiun and thought (Sue on C. 

, 52-03; XXIX., IG— 21; and XXXIII., 8.1—89.) 

■ Couvlto. Trkti. [., c. V. 



Ma chi 8* avvcdo chc i vivi stiggcUi 
/?' ogni bellczza piii fanno piii suso, 
E ch* io non m' era li rivolto a quclli, 

Escusar puommi di quel eh' lo m' accuso 
Per isciisarmi, e vedermi dir vcro; 
Che il piacer santo non e qui dischiuso, 

Perchc si fa, montando, piu Bincero. 

Dante informs us (Par. II., 130 — 3) that the 
lieaven of the fixed stars takes the image of tbe 
Divine Mind which moves it, and makes itself 
tlie seal tliereof. Arrived at the sphere of Maw, 
he tells us that a celestial music took such hold 
of his attention, thjit nothing hitherto had ever 
charmed him so much; and then, remembering' 
what had previously been said of the persou oC 
Beatrice (Purg. XXXI., 49—51), and what he haA 
recently declared of her eyes (131 — 2) 

degli occhi belli 
Kc^ quai mirando mio disio ha posa: 

ho remarks in excuse, that these living seals o* 
every beauty become more intensely lovely the 
higher he ascends in the knowledge of divinr 
things, and that he was not then turned towards 
them. We are to infer, therefore, that had h<^ 
been so, they would have delighted him even 
more than the music; but previously to that moment 
the piacer sanfo had not equalled it. Commenta- 
tors have been ])lcascd to regard the eyes of Bea- 
trice as the twin demonstrations of Theology, into 
the speculations of which, as Hoccaccio informs 
us, Dante desired, above all other things, to loot 
This, however, is but a poor compliment to that 
lady, whose significance, as 1 have endeavoured to 
show, is of a far more celestial character than 
either d()S"mati('al or cxcirctical Theoloffv. As the 
Divine Wisdom ])ers()nifie(l , the eves of Beatrice 

P.MtAIIIKO. 44) 

fleet tti tJante a more exalted and s|>iritual 

ulV tlmii that of the stars ; for lie beholds 

J them the radiance of the Eternal Mind. The 

wen arc the most expressive organs of the nn'nd; 

I09C, therefore, of Beatrice were to him, throiijili 

; abiding love of the good and the true, tlie 
pthful indices of an ever increasing beatitude, 
Accrued and felt in proportion as he advanced 

1 the knowledge of divine things. 


Fiorcnza, dcntro dalla ccrchia aniica, 
Onii' olln toglic ancnra n tcrza f nona, 
Si Btavft in paco, eobria c piidica. 
&c. &c. 

■Tlie name of Florence lias been variously ex- 

pijncd. With the old chroniclers, the prevalent 

union wa» that it was derived from Fi'oiino, the 

retor of Metcllus , who during the long siege of 

»oIe by the Romans, commanded an entrenched 

Tip between the River and the Rock, and was 

Burprised and slain by the enemy. The 

AtlowH alionnded in flowers, especially lilies, 

the ancient ensign, a white lily on a red 

onnd, subsequently reveraed (XVI., 154), and 

^ilar to the form on the flnrin (fiorino), with 

name given to the Dnumo, St. Sfaria del 

^DK, tend to show that the name was taken from 

I flowerv mead, rather than from the name of 

Roman prctor. Leonardo Aretino stales (hat 

r name of the city originally was Fhtmdn, so 

lied Iwcausc situated between the Amo and the 

Bpnone; and that subsequently, from the Hourish- 

■ state of the rolonv, it was called FlarenlM, 

npiotic Ammirato nfHrnis that itn name from thu 

; was Florrnzm. 

The form and dimcnsiuiis of the original city 


have not been very accurately recorded. In sliape, 
probably, it resembled a Roman camp. Hale- 
spini says that it was ^' quasi a similitudine di 
bastie". The wall was of burnt bricks , with solid 
round towers at intervals of twenty cubits, and 
it had four gates, and six posterns. Tiie Cam- 
pidoglio, where now is the Sicrcato Vecchio, was 
in imitation of that of the parent city, Rome, 
whose fortunes her daughter for many centuries 

The fii-st historical event of importance in the 
history of Roman Florence, was the defeat of Ra- 
dagasius and his Vandals by the brave Stilichio, 
who by his prudence completed what famine had 
began. It occurred October 8'*', 407, on the fes- 
tival of Santa Reparata, virgin and martyr. 

In 541, Florence, which, according to Villani 
(lib. II., 1), contained 22.000 men capable of bear- 
ing arms, was burnt by Totila (see pp. 127 — 129). 
Subsequently, in part recovering its former state, 
after the power of tlie Gotlis in Italy liad passed 
away, it reverted to tlie sovereignty of tlie Em- 
peror at Constantinople. At the accession of the 
Lombards it became a part of tlie duchy <^^ 
Tuscany. During their dominion the liaptistery 
was built, in imitation of that at Monza, erected 
by the pious Queen Teodelinda in (US: but, ac- 
cording to some authorities, it was the ancient 
tem])le of ]\Iars , the original patron of Florence, 
transformed into the sanctuary of his Cluns^tian 
successor, John the Baptist. * On the fall of tlie 
Lombards, Florence recovered much of its an- 
cient splendour. Charlemagne has the credit of 

bi , 

At one time the Baptistery served ulsu as the Duomo. 


s restoration, and from him it dates its second 
rigin (see Vill. lib. III., c. 1), though this 
lay be a popular error. It was raised under the 
scendency of Aries, with Mars in a favour- 
ble aspect, so that the people might increase 
nd multiply, and become wealthy and warlike; 
ut Villani, in stating tliis, puts in a protest 
gainst giving the constellations credit for ruling 
uman events, "per6 die constellazione non pu6 
^nstringere per necessity il libero arbitrio delli 
Dmini, nh il giudicio d'Iddio". 

The site of the new Florence nearly cor- 
isponded to that of the old , but extended rather 
irther to the north, so as to include the Piazza 
el Duomo, and the avtle of San Giovanni, the 
lost honorable quarter in the city, but did not 
pproach quite so near to the river. The third 
Qclosure of walls, erected in 1078, in the time 
f the Emperor Henry IV"', or, according to 
jami, not until 1125, extended beyond the former 
Q every direction. (See Villani lib. IV., c. 7.) 
Phey were quadrangular in form, faced NE. and 
)W.; and beginning on the cast side, by the 
:ate of St. Peter, a little behind the church of 
hat name, passed in front of St. Maria Nuova. 
U the northern angle tliey included the church 
>f St. Lorenzo: then, passin{2: by tlic Via del Gi- 
flio, and del Moro, to the River, arrived at tlie 

orta Carraja, where the bridge was afterwards 
>Uilt. Along tlie river front they included the 
Wgo di S. Pancrazio, di Parionc, and S. Apostolo, 
tossed the head of tlie Mercato Nuovo, where 
^as the Porta Santa Maria, and continued to the 

onte Vecchio, and beyond that to the Castello 
^jtafonte: here tliey made an angle, where, in 
nllani's time, was the *'coscia del Ponte Ru})a- 
Jonte", and passing behind the church of "St. 
^acopo tra le fosse", to the head of the Piazza 

(U Santa. Croce , incliidod tlie Borgo AegVi Albini, 
and then ended at the gate of St. Peter, where ' 
tbey began. 

Beyond the river were three Borghi, thrcadci ] 
by as many streets branching off from the htad , 
ot the Ponte Vecchio; these formed the Sorto 
d' oltr' Arno, but were not enclosed within the 
walls until 1250.* 

The '■'■ccrcfm anticn" of Cacciagiiida was the first 
circle of the new city wliich aroae from the ruins 
of the Roman one destroyed by Totila, it in- 
cluded the Badia, which the foiTncr did not; Dant« 
therefore, in mentioning tins circumstance, slmws 
how accurately he had informed himself nf the 
course of the previous wall. The walls of Dante'* ' 
time were began in 1284, but not tinishcd uotil . 
nine years after his death; they are those of the I 
present day. 

To the mixed character of the inhabitantu of 
the new city, Dante ascribed their divisions and 
feuds; though this was not so much from veiy 
ancient time, "ab antt'co", as from a comparatively 
late period, 1010, when the Florentines bcizm 
and dismantled Fiesole in a manner no way c*" 
ditable to honest neighbours. But political jtisCM 
and equity, in the minds of these sturdy repo^;" 
licans, never had much weight. Giov. VilW 
who here was of Dante's opinion, remarks, "i''* 
no wonder that the Florentines are alwaj 
war, and divided among themselves, haTing 

* The w&IU of this Sesto were built of tlie mftterUli (Uni 
the towere of the nohles, which the g;ovcriiinent of Ih 
to ho cnt down to 50 brnccift. That portion nt lh« * 
di 8t. Giortrio". WHS built in ia&8 with (he voniiacatMl b 
pnlnccB of the Ghibelins, who thns, Icn yrars after (ll* t 
of tliB OuelfH, were tliemBBlven. for the linit tinii>, (it»1)«il M 
rence, though not all. aa a few foiipht in the ranks of tbo Plo^ 
at (he battle of Monte Aperti, Sept. 4'^ 1360. Afl«r this li 
victoiioas Ghibelins destroyei] many honaes nf the Onflh, « 
fiicnleil Ihuir property lo the Co mil lie. 

PAUADISO. 44.'i 

icended from two |)eoplos so opposed and ini- 
licjil, iind of such different customs, as were the 
pble , virtuous Romans , and the cruel and fero- 
bus FiesoKini" (hb. I., c. 3S). 
E MnchtavelH , speaking of these divisions in the 
"oemio to JuB Florentine History, says: "that most 
her Republics , of which we have any notice, 
i been content with one division, which, ae- 
brding to events, has cither raised or ruined 
lem: but Florence, has made many. In Rome, 
everyone knows, after the kings were cx- 
Uled, there was a separation between the nobles 
■d the people, and tliis remained, without fur- 
|er division, until the Ucpublic was ruined. So 
at Athens , and in other republican cities. 
^t at Florence, first the nobles were divided, 
I tlie nobles and the people; lastly the people 
the plebs; and it liap|>ened frequeutly, that 
party itself which prevailed became divided 
two. From this followed so many violent 
deaths, and exiles, and such destruction of fa- 
milies, as never took place before in any known 
city. I[iit notwithstanding, such was the virtue, 
the Htr<?nglh of mind , and genius of those citizens 
to nuike themselves and their country great, that 
Flurencc utill increased and prospered". Macliia- 
Lvelli thought there could be no better proof than 
bis of the' inherent strength whieb it jiossessed. 
'. But this was rather the strength derived frcun 
p eitrlier days, sujiported by its commereial rcla- 
In the time of Charlemagne, the conlado of 
lorence extended to oidy three miles around the 
Ij". Otlio 1". enlarged it to six. Uy the time 
r Frederic 1". (I !84) it had been increased to 
Tlie comune had steadily persevered in its 
■licy »f absorbing the rural nobility, and des- 
pying tlieir castles: as these nobles were mostly 
tixniis of the Kmpire, Frederic was offended. 

and took away the wliole contado up to tbc 
walls of Florence, appointing imperial vicars to 
take charge of it. hi I3IHI, however, the Re- 
public had more than recovered its fomter juris- 
diction, for there were upwards of 30.0(m men 
within the walls capable of bearing arms, mid 
more than 7(t.O(IO without (Vill. 1. VIU., 38). ITie 
practice of compelling the nu'al nobles to take J 
to the city for a residence led more, perhaps, j 
than any other cause, to the divisions wlneh iol- ■ 
lowed, first between the nobles, then between 
the nobles and the people, and subsequccdr 
among the latter. 

The best comiueutarj' on v. 97 — 117 will tus 
foimd in Villaui lib. VI., c. 7(1; he expressly says: 
"molti portavano le pelli scoperte seuza panno 
con berrete in capo, e tutti con nsatti in piede; 
e le donne Florentine senza ornamenti; e piiMa- 
vasi la maggior donna d'una gonnella asRai »txetu 
di grosso scarlatto, cinta ivi su d" uiio schcggJuJo 
air antica , e uno mantello forderato di vajo ci 
tassello diaopra , e poitavanlo in capo ; e le donDt 
della coraune fuggia vestiano d' imo grosso vcnk 
di canibrasio per lo simile modo : e uaavnnu ili 
dare in dote cento lire la comime gente; e qticBe 
die davano alia maggioranza dueccnto o insinoi 
trecento lire era tenuta senza modo gran dota; ' "" 

The government of Republican Florence WM I 
first Consular. When divided into four guarST 
it had four Consuls, with a senate cousistin 
one hundred citizens, called "Auo/u uootim"". 
divided into sesiitri, there were six, but ill 
usual to mention only the principal one. In tJ( 
a podesti was first chosen by the coomM,,i 
was a1wa3'9 a stranger, and his office lusted I 
one year; lie was the officer of justice, but (ffl 
as regarded the executive, nil other uiattcrs ' 

PARADT80. 447 

ordered by the Consuls. This form of govern- 
ment lasted till the time of the ^^ prima popolo^\ 
when, Oct. 20'\ 1250, the first Capitano di Popolo 
was appointed, with twelve Anziani^ us a council. 
After the defeat of Manfred in 1266, the Guelfs 
took courage, and the Ghibelin rulers of Florence, 
fearing a rising of the people, caused two Cavalieri, 
Frati Gaudenti of Bologna , one of each party, to 
lie elected to the podesti\. They were intent only 
on their own advantage. To assist them, a council 
of thirty - six "buoni uoniini" was added, who 
ordered that each of the seven chief companies 
of the city should have its consul and captain, 
and gonfaloniere to carry the banner of the arie. 
The gonfalon of the company of Pliysicians and 
Apothecaries, in whicli Dante enrolled himself, 
bore the Virgin and child on a red groiuid.* In 
1 292, the government was again modified, through 
the triumph of the pojmlar })arty of Giano della 
Bella, by which the Nobles were excluded from 
taking any i)jirt in the regime of the <'ity; an<l a 
^ionfahmierv /// Gifislizia was created, as tlie hea«l 
of tlu' government, assisted by six Priori ivowx 
the city rompanies. ** 


Morontu fii inio fratc (mI Elisro; 

Mill donna vonnc a mo di val di Pado, 
K qiiindi il so|)rannoin(' tuo si f(^o. 

The family of the Klisci is mentioned by lii- 
cordano Malespiiii who wrote in 1207, as one of 

" Thr:«o H«-vt.'ii Arti wore 1. the CIiniig[«'r«i cit* nioiifv. *1. the .TiiiI|;i'k 
an*! NutaricH. 'A. tin' PIivNiciiinH ninl AputhocurifM. 1. tlio Wool 
wonvom or (.'lothicrii. r». llie Silk wruvrTM or M«*rriTs. tV llie Knr- 
rii-rd. 7. tin* MurchniitM. 'riicri* wi-rt' also \X Irs.scr (-oinii.-uiicH; the 
tir«t c»f whirli wns tlir IhitrlitTH, tin* lust tlur IMihlioaiis. 

** Till* l*imn, iiiHtitiitfil in l'JS2, wcn- at lirst f/itu-. tlii'ii fti.r. at 
utii* tiiiin ht'fht, ami lastly n'tf/it 


the most ancient in Florence, and of Roman orij^in, 
or, at least, so believed to be. (See ou XVI.. 
40 — 45). The maiden name of Cacciaguida's wife 
was Aldiyhiero^ she is thought to have been tlie 
daughter of a lawyer of that name at Ferrsira. 

Aldighicro^ the great-grandfather (bisavo) of 
Dante, was living in 1189, he may have been 
born about 1 136, and have died in 1 196. At the 
time of Dante's vision he was still in the Pur- 
gatory of the proud. The name Mdighirro was 
subsequently altered to AUighieri^ and became the 
^''casato^'' of Dante, but the mode of spelling it 
was not uniform , the correct way is w4th two /A. 
The family arms were parted per pale or and 
sable ^ a fess argenf.* Bellincione ^ the grandfatlier 
of Dante, had seven children, the eldest of whom, 
AUighieri 11'"', was the father of the Poet; he was 
a jiu-isconsult and judge by profession. By W* 
first wife, Lapa di Chiarissimo Cialufii, lie had 
a son, Francesco, and by his second wife, Donna 
Hella, he had Durante, whose name was ab- 
})reviated to Dante. Boccaccio also mentions •'i 
daughter who liccame the wife of Leon Pojrj:'- 

E (raita fiatu venue qucsto luoco. 

l\vENTV-FiVK CoDici examined on this viTse 
(Florence 12; Paris 2 [No, 10 Fonds de KesemS 
Xo. 72.').') <reii. collection!: lirit. M. IL and <•• 
Koscoe) gave only one example of the readin? 

* Tht'Sf iiriiiM liavf tlio sjiiiu* hi-ariiip:, u t\'»s tirifrnt . as lb*' 
cribcd to thr Fraii«^ijiaiil of Kimiio, t'roiii wlioiii tl)t> t'amily vi 

lliose H- 

lias, l)y Hoiiir, Im'i-ii su|i|io.S(ril t«> IiaVc (U>8('rii(li'<l ^ lilit tlu* ^tuuDo <■> 
tho fiiriiiiT is fiifirs ami nziirr. Sci' Aiitlin (U> Kiaiis *'/>fl f'tistitn f iif^^ 
uimif tti lhmtv^\ Wlicii tin* sons of Uaiiti' st'ttlfil at Vmm.i, tl***? 
i.'liai)(;iMl tlii'ir anus to aiuvv ^ a wiiij^ *i/-. 

rARADTSO. 410 

^^Enire'' , and tliis was in the (\ lirit. 943, where, 
however, it Inul been partially corrected to frenfa. 

TwKXTv-KKinT Printkd EmnoNs gave seven 
for the reading of the Crusca , 

K Ire fiato venne qiiesto fiioco. 

These included Pietro di Dante among the 
early commentators; Volpi and Venturi among 
the editors of the last century, and Poggiali, 
Fraticelli andJiianchi among those of the present.* 

All tin* ntlior coiiniicntators ,ind editions conHulted, the 
Oit., H<Miv., Ruti; tho Kdit. 1. 2, W* 1; Vend., Nid., Land., 
Aid., Veil., Dan.; Lonib., Dion., Hiap., (-(^s., (^»sta, Viv., 
**tlu» Four'-, and Witto, liad trenta, 

Viviani (lS2!i) remarked that the E<1. of'Foligno, 
and that of Naples, have in v. 37 ^'Al sol Lcofw\ 
and that this is found also in some of the Ci. 

Dante in his (\mvito, Tratt. II., c. 15, says 
that half the |)eriod of Mars is '*un anno cpiasi", 
mnsequcntly tliat the whoh* j)eriod is less than 
^y////.v/y two years**, tlie Accademiri took it as y/////' 
\\\i\ vcars, and then, with the rea(lin<r //vv////, found, 
;is they gravely remark<Ml, that ''(!ac<'iaguida 
ven-hbe a esscr prima morto, <'he nato '; a sen- 
tence conlinncd, as tlicv thoU'^lit, l)v the <*hiose 

*'«-iiti*i' nil iintroiioiny, was HiiftiiMfntly rxart t'«»r lii** |iiir|in».r, Sn 
I'^li' till- tiiiif i)t' tho Mnr>< is Ktatcd as '*iin aiiim 7'///^f*^ aihl xvln-ii 
^•' tioiililf tliir* ti> ^i't tlii* \\Iioli- |ii'ri<>ilical tiinr, ui* liavf /'-^v tiiaii 
t*o \i'.irK. 


of Pictro di Dante who was, in Biagioli's opinion, 

"pill piccjino appetto al padre, clic un punto eom- 

parato colV universo". Peter says: 

"Diccndo dictus spiritus quod a die adnnnciationis 
Cliristi usque ad nativitatem suam, illc planeta Mar- 
ti s^ qui facit cursum suum in duobus annis, ad suum 
Loonoui, idest ad signum Lconis coeleste, quod signum 
licet sit domus Solis secundum Isidoruiu, tanicn cum 
sit calidum et siccum, ut est ipse planeta iMartis, ideo 
vocat ipsum suum Leonem ratione convenientis natu- 
rae, venerat 553 vicibus, quod in 1300, quando hoc 
opus auctor dicit so fecisse, in mente bene adver- 
tendo, crant 206 anni; licet reperiatur seriptum cor- 
rupte 30 vicibus, ubi debet dicere tribus vicibus; et 
nunc in 1340 erunt 1234* anni/' 
Tlie accademici having thus thrown down tlie apple of 
discord, a sharp fight took place between the 8upi>ortors 
of the "^r6'" and those of the ^'(renfa'\ 

Lombardi declared for the latter, and showed that Dante 
was right, and that his reputed son was wrong; he set 
down the exact periodical time of Mars (GS6 days, 22 
hours, 29 minutes) the half of which was a year lesi 
twenty- one days and a fraction, not too long for an *'un 
anno f/7tasi'% and multiplying it by 580, found that it gave 
for the birth of Danto's Iritavo, a date between 100<I an<l 
*)1, not too early for him to have fouglit under Ct>iiraJ lU']'. 
who died in li52, or, certainly, befi^re 1160. This <K\i- 
sicm of Lombardi was approved of by Dionisi, Biairit'li' 
Cesari, Costa, and all the more <'rudite Editors and a»i«- 
monlators. Fraticelli, how(»ver, continued the fi^ht (is^'l* 
comi)lained of the "minuzioso (^ sofistico calcolo'' ofl/'U*' 
banli , and sp(»nt more than two j)ages in th(» attempt t*» 
confute him. llad Fraticelli's resentment rested hon\ nau^^*" 
j)hilists mi^lit readily have forgiv<ui him, but he niWy 
attacked the blaster himself, and said: **In torzo lii"?' 
io domando il porclio Dante avrebl>e voluto mai per f-"' 
primere il 5S0, dire goilaiiKnite riHqiir rrnfo n'li'iwntl'i *' 
tvvuta , e lion addirittura ritn/in* rrnto nfftinta , come vn"i<' 
il bucni discorso? Vi fu ogli costretto dal m(?tn> »> ii^ 
rimaV Mo i)er certo, perciocche egli facilissimaiueote 
avro])b(; potnto dire 

.// aiio Li'otiC cifupicrcntn uttntdn 
Fiatr. rnnir t/ursftt noatro funrn, rr.'* 

* Cudicc Wei Tun-o. 12,SS. 


Perhaps, some day, Scr Piotro will favour the world 
with an imjjroved version of the original Commedia. In 
his last edition (1860) he has not done so, but has eon- 
tented himself with a harmless tiing at Lombardi for his 
^* /timhircafo argomenlo^K The crusade of Conrad IIP** 
took jplaoe in 114S; if Cacciaguida w(Te bom in 1091, he 
would then have been in his 58*'' year, which Fraticelli 
thinks is far too old for any one to cross the seas to go 
and fight the Turks. Brunone Bianchi, who also con- 
tends for the "/;7'", does not attach so much importance 
to this circumstance, being himself of a more vigorous 
constitution, and winds up his note on this passage wuth 
a "perclii? il fanatismo di nueste Crociate era tale da 
Bpingcrvi anchc un vecchio ct* ottanta''. 


(.ili antichi miei ed io nacqui nel loco 

Dove si trova pria T ultimo sesto 

Da quel che corre il vostro annual giuoco. 
Basti de' miei maggiori udirne questo: 

(1ii ei si furo, ed onde vcnner quivi, 

Pin (J tacer, che ragionare, onesto. 

Dante was jn'oiid of his Roman orij^in: "y// 
antirhi miei\ were not from Fiusole (Inf. XV., 
01 — TS), Imt of those more aneii^nt families, citlier 
the orij^nnal founders of the city, accordinj^ to 
tlie theory then received, or subsequent colonists 
wlio came from Rome. The Poet calls the Fh)- 

— quell* ingrato popolu malignn, 
(.IK* discese di Ficstdr ah aiitico , 
E time ancor del monte »' drl macigiio. 

And thi.s n<» doubt was true. When Fiesole 
looked down from lier jiroud and lofty ro<»k, upon 
tlie jdain beh)W, throu;»h which the Arno passes 
to the sea, tlie site of Florence was oc<'Upied by 
two small viUa^^es named ''/'//A/ Arnhta'\ and 
'^^ Villa Ciimarh''\ <»rl>omus Martis, where was held 
a weekly market. 

21> * 

4S2 PAnADrso. 

All that can with certainty be said of Fiesolc. 
is tliat it was an Ktniscan city lonj.'- before Flo- 
rence came into existence. The P^tniscans (nr 
Tuscans) are supposed to have expelled the more 
ancient I'elasgi, but who they were, or froiu 
whence tliey came, whether from Lvdia, or sonio 
otlier country, are matters of mere learned con- 
jecture. Spreading; themselves over a larjre jmr- 
tion of Italy, they constituted a federal state nf 
twelve principalities, and were the mortal enemies 
of the Komans. Porsenna, who ruled in Chiai!i. 
reduced the rising masters of the world to iai- 
niincnt straits. 

When we come to authentic history, we find flie 
Fiesolani still among the fiercest enemies of iIip 
Itninan senate and peo2)le. Tliey took jiart in 
the Social war, and were imnishcd liv the eoii- 
fiscatioii of their lands, and tlie scHlen'icnt aiiiini;: 
them of Ji colony of Sylla's vetcnins fli. ('. vJ . 
So Leonardo Aretino . whose siatcnuqit vrtuM 
seem to be boi-nc out by older authorities. ?vi- 
]iioiie Annniratn, however, wa.-» of opiuitui that 
the selTleiiient ilid not take place until after rlu- 
battle of P]iilip])i (H. ('. 42), under the triiniivi 
rate of Marc Antony, J>e]iidus, and <letaviiis, 

lie this as it may, there can be no dnulii ili:i' 
tilt; city of Florence, '"la jnccola Roma", a* ii 
was called, har| a Roman and not an Ktrii^'i'ii 
ori^rin. It was one of thost; cities foundol hv ;i 
liiiiiian C'llouy. of M-hi<:h there were so iiiai!}' 
thntuj-houl Euiupi-, .-mil. in imitation of its ;riviii 
nri-iinal, had Aipieducts. liatlis. Theatres, a r;iiii- 
l)idii^'-lio, Tcin|iles and other i)ublic luiihliuiTs; i' 
ha<I also its own Consuls, and Senate, ami tlif 
sanu' laws, usages, customs and j^anies as tin 
niother-eity; and tliroufih all its vicissitudes still 
i-.taiiicd families desecn<U-d fnmi the tirst Uoiiiaii 
si'ttlers, of which Danle re-rarded his <nvn ns -w 

tfalespini, who is more of a local historian 
n Giov. Villani , relates some particulars of the 
^inal Roman founders of Florence, which the 
«r put no faith in. He states that Uberto Ce- 
e , the son of Catiline , having been received 
^ favour by Julius Cajsar, was sent with seven 
apanions to remodel the city in the likeness 
Rome. This account does not harmonize with 
vious statements, and, in all probability, is a 
re fable; but it was credited by the chronicler. 
)m this it would appear that the noble family 
the Uberti, the firm supporters of imperial 
hority in the 1 2"' century, were, from the first, 
chief citizens in Florence, and of Roman ori- 
; and that next to them in ancient nobility 
le the Roman family of the Elisei, who were 
D Ghibelins.* Malespini's words are (c. 29): 
he said Uberto took to wife a lady of Rome, 
er to a noble Roman named Elisonc, from 
Dm, it is said, are descended the AHsei (Elisei) 

The companionB of Uberto, as namod by Mslespini, were — 
Elihone , from whom were descended Uie Linei, or Eliaei — 
oDe of whom, Messor Liseo de' LUei, was creatod a Ca- 
valier by Charlemagne (cap. LVIII). 
Attiiante, from whom came the Oemanni, afterwards the 

JtiLioHE, from whom came the Raviji^nsni, very great people, 
who lived " [d BUlla Porto di San Piotro"; their house af- 
terwards belonged to the Conti Guidi, a family dcaconded 
from a daughter ofMesxer Bcllini-iono Berti: tho clironiclur 

Caprone, from whom came lli.> family ilcW Arcic "antichis- 

<!at.ia!(o, from whom came the Gnligni; their house was in 
the Orto San Micbele; niao the lionagum. who lived in the 
Via del Garbo (those were alao allied to the Presa family, 
one of whom, Mesaer Buonagnisa, was made a Cavalier, 
by tho Bmp. Arrigo of Bavaria), tbo Alepri. Guigni. and 

V-ao, from whom came the UgM, one of whoso members 
founded tho Church of Santa Maria Ughi , which, on holy 
Saturday, ^ave tho signal for lighting "it fuoco bcnedetto . 

Abihsacco, from whom came the Capoiuaeehi. 


of Florence, who were kinsmen ("consorti di 
ceppo") of the Infrangipani of Rome, and this 
Elisone was one of the seven compapnions of 

Tliat the Poet, believing in liis Roman origin, 
should have gloried in it, is not to be wondered 
at, seeing what were the i)rejudice8 of the time 
in reference to those who had their origin from 

Gcnte avara, invidiosa, e superba: 

Cacciaguida tells his great-great-grandson that 
he and his ancestors were borji in the Sesto di Porta 
San Piero, the fifth, and in those days, the last 
(see on XV., 97 — 135), just where it was entered 
on coming from the Mercato Vecchio, at that cud 
wliere the Via di Calimara, which led from the 
porta Santa Maria to the porta del Duomo, passed 
through tlie centre of the ancient city. The houses 
of the Allighieri were in the next street parallel 
to the Corso, and nearer to the porta di San 
Pictro, close to the Piazza di S. Martino. where 
a vestige of them still remains. No. 533, Via IJic- 
cinrdo. liehind these liousos, and facinj:r the Corso, 
was the rosidciicc of the Donati; the C'asa ml 
liello was on the west side of tlicm, and the Casii 
de' Portinari, on the cast side, behind. An an- 
cestral residence in the centre of the city was a 
mark of ancient and noble descent. Who these 
ancestors avctc, and Avhence they came. 

Pin r tacer, chc^ ra<^ioiiarc (»nesto. 

I'his expression is very like that used by Dante 
in reference to the compliments he received from 
the illustrious Poets of antifpiity (Inf. IV.. H^-l- 

Parlando cose, die il tacurc (• bollo, 

and shows a similar sense of modesty. It' Cac- 
ciaguida no longer gloried in his cju'tldy do- 


scent, Dante might and did. The knowledge of 
it, he pretends, exalted him in his own esteem, 
and he uses the Roman voi, in place of the Flo- 
rentine tu, at which Beatrice gives a significant 
*hem!' Thus the Poet laughs at the littleness 
of human vanity, playfully turning his wit against 

When Totila destroyed Florence, there were 
thirty -eight families within the first circle, who 
all had their towers, one or more each, ''ncUa 
prima porta di Firenze" (Malesp. cap. 35). Towers, 
as a mark of nobility, and for defence in those 
quarrelsome times, were a Roman usage, followed 
throughout Italy. When Florence was restored, 
between 755 and 801, it was larger and more 
beautiful, says Malespini, than before, but Vil- 
lani states that it was not so large, and he would 
seem to be right. Charlemagne kept Easter 
Sunday of 805 here, made many knights, and 
founded the very remarkable church of the Holy 
Apostles. The city and contado were then governed 
by two Consuls and a hundi'cd Senators. Wlicn 
the f]mperor Otho V\ king of Germany, in 961, 
came to Italy to receive the imperial crown, he 
was received with much lionom- by the Floren- 
tines, and took a great liking to the city, ''perchfe 
sempre era istata fedelc alio 'mperio, e s\ la fa- 
voreggio, e privilegi6, e eoncedettelc iiifino a sei 
miglia di Contado" (cap. 51.). One of his Barons 
was the ancestor of the Conti Guidi of Ravenna, 
a descendant of whom, named Guido, married 
the beautiful Gualdrada (daughter of Mcsser Bil- 
lincione Berti de' Ravignani) who received from 
Otho IV**'. the whole Casentino for her dowiy, 

• Behind or near to the houses of the Klisci was an ancient Ro- 
man arch, sometimes called *'r Arco degli Elisei" see Borghini, 
"Discorsi** "Dell' origine di Firenze". Parte 1. p. 206. 


and from whom were descended the Conti Guidi 
so frequently mentioned by Dante. With OthoIII"'., 
}2:rands(m of Otho T'., there came to Florence the 
C'ontc Ugo, believed to be the Marquis of Bran- 
denburg , who here resided as imperi<al vicar in 
Tuscany. Ilis palace was on the site of the 
Vescovado , and he had a villetta at Monti Ughi. 
He it was who founded the seven Badie in Tus- 
cany, in consequence of a marvellous vision of 
the torments of Hell which he is related to have 
had when hunting once in the woods of Buonso- 
lazzo in Mugello, about ten miles from Florence. 
His arms were argent, fom* pales gules (Pard. 
XVL, 127—9).* 

On the death of Otho HP^, of the house of 
Saxony, the choice of an Emperor having jiasseA 
to the seven Electors of Germany, Henry 11"*^ 
Duke of Bavaria, was chosen by them (1003)- 
He also was much pleased with Florence, niad*^ 
many knights there, <and built St. Miniato \^^ 
j\[ontc. In 1010 the Florentines destroyed Fie^- 
sole, wlicn the inliabitants of the two cities, lit ^ 
the arms they once bore, were brouglit to<rcthei.'- 
tliougli still divided. The Florentines jmt awa^" 
the wliitc lilv from their red shield, and the Fie 
sohini did the same Avith the azure moonoftlicir 
wliitc one, and the joint arms of the roniune be- 
came ])artcd per pale, gules and argent. The 
government of the city by two Consuls and a 
hundred Senators still continued. 

To the p]mpcror Ilonryir"'. succeedocK^lonradll"'., l)«k<* 
of Franconia (1021); thou his son llonry III"'. (10.39):^ 
thou Henry IV"'. (105G), in whose tinio the now wall> <'\ 
Florence were erected (107S), hv which the ChuR-h »** 
St. Peter, and tlie horgo, were inchided in the city, u 
was tjiis KmjKTor who sou^lit to curb the increasini; pre- 
sun»})tion of the Papacy, in the i)erst)n of Cire^<»rv VI^^; 

• Sec Bor^'hiui, "Discorsi etc. dolle Fnniijii^Uc Fiorcntiuo". 


wlicn, for the first time, Florence sided with the Church: 
the Emperor in vain besieged the city flOSl). "E per 

Juosto Arrigo Imperadore terzo (cjuarti>) s' incomincio a 
ividere tutta Itaha quasi, o chi tenoa eon hii, e chi con 
la chiesa" (Malesp. cap. OS: Gio. Vill. I. III., c. 17). 

Not many years after this (1107), the Florentines having 
successfully resisted the Kinperor, resoivijd, on a small 
locale, to imitate him; and desirin*): to extend their c(m- 
tado, summoned all th<> holders of castles that came in 
tlieir way to surrender, and those who would not obey 
had their castles taken and destroyed. From iiiakinf:!^ war 
n<^aiiist imperial castles, the Florentines j>roceeded to make 
war iip<m imperial tt»wns, and now those |)arty wars 
cjminieneed which wen* so inimical to the welfare of Italv. 
Henry V"'., who succeeded his father in IKM), prov(?d a 
l»Teater enemy to the (^Mnirch than tho former had been, 
iw died in 1125, and with him endcul the imperial house 
of Francimia. 

After Henry V'''., who left no children, Lothaire, Duke 
of Saxony, was proclaimed Km]>eror: he dic^l in 1137. 

During the reigns of Henry V'''. and his father, th(i 
ducal families of //V//' and fi'rihlin.fru had risen to great 
power and iuHuence. lleiu'v IV'*'.. in J 07 1, had conferred 
the duchy nf Bavari.M on //>//'. that of Suabia , in lO.'Jll, 
on Fri'deric count of IlnhenstantlVn. Henry tlie Proud, 
till' grandson of Wrlf, had added the durhies of Saxony 
ami Tuscany to his possessitins; and ('■•nrad, the son of 
Fredi'ric , had acquired the duchy of Franconia. Thesi' 
twn princes, descendants nf th«* families nf Welf and 
AVi'iblingen , tlie one devoted to the l*apMcy, the other tri 
tin* Kmplrc, on tlie di'ath of Lotliain', ejjiially liecame 
claiinant> for the imperial dignity. < 'onrad 111"', who liad 
lu'en th<* rival of Lothaire, siicrenli'd him, hut liis elec- 
tion was ciUitested by tIh* \\'«'lt's. aiicl at tlie battle of 
Win-^berg. fought I )ec<'inber 21'*, J 1 HI. '*//'/'7-' and "//V///- 
///ly/'//' AM-re tin' war-crie.-. rai-^ed bv th'' eoutrnding ar- 
niii'- - ominous wt»nls which. a> fnir/f ;md (ihlhi'lin, wen* 
s»ib>onneiitlv uaturali/ed in Italv, and brcann' the distinc- 
five name.-« of tin* oppt»sing factions t»f the INqic and the 

It was under (\inrad III"'., that <iacciaguida fought and 
fell. He was snc<*«'edrd bv \\\< nepln^w, Fredcri<' l»ar- 
han»>sa, nuk** of Snabi;i ill.'ri IP.Hi). 

Tb'' <'onei»rdat "if \V«»rms in 1122, though it had settleil 
ti»«* question «if invo-<titureH, h;id not nconcileil th«' Em- 
pire with the Church, ami in the reign of "// hwrn Jttir- 

4rt8 PARAU180. 

harossti", tlie enmity was renewed with iiicrp.ifiod violcnco, 
tlio prctcnhioiis of the jiapacy coining into collision witli 
th« jiridc of iin]>r!rial powor. Frcilorii'S history is a (erir-a 
of [lerpctnai wars. Th« defeat of hi« host at Lcpn8ni»l>> 
the burj^hors of Milan in 1176, followed by tlic (leai-e of 
('onstanec, continned the liberties of ibe Loiubanl rc[) ■ 
(Sec on Tard. 111., 118—120.) 

CANTO XVI., VERS! 1(16-111. 

Lo cftpiio, di chn nacfiiiern i Calfucei, 
F.ra gia grandi;, e gia rrano trntti. 
Allc (.'uruic Sizii cd Arricncci. 

O nunli vidi <|uci che ^on di^fatti 

Pt-r lor siiperbia! c le pallo dull' on> 
Fiorian Fiorcnzn. iii tntti suoi gran fatti. 

The lovin<^ rcfraril wiiicli Djintc shows fortU*^ 
{jrpiit. ami iioblo families wliitli harl flimnslicil ' ■ ' 
liirt iiativo Florence, ;tiul his desire t<i |HTi>ftiuir *■' 
the ineiiKirv nf them in liis inininrtal l*tieiii, attr?**' 
the jiistiee nf liis frcneroiis iiatm-e. 

Ill lioiKiuviiiy them he (lid himcuiv to hiiiisclt- 
Iii risiii'; to the empyrean of poetic hiiiie. Ii»' 
earned tlicir iiainew with liiiii, jitul thus ^juc I" 
tlieiii an interest in the estiniatinn nf posterilv". 
whieli otherwise w<»nld Jiave known very liitl'' 
jiboiit them, nnd wfiuld have eared even less. 

Dante in tliis. as in other matters, is a iii'i-' 
efheient ehronieler: Jhilespini had already nun- 
tioned tlie names of these faniilic-i, and of iiiiiuy 
others, hnt liis nnister roll is no luttcr tli:iii •' 
dead letter eoniparcil with the Poet's ever livl";-' 

Amonjf the most fnmons of tlie earlv Roimu 
fnniilies of Florenee. one wliose liistory'liiKllHtn 
IriKed hi yond the ndvent of I'herto and his scvfii 
eoinpsniions, was that of the J.and)erti, who luTi' 
for their arms eiji'ht ;r<'lden halls, with one I'tT 
ii erest, plaecd over a cap of maintennnee: Ma- 


lespini says that their "siuisuratc jjeiitilezze, c pro- 
dczze, e graiulo opcre Ic quale feciono, sarebbe 
lungo a dire", and theOttiino tells us that they were 
"most noble and i)otent citizens, whom the autlior 
introduces bv their arms, as if to say, that as a 
ball is a symbol of the universe, and gold the 
most precious of metals, so, in goodness and va- 
lour, the Lamberti surpassed all the other citizens". 
The residence of the Lamberti was near the church 
of St. Andrea. In the court of tlic Riccardi pa- 
lace, in the via de'Servi, is a sarcophagus on which 
arc the arms of this family, with a lambrekin 
pendant from the crest*. 

The family ruined by their pride were tlie 
in)crti; their residence, says Malcspini, was be- 
tween the churcli of S. Piero Scheraggio and that 
of S. Romolo; it occupied, in fiict, the space be- 
tween the iirst and front portion of the Palazzo 
Vccchio erected by Arnolfo (similar to the Pa- 
lazzo del Comune at Po])])i built by Lai)o a short 
time previously), and tlu^ Palace of the IJguccioni, 
now Fcnzi, so well known to English visitors, 
and t-rcctcd from a design bv Kaphacd. On the 
dcstriirtion of th<* Palace of the I'beiti, a family 
hatct'iil to the Florcntino (Jmdfs from the reasons 
assigned by th(» Poet f'lnf. X., S2- -7.), but de- 
serving better treatment tor Fariuata*s snke, the 
ground it had oc<'U]»icd was not allowi'd to be 
built U])on. 

Tin* Fberti, in tlu* time of Frederic P'., were 
th<* most p(»Wfrful citizens in Florrncc, and being 
displi-ased at the consuls and senate for favouring 
the party of the Church, thcv with tlu'ir followers 

' Mnli'<iftiiii's i';itali»irM<' ••!' tin* l''l<»riiitiii.- t'aiuiliii ami tlirir n'Hi- 
•{•'iiri-4, \\ itii tljr CavaliiT" «"rt'at<*il l»y ('liarliinaj-in- . will !»♦• fminil 
raji f.VII. I,Vni: tli<" list nt' Cattani. ..r tli..-*i- wlm luM ra-llrn in 

th«" ii»'iirlili«»'lrli 1. at rap. l.X. In titi- -i i-nn-j \.ilriiii<« nf It'iri^liiiii's 

•• I )iii-<ifi " llirfi" i"» ail iii1i-r«"itin:: ili--' rt-ili«'ii "ii tli** arms ni" iIum- 
uuhlv ianiilioD. "D<-11* Ariiiu dcllr raiui;rli'' ri'^rviitiiii-." 


amrnig the nobles and people, made war npn 
the anthoritics, "per iuviiliii delhi sijfuuria". ii* 
Villani says, "clie non era :i loro volerc" (1. V 
c. 9). Hut it was in the time of his grandsou 
Frederic II'"'. that the Ghiboliiis made thcmscivcR 
masters of the city, and being; subsequoiitly ex- 
pelled, rctiurned in force mider Manfred, after thi' 
victory of Mniite Apcrti. 

In the list of Florentine families given by Ma- 
Icspini there is no mention either of the AlUgliiori. 
or the Portinari. The author of the Ottinio, wlm 
lived and wrote before 133G, tliiit is within ciglity 
years of Malespini's death (believed to have taken 
place in 1'25(>, in his sixty-sixth year), iiotiit'* 
many of these families, as a Florentine miglil l)i' 
expected to do. And it is melancholy tn rcful 
how many of these, once nnble i)il!avs of tliclii- 
l)ublic, had fulku to niin, and passed with tiiiK' 
awa)-. Some fcH-, indeed, had migrated ti> Hii- 
logna, others were in exile, bnt the fre(|iicnt mii- 
tcni-cs, like ejjifaphs M'ritten njmn tombs, "a/"*" 
tf/ /lo/rif", "(/<7 /nffo s/)c/iftf'\ too plainly couiiriii il'f 
Poet's remark, 

Lc viistri! cose tutte lianno li>r iimrte 
Si foim; voi: 

Dante, who was a devont student of Hnclliins. 
as well as of the Itiblc. held that tb.- uuly advmiia;'-' 
of ])eing burn noble was the nccessitv it ini|i'i^i'' 
on rhdsc who were, of not degencratinfr fnantlw 
virtues of their ancestors ( llneth. de i.\<w<"l 
\. III., :>).* 


PARADI80. 461 


Pcrche mia donna: Manda fuor la vampa 
Del tuo disiO; mi dissC; si ch^ eir esca 
Segnata bene dell' interna stampa: 

Fifty- TWO Codici examined on this passage 
^Jlome 38, Siena 3, Brit. M. 10, and C. Roscoe) 
^ave twenty^ two examples of this reading, and 
eleven variations from it. Thus making in all 
:welve readings: these were 

2"'* Segnata bene dell' etema stampa. 7 Codici. 

3**^ Segnata lieve dell' interna stampa. 6 Codici. 

4*** Segnata venne dair etema stampa. 4 Codici. 

5**^ Segnata bene dair etema stampa. 3 Codici. 

6*** Segnata lieve dell' etema stampa. 3 (^dici. 

7*'* Segnata venne dell' interna stampa. 2 Codici. 

8*** Segnata bene dair ontema stampa. 1 Codice. 

9*** Segnata venne dell' etema stampa. 1 Codice. 
10*** Segnata tene dell' etema stampa. \ Codice. 
11*** Segnata bene delP intera stampa. 1 Codice. 
12''* Segnata breve dell' interna stampa. 1 Codice. 

Thus the variations in the second word of this 
''erse were lieve ^ venne ^ tene, and breve for bene; 
tnd in the fomlh word etema and intera for interna, 

Thk Codici with tbe/?r5/, and usual reading, were: 
Ci. Vat. 356, 366, 367, 263, 266, 2373, 2866, 3197, 
3199, 4777; Ci. Barb. 1538, 2190; C. Aug. lOf; Ci, 
Chig. 213 (in margin lieve ... etema), 253, 292; Ci, 
Sen. 27, 30; Ci. Brit. 19.587 (scampa) j 3460, 839, 
and C. Boscoe. 

The Codici with the second reading, were: Ci. Vat. 
266, 2358, 2864; C. Barb. 1534 {del ecterna)'^ C. 
Cors. 1354; Ci. Brit. 943 (altered to segnata tiene), 
and 3581. 

The Codici with the third were: Ci. Vat. 378, 2865, 
4776; C. Cors. 368; Ci. Barb. 1535, and 1737. 

The Codici with the fourth: C. Vat. 3200; C. Cor. 
5 in Cat. Kossi {al, interna in margin); Ci. Brit. 932, 
and 10.317 (yenga dalla et'na). 

The Codici with the fifth: C. Barb. 2192; Ci. Cors. 
607, 60 {da etema stampa). The other Codici wore: 
Sixth reading: C. Cors. 1305; C. Caet.; C. Brit. 3513 
(intera originally). Seventh: Ci. Chig. 167 (v. al l/ene), 


251. Eiffhllt. ■ C.]int. (dalamiema). Jfinlh: C. 

Barb. 2192. Tcii/h: V,. Hen. 32. Elfvenlh: U, IJrii. 

a45H {"aniera'' for hiUrii). Tiivlflh: C ('Iiig. 294. 

Nineteen of tbeac Cotliei bad etcrna; five of wbit-li 
(Ci.94:i,:(5SI, 351.% 10.317, anai):i2) were niiion}.' 
the ten Ci. Hrit. Odnsultcd, or i>ne luilf (ivliii'li is 
the proportion found nmong: tlic four early printed 
editiona); as another of these (C 345!t) Imd 

Scgnata bone dell" intcra stiinijin: 
which is a very good reading, there were only 
four ont of ten with ^'"inferno s/ampa". 

TwKNTY-six Printed texts consulted sliowetl. 
that, in those since the time of Aldus, excqitiiij? 
(Mr for tie /', the verse has invariably been priuiod 
as it was by him, 

Sc}!;iiafa bone dc 1' intoma stanipa. 
but before his time it was not. The Ottiiiio liatl 
the third readin^r, fur it exjilaiiis "'si^-ehe ellji i'^''-' 
segnnta Uggknufiifc del coiiio del tuo aiiini" ■ 

IJuti read 

Sef,'nnta Ik-iio di' I' ctorna ^taiiipa. 
and explained: ''eioe de la carita dell" Sauw 
Spirito, ehe e eteriio'". 

The Kd. of Foh'gno lias the sixth rcadiiijr. 
ScgtiiUa lit'vc dcllii ctiTna tslannui. 

The Kd. of Naples follows It. excejitiufr intl"' 
mi.spriiit "linw" fur lin;: The Kd. of desi \W>- 
rcudin;^' not found in any of these (.'odiei, 
Scpiaiii lii'Vf dn In iiitcriiii staiiijia 

The I'M. of Jlantun. with Benvenuto. has iW 
ordinary roadin-. Tlie \\-ud.. N'id. . Land, i-/*'/ 
iiih-rnii). \'ell.. Man., (.'rus.. Vent.. Koinb., Itioii.. 
liia^^.'l'of;-., Ce.s., \'iv., Costa, "the Kour". Fral.. 
Uiiin., and Mitte all have tlie same readiuf:. 

l{<.inauis (l$2-2) uotires the readinjr of the C 
I'aet.. and also that of tiu- U. Glendiervie. whidi 


very nearly agrees with tliiit of the C. Brit. 10.317, 
except in "^A'tf'" for flalla. 

Sogiiata venga dell' ctema stampa. 


Qua! si part\ Ipi)i)lito d' Atcne ( 
For la H]nctata c perfida novorca, 
Tal di tiorciiza partir ti eonviene. 

The personal history of Dante , from the time 
that M. Corso Donati and the Nvri^ or ultra Guelfs, 
of Florence, with the a])probation of tlic Pope, 
were plotting at Rome tlie ruin of the Poet and 
the moderate party, to the victorious cfircer of 
Can (Jrande, is here briefly narrated. 

The first intimation given of the misfortunes 
about to hai)pen to him, is that of the Florentine 
Ciacco (Inf. VI., (54 — 72), who predicts the ex- 
])ul.<ion of tlie Sni by the Itianvhi^ or ''la parte 
solvai;gia'\ of which ^lesser Vieri de' Cerchi was 
the liead. and that witliin tlic period of three 
years the latter would in turn be expelled by 
the former, 

('t»n la forza di tal cho trstr jna^gia: 

that is of the Pope, lioiiifazio VIII., who at that 
time (i;<00) held the Bianchi in .siis[)ense, while 
ill secret he encoura^red the Xeri. 

During the festival of Kastcr, liJOO, Dante was 
at Home: shortlv after liis return tlie troubles be- 
;ran. On the eve of Mav-dav the Cerchi an<l l)onati 
came to blows. In .hnu', it would appear, the 
(*ardinal Portuense was sent to Klorenee by the 
pope to reconcile the Guelfs. l)ut the Hianehi, 
who were in |>o\ver, were susj)icious tif him and 
would not obey, and the Le;^ate, taking und)ra;re, 
returned to Koine, leaving the city under an inter- 



diet. (So Villaiii.) In tlic HUtumii of the following 
year lie came again, for the same piu-posc, but 
tlien the Neri oft'ended him, and he left in disgust. 

In relating the political events whicli occurred 
in 1300 — i;{Ol, in consequence of the dissensions 
among the citizens, and the banishment of the 
more turbulent of each party. Chroniclers arc so 
at variance, that it is extremely difficult to specify 
with (certainty the precise order of events, and to 
determine wJiether the banishment took place in 
consequence of the strife in the streets, or from 
the subsequent secret meeting of the Neri in the 
church of Santa Trinita, which the liianchi with 
violence resented. After consulting all the nu- 
merous autliorities *, it is only from Dante's 
words (Inf. VL, 04 6), that we can conclude, as 
stated by Dino Compagni, tliat the banislmient 
took ])la(*e from what ()ccurre<l before tlie secrt't 
nu'cting in Santa IVinita, ami that the latter event 
was owing, at least in part, to the return nl thi' 
banished JJianclii ])efore tlie intri;>uinii' Xeri. 

Giovanni Boc<*accio, in liis life of Dante, inaki"^ 
a singularly erroneous statement in reference to 
t]ie manner in wliich the Poet was iirst <'onstraineu 
to leave Florence, sliowing, even when ho \vn»te. 
liow diflicult it was to get at the truth in thi^ 
matter. Jle says : "Irom various causes tlie hatreil«»l 
opposing parties increasing, and the time drawing' 
near for tlie secret machination of tlu'eatoniuir tor- 
tune to take eirect, it was wliisjjcred throu^'lioni 
tlie city, that the i)artv averse to that with wliirli 
the Poet held had collected in their Iniuses a lariTf 
force of armed men for the ])urj)ose of ritldiivj 
themselves of their enemies. Which being believiil 
so fri<ihtened the colleaiifues of Dante, that evt-rv 

^ Sir Miiio ('(Mn])a;riii ; <ii<»vanui Villain: .Maivliiniio strtT.\in: l.<«- 
iiardi) Arctinu; Macliiavclli ; Sripioiu' Aniniiiatu: MinuUi; IMVt; 
Jlalbo, ami ntluT iiioilorn writers. 


her counsel but flight being rejected, of their 
im accord, they fled from the city, and he 
th them". This statement we know to be con- 
iry to fact; it is also contrary to what Jioc- 
ccio in another place asserts , that on a pressing 
casion for sending an embassy to Pope Boni- 
sio, when the Republic needed the Poet's pre- 
nce at home, being urged to go by the chief 
3n of the state , he said before them all, ' if I go, 
lo r6mains, and if I remain, who goes?' The 
ibassy here alluded to was that which Dante 
idertook, after his priorato, for the puq^ose of 
utralizing the influence of the Neri at the court 

Rome; and that, in his thoughtful remark, he 
Btly estimated the importance of his remaining 

Florence, is shown by the sequel. Dante, on 
is occasion, was accompanied by two other 
xputies, whom the Pope soon dismissed, but, 
Lth artful dissimulation, kept the Poet at Rome, 
hile in secret he carried on his designs against 
lorence, well knowing that no one else would 
lyQ the courage or ca])acity to ()])pose Charles 

Valois and his iniquitous schemes. The vo- 
ntary flight from Florence of the iiianchi took 
ace when Dante was in Rome, after the arrival 

Charles, but before his perfidious intentions 
id been fully disclosed, and Avhcn Corso Do- 
rti and his ruffian followers had secretly col- 
cted in the houses of their friends. What fol- 
)Ws is more correct. "Not many days after this, 
leir opponents obtaining the government of the 
ity, all those who had fled were condenmed to 
erpetual exile as public enemies, and their pro- 
erty confiscated to the conuine." 

When, in the autumn of 1301, Carlo di Valois 
as sent for to Anagni by Bonifazio, the chief 
use of it was, according to Villani, to arrange 
>out an expedition to Sicily in the following 



spring, directed against its ruler Frederic of Ar- 
ragon; at the same time the Pope, iiiindt'ul of 
his displeasure towards the IJiaiichi, gave him tlie 
title of Paciaro in Tuscany, and desired him to 
proceed to Florence. Dante, who Avas then »( 
the pupal court , as an ambassador from the Re- 
public , on the part of the moderate Guelfs , was 
kept in ignorance of the Pope's pm-pose, in order 
that he might not prevent the ruhi of his party, 
already resolved on. As noon as intelligence 
reached him of the doings of the French pniifc 
and the Neri, he hastened towards Florence, but 
it was then too late to render help , his enemies 
had pi'evailed, and he stopped at Siena. 

The Bianchi were not, as a party, eifectiuiHv 
expelled from Florence until April, 1302. "'iiifr" 
trc sole", from the period of the Vision. Afti-r 
that, C'harlcs of Valois proceeded to Naples i» the 
interest of Carlo IL"''-, t<» join the expedition, again-*! 
Frederic of Aragon, which proved a failure. B"- 
nifazio, it appears, had promised the kiiiy "' 
France to make his brother Kni]Kror, but iu-sic;"! 
of that he confirmed Albert of Austria, «oii of 
the Knipcror Uiidolf, in tlnit dignity. This gruiUl.*' 
incensed both I'hilippc, and Charles, and led fVi'i' 
tually to the king being cxconnnunicatcd by i'"' 
Pope, and the Pope treated with such imli^riiiii'* 
by the king thiit he died In consecjucncc [V^Tr- 
XX., Sli— '.Hj). Corso Donati, who had bceii t!if 
chief I'liuse of raising the initniositv of the V"]-^' 
against the lliancbi. met also witli a vioh-nt deatli 
(Purg. XX1\-., S2— 7). 

Tlie duplicity and trejichcry with wliich Cluirb 
of Valois behaved at Florence, as set forth by 
J^nio Coin]);tgni , fully confirms what the Poei 
says of him {Purg, XX., TO — .'i). 

In verses ^K* — 7 we have a t(mcliing and iif- 
fcctionate allusion made by the Poet to his wife 


find family: but lie never mentions ciny of them 
l>y name, nor does he ever directly allude to 
the former. Dante carefully excludes all matters 
merely personal, except his birth and baptism, 
which were too intimately connected with the 
history of Florence to be omitted; and the pro- 
tection and friendship of the Scaligeri, which are 
mentioned to their honour, not to his o^vn. He, 
[lias! felt only how intensely humiliating it was 
to live in the liouses of other people (58 — 60), 
but he was not always a dependant guest; in the 
latter years of his life he lived in his own house 
at Ravenna, and had the companionship of his 
fiffectionatc sons, Pietro and Jacobo, whom a 
noble-minded mother, through i)overty and afflic- 
tion, had struggled hard to educate and rear in a 
manner worthy of their sire. lie also had the 
satisfaction to know that, in the same city, his 
beloved daughter, Beatrice, was living in a state 
of grace with tlie sisterhood of the Nuns of S. 
Stefano dclF UHva. 

Dante's description of himself, in the Convito 
'Tratt. I., 3), as a wandering exile in search of 
knowledge, is the best commentary on what is 
iilludcd to by him, on this subject, in the Com- 

"l\»irlir fu piaccTO dr' rittadiiii (l<*lla boUissiina r fa- 
inoHissiiiia ti^dia di Koina, Fiorcnza^ <li p'ttanni iuori <1<*I 
BUo tlnli'iri.siiiio seno (iiel ([iiah; iiato (* iiiuh'ito i'ui lino al 
uolinu ilella mia vita [Inf. I., 1; XV., 51], (^ ncl <iual(', 
iron buona j)acc; di (piclla, desidcrn con tutto il cnorc di 
rijMisan* 1* aniiiio stanco, e torminan^ 11 trinjjn clio in' i* 
(Into), per le parti quasi tutto, all(> quali qursta lingua 
ii ^tmue, pen'griiio, quasi nn'ndic-aiHl»>, st>no andato, nios- 
trand<* contru a mia voglia la pia<ra drlla i'drtuna, clio 
^iiolc inpriuHtaincntt; al piagato nidltt^ voltr fssim; iinpu- 
Liita. Vcranu:iit(» io si»nu stato l<*jrnn sanza vrla r sanza 
5i>vi*nio ]>ortat<) a divcrsi porti v l\»ci r liti dal vrnto stroo 


che vapora la dolorosa poveitk: e sono (vile)* apparito 
agli occhi a molti, die forso per alcuna faiiia in sltn 
forma mi aveano immaginato; net cospetto de' auali non 
solamente mia persona invilio , ma di minor pregio si fece 
ogni opera, si giii fatta, come quella che fosse a fare." 

But still more galling to the Poet was tlie bad 
and insensate company with which he found Iiim- 
self associated, "in questa valle", 61—9 (see 
also on Purg. XIV., 58—66). Dante here alludes 
to the party Bianchi, for which he had a su- 
preme contempt, as well he might (Inf. Ill" 
46—69); nor, after the fall of this party, did ^^^ 
join their ill-concerted attack on Florence in IB*^^' 
to which insane enterprise the Poet has been s^-^l^ 
posed to refer in the verses 67 — 9, 

Di sua bestialitate il sno processo 
Fara la ])niova, si ch* a te fia belle 
Averti fatta i)arte per te stesso. 

But he may possibly here allude to his de^*^ 
to form a moderate party, as noticed by Bc>^ 

"Era nol tempo del glorioso stato del nostro Poeti» ^ 
ttorentina ( -ittadinanza in due ])arte pervertissimamei' ^ 
divisa, le quali parti riduccre a unita Dante hivano s tt/f^^ 
tlcu moUe volte. Di che poi die s' ficcorse, prima s? «**■'•' 
propose, posto giu ogni pubblico nfHzio, (U viver seco /f^'^' 
vatamente; ma dalla dolcezza delta f/loria tirato, e del fiiV(^ 
popolesco, e ancora dalle penfuaskm de maggiori^ ainrantf^ 
di patere, se temjK> gli fosse prestato, molto di ben oi"'' 
ran^ (see Inf. 1., IM — 4.*J), lasoio la disposizi(me utile, «-* 
l»erseverand() seguito la dannosa. Kd accorgendosi t'l'' 
per se medesimo non i)Oteva una terza parte tenore, I* 
quaU^ giusta, la ingiustizia delle altre abbatesse, con qw^H* 
si accosto, nella ({uale, secondo il suo giudizio, erawno 
di malvagita.'' 

• The Prtduan editors iiiforni us, that all the texts have hew* 
Uifjuna whieh they have thus tilled up. It does not seem to ine nf- 
ei'.ssarv to do so, nor do I think the word "r/A*" is proper here V» 
he usi'd. This Trattato. it must he renienihered , uas written aft»T 
the seeond and third, hy way of introduetion. (See .Sei»lan,1 


This statement of Boccaccio is fully borne out 
by evidence from other sources, but Scr Giovanni 
was not always so well informed. 


Lo primo tuo rifugio c il primo ostcllo 
Sarii la cortosia del gran Lonibardo, 
Che in «u la Scala porta il «anto uccrllo; 

Cli' avra in to si benigno riguardo, 

Che del fare e del chioder, tra voi dut», 
Fia primo niiol I'ho tra gli altri t* j)iu tardo. 

Con hu vedrai colui che iniprosso fiie, 
Naseendo, si da nucsta stella forte, 
Clie notabili ficn V opere sue. 

&c. &c. 

There can be no doubt, when Dante wrote this, 
tliat lie believed the Hero liere alluded to. Can 
Orande della Scala, would, as tlie Vicar jfcncral 
of the Kmperor, effect those political chaiijjfcs in 
the jrovcrnment of Italy, which were necessary 
fur the protection of the people and the jirosperity 
of the state. Ci)nsequently , that on the failure 
of Ilenrv VII"', Can Grande, the head of the 
(ihibclin leajfue. became for the time bein«r the 
Veltro of ])ante. 

Pietro AlH^rhieri, or the eommentator who nfoes 
by his name, p. 45- (i, intimates that tlie jiroto- 
tvpc of the A'eltro exists in a poem by Alanus, bnt 
tlu? extract yiven cannot there be found, thouffh 
it is referred to also by .Faeopo della Lana. IMetro 
is the first to {ifive a topofii'nphieal ex|)lanation of 
*'/>-// ft'ltro V frlfnr. — '•J)icunt (piidam: hoe i»st 
in partibus J^omb;irdia» et Koin;nHliola', inter ei- 
vitatem Feltri et montem Feltri." "^riiis would seem 
to show that there was then a shnjiiu}^ of the 
Veltro out of some Italian |)otentate, and that 
Can Cirande della Scala was eominii- forth in this 
character from the time that the passa;jre in the 

470 PARAD180. 

Paradise came to be considered. Buti thought that 
by the Veltro an influence of the (celestial bodies 
was meant; Landino, his foHower, thought so 
also, but was not quite sure whether this siderial 
influence should be regarded as general or spe- 
cial, as acting on all mankind to revive the golden 
age, or on some individual only, but he was 
most inclined to the latter notion, Dante having 
given the number of the deliverer as the number 
of a man. (See on Purg. XXXIII. , 37 — 45.) 

The earliest conmicntary in which I have found 
Can Grande specified as the Veltro is that of Vel- 
lutello (1544), who gives along account of liim 
from some manuscripts he found at Verona; and 
this is the more remarkable, as he regarded the 
Dux to signify Amgo VII. In 1303, Dante wis 
an honored guest in Verona, at the Court of Bar- 
tolommeo dclla Scala, "II gran Lombard© '\ the 
eldest son of Alberto, brother of the second Mar- 
tino, who died in 1301; licirtolommeo died in 
1 304, wlien Can Francesco, afterwards Can Grande, 
then only tliirtcen years of age, was assonateJ 
witli his l)rother Alboino in tlic government. anJ 
on the death of the latter, Xov. 30"' 131 1,* JT'^- 
verued alone. It is on the tomb of Alboino. at 
\^er()na , tluit we see in sulla srala it sanfo uirrll^' 
Previously to the death of Alboino, the vouthtul 
valor of Can Francesco had drawn the attention 
of Dante, after that event he became sole Imporiid 
vicar, and <rreatly assisted the Emperor ArrigoVH' 
in his Italian campai^ni. Velhitello endeavour? 
to show that his character and birth-place iv^^^ 
with what is said of the Veltro (Inf. I., 103— i>^- 
(/an Gnindc was a jrreat and noble-minded ruler, 
generous, valorous, and for a time victorious, lurt 
he (*ertainlv did covet territorv, thouijfh he uiiirM 
have cared little about riches, and when a child 

=* VcUiitoUo savsj 1312. 


had given a remarkable proof of the contempt in 
which he held the precious metals. In 1314 he 
became master of Vicenza; on May 22"'*, 1316, 
he obtained his second victory at that city. His 
court was at this time considered to be the most 
polished of any in Italy; but from an anecdote 
related of what took place at dinner on one oc- 
casion when Dante was present, the habits at 
table were not very refined: Can Grande, how- 
ever, was learned, or the Poet would not have 
>vritten to him the dedicatory letter of his Divina 
Commedia, when he presented him with a jjor- 
tion of his Paradise, from canto X. to XX.* In 
1318 the Lord of Verona was made Captain ge- 
neral of the Ghibelins. '^I'wo years later he was 
defeated at Padua, and in 1329, eight years sub- 
setiuent to the death of the Poet, he died from 
fever at Trevigi, a city which he had taken after 
a siege of many days.** Vellutello says that had 
he lived, so great and powerful had he bectmie, 
**a<l ogui modo fusse per farsi Ke d' Italia, la 
qual o}iiiiione niosse univcrsalmentc ogn' huomo 
ad attribuirli il cognomc di grandc, et in spetia- 
litii il nostro Pocta i)rima di tutti.'" 

VelluteUo explains ^'//v/ FcUro e Feltro^'. Pcrche 
Verona dondc era la sua natione, i» posta tra 
Fcltro, castello xxv niiglia soju-a Trevigi, an- 
dando vcrjso Trento, et Feltro castollo in Ko- 
niMi^na non lontano da Vrbino/' Tliis has liecn 
the text of many n s?ubso<|U( ut editor. 

Among the other guests whom political events 
had caused to assemble at the hospitnblc court 

* TliiH circiimstniico, nrconlinjr to Arrivabeiu*. took (iIhci' in l'U6; 
but I think thin is placing; it tou early; probaiily it waH not till 
Aft'T (.'an (frunfio had liorn ciiOAcn (*aptuin Cimi-ral of thi* (iltilio- 
lin«, in IHIK, thnt tbin drdicntion wa^( nia'I<-. It is known tlint Pant(> 
WAS in VcrouH tlio fullowin;: year. 

*' The fovor was occaHioncd liy his drinkinf? cohl water, wlien in 
a viuIi'Ut heat. 


of Can Grande in 11516, was Uguceionc del 
Faggiuola, once Lord of Lucca and Pisa, ai^ ^ 
Captain General of the Ghil>elins. He was tl»- ^ 
most successful commander of his time, aud — ^ 
personal friend of Dante, who had been his giie^^t 
at Pisa in I 111 3, after tlie death of the EmperoK-"'. 
and in the following year at Lucca. In Augus^t", 
1315, Uguccione gained the signal victory m. t 
Monte Catini, known as tlie battle of Val di Si^ - 
vole, hi which the Florentines and Guelfswci"^ 
routed with great slaughter. It is not known wit ^i 
certainty whether Dante was present on this occj^ • 
sion, l)ut from a foiu'th condenniation having bet xi 
pronounced against him in October following, \ii^ 
thouglit that he may have been, though, possibK'. 
this new sentence w^as owing to the recent publicti- 
tion of the "Monarchia". Uguceionc proved liiui- 
self to be a uku'c able supporter, in arms, ofili^ 
Ghibelins than the Emperor had been; but, after 
this crowning victor}^. Fortune smiled on liiiw 
again no more. In 131G he was driven away 
from Lu(*ca and Pisa, and fled to the court «»' 
Can Cirando, wlin made him rlu* general of In-'* 
armies, lie died of fever at tlie sic«re of Pato* 
Auguiit ;")"'. i;Ui). UguiMione was born at Ti>rro 
Faggiuola, between Feltro di San Leo, on tlio 
north, and Marcerata Feltria on the south, whi«'l> 
is locally conformable to the letter of Paiiti'' 
prophecy. To him the Poet is believed hv souio 
to have sent his Inferno in i;{0^, but there is i"' 
ternal evidence that it was not linishetl at that tH»<^- 
Uguccione was eight times Podesta of Arezz'** 
and nn'ght from that circumstam*e alone he sup' 
])()sed to have had a talent for rulinjjf. Gi<»vanin 
Villani (lib. IX.. c. 115) s])eaks favourablv «>t "** 
adniinistrati<»n at Pisa, bnt he was cruel, jiiul*"^' 
arbitrarv exercise of a desootic authoritv i^c^**' 
sioned his fall. 



Fin cho il piacero ctcrno, chc dirctto 
Ra^giava in Beatrice, dal bcl viso 
Mi contenteva eol secondo a$|)ett<), 

Vincendo uie col lunu^ d' un sorriso, 
Klla ini dissc: Vt»I^iti ed ascolta, 
Clie non pur no' niiei occlii e paratlit*o. 

Uaiite first saw licaven in licatrice's eves: this 
was quite natural: wo liavo all, or at least most 
of us, had a foretaste of heatitude in a similar 
way. The Poet is always true to nature, and 
carries out his similes with admirable exactness, 
vet he is always true to his suhjirf also ; we may 
interpret what he says in roferenec both to sacred 
and profane love, here, by many supposed to 
be interiniiijrled, but we ;////.s7, in justice to the 
Master, consider the sacred love as that which 
IS intended throufjhout the entire Divina Comme- 
dia. We should, in fact, divest our minds en- 
tirely of any fond lin<^eriii'^' notions of Folco 
Pi»rtinaris pretty dau^^hter, and look to the 
sarrc«l character of Hcatricc* as that onlv which 
responds to Dante's subject, and will alone stand 
the tost of analysis fsce n. \W\). 

Dante's ;ruide to eternal felicity informs him 
that not even in her eves is I*ara<lisi*. but onlv 
the way to it, and that lie must look to the re- 
ality, not sim|)ly to its lefh'ction. thou;^h this 
be the ajipointed means of stren;^thcm'n;i' his 
siirht, an«l of enablin<^ him to sustain the <rreater 

"•birv of that which is al)ov(», 

^^ • 

*^l'hri»u;rliout tliis work I have endeavoured to 
show that the iiersonificatioii of Divine Wisdom 
is to be re;rarded as a spiritual <*reation of the 
I'liets mind: a (*hristian version of th(» Meta- 
physical Philosophy of jloethius. as stated by 


Pietro Allighieri. * The Divine Wisdom existed 
before all worlds; Dante depicts it in a visible 
female form, the most lovely his imagination^ 
could devise, following the example of scripture 
in which her beauty and influence arc justly 
exalted above all created things. 

But Divine Wisdom, like Reason itself, is vom 
personal, though, in degree, it has a special fom 
for every one of us. The Divina Commedia i 
addressed to the universal conscience. The prin 
ciples on which it proceeds are universal principles 
and its object, as stated by Dante, is to leadtk' 
soul to everlasting peace. The Poet desired thai- 
every one who followed him should realize in li£ 
own heart the influence of a heavenly guide 
Beatrice must make herself felt in the bosom o: 
every aspirant to beatitude. We all need the Di- 
vine grace; grace preventing, grace illumiuatiugrf 
and grace sanctifying, as much as did the Poet; 
and tliis grace, in its threefold character, will he 
vouchsafed to us, if, like Dante, we earnestly seel 
it. Beatrice will be sent to every one of us. IJut 
in whcit form will she come — in what sliape enter 
our souls — what or who will she resemble — j 
with whose eves will she regard us — and ^ritli 
whose voice will she speak? 

Milton, on authority, assures us, that love 

''Leads up to hcav'n; is both the way, and giiiilo"*. 
'* — and without love no hapjuness." 

All, therefore, who can read the human licart 
must seek the answer in their own. Beatrice isii^^ 
far from every one of us. She takes tlie likcncs'' 
which we most delight in ; she assumes the form aud 

semblance of her whom most we love: her eves 


* Sec '^Potri Alliirliiori Comment.", Par. XL, **Kt Hoelin* i" 
l>rimo, ill jhtsoiki JMiilos<)|ihiae mctaphysicae, in «jua h.iee Dcatrii 
lijrnratur: etc." p. iV2f>. I have- shown tliat tlie Mot»pliy8ical PhiU*- 
sophy of J^^ethills would be more correctly cnlled Stipunztt. 


arc those which most rejoice our OAvn; her voice 
18 that which cliarms us most to hear. Beatrice 
thus becomes a living personality, whose beauty 
increases with every approach we make to that 

Ove ogni ben »i temiina c b' inizia. 

Through Beatrice's cooperation, Dante is delivered 
from the perils of the Selra^ and made sensible 
of the consequences of sin: in the Terrestrial Pa- 
radise she waits to receive him, and then rises 
with him to the regions of henvenly glory. She 
informs his understanding, she purifies his affec- 
tions, she christianizes his heart. These divine 
and womanly acts are i)r(mii)ted by her love, and 
are (ronfirmed by that reciprocity of attachment 
which her love inspires. Thou follow those higher 
revelations of eternal trutlis which are as the 
mysteries of faith and hope made mnnifest in tlie 
spiritUcil union of divine natures. This progress 
of the soul, cvcrv humble -minded christian mav 
realize iiersonally, as did the Poit tlu'ough his 
Beatrice. The spiritual helps and ufliccs of the 
Christian (Muu'cli accom])any us tlirough life, 
her arms are ever <)|)en to receive us, every stage 
in nur christian |)ri»gress should bring us nearer 
to ]>crtection, while witli her will be found, as 
was bv Dnnte Alli^^hieri, 

La hella <l(>im:i eli' jil «-irl r; avvnlnm. 

I);nitr pvf's US im liiiit nt' wlmsr lik«'ii<*>> liis iM'atriiM' 
Ijon-: ho only tells us tliat Aw was «-allr<l lii'atriec* hy 
lliiisf wlm «li<l ij<»t know who «»r wlmt tliey wrn* >[M'akinjr «»l ; 
that is, who iia«l not, like tlie Tnrt. i'l'lt her divine in- 
fliieiie** n»p'neratin;: aiul sj)irinializinif tlieir h«'arts anil 
minds. Iloe«*arein, s<:i'kint: t»» In* wi>«- i)ev«»nd what is 
written, and d<'>irnns t«» uiatitV tlir rradrrs «»f romantic 
sKiries, di-rived her <»riL^in i'n»in l»ii-r di Ki»l<-n di llien- 
vep» de' iNirtinari. who hrcanu* th«* witr nt* Mt*>M*r Si- 
nii»ne di?' Ilardi, and ndat'^s hew >\\r train<*d l>ant<' iVnm 
hi.** yuuth to love and conteni)datc her, lint always in a 


modest and becoming manner. This yonnpj lady, nearly 
of the same age as the youthful Poet, was his near ncigt 
hour, and in no way an unsuitable match for him. That she 
did not become his wife, shows, on the best inductire 
evidence which we can have, that tho story of their lov«, 
as related by Boccaccio, has no foundation in fact. Di 
however, for the sake of argument, we supjiosc theBiw 
de' Portinari to have boon the Beatrice of the Vita Xiiova, 
and therefore of the Divina Commedia also, we have 
Dante's own confession that he had no real love for her, 
that his i>assion was merely a creation of his own brains, 
the oft spring of his imagination, exaggerated by a fervent 
poetic lancy into a seeming reality of the heart, not a 
bofia fide attachment, but one very easily ctuitented. and 
that never desired any thing more to ronij>lete its hap- 
piness than a passing salute of recognition. 

In that reunion of Florentine ladies, if such they were, 
which Dante describes in the V. N. (§. XVIIl) followinj; 
the sonnet '^Spesse fiafr vcNncmi alia menle", he says 

"Le donne erano molte, tra le (juali ve n' avea ceric 
che si rideano tra loro. Altre v* erj\no elio mi riguanla- 
vano, aspettando che io dovessi dire. Altre v' erano che 
parlavano tra loro, delle ((uali una volgendo gli occhi 
verso me, e chiamandomi per nome, disso (pieste )\in»le| 
'A che fine ami tu rjuesta tua donna, poichi* tu nonpjiw 
sostenore la sua jircscnzaV Dilloci. ]»<'rocch<'' c«ru» 11 fin^ 
di cotalo amore convicMU* chn si;i novis!>imo.' E \M\'' 
m' cbbo dptt«> qucjite parolr, uon snlament«» <'lla, nuitiiit*' 
le altro comiiu-iarn ad attcniliM'o in vista la uiia ri-^jH^n- 
sione. Allora dissi lovo cpn'ste j^aroh-; * }htthmm\ In fip'' 
firl min nmftrc fn (jin il saluftt fit f/ftcsfff tlontm, ili mi T"t 
/'orsc hilcndric, rtl in fjurlht flhnnrriva In hrntituilinf' rh'*'^'^ 
fine fli lutl'i i mici ih'sitlrriL Ma poifli«'- lo ]»iaci|ue <li «'** 
garlo a \\\o. il niio ^ignore Am(»re, la sna nuTiT'ik. hs 
posta tutta la niia boatitudine in qucllo che non mi pn«'t<' 
venir mono.' Allora (pioste donne cominciaro a parlarc 
tra loro: o sicfome talor ved^nio (•ad<*r I* ac<pia mi^*(•lliat* 
di bolla nev(f, cosii mi parea ved<'re lo loro parole w>* 
schiato di sospiri. K })oich^ alquanto cbboro parlat'> tra 
l(»ro, mi disso ancho <juosta donna, che prima m' a^*'* ' 
])arlato, rpiesto ])arolc: 'Noi to preghiamo. cho tu no <lK*a 
ovi' sta qiiesta tua beatitudino/ Ed i<> ris|M»n«UMidoli\ ili*?i 
cotanti): Mn (|uolle ])arnIo die lodano la donna mia.' F.A 
olia risposo : ^SV* /;/ nc fl/crss/' rrro , f/ftfllc fnirn/r rhf' iu " 
Ital ilrltr, untificantlu In tun ronflizifmt\ arrest i ttt uprriiU 
mn nltro intcndimoito,' 

PAUAOiso. 477 

This is sufficient to show that Dante's so called love 
Beatrice was not worthy of the name, and that it 
8 merely a poetic rhap.soay, in which all the beatitude 
sired was centered in himself. It is doubtful if any 
ang lady either in Florence, or elsewhere, would be 
le to appreciate this sort of attachment; it is evident 
eit none of the ladies here assembled understood it, and 
is eaually certain that when understood no young lady 
>uld like it. Poor Bice, if it really were she, did not, 
id her convictions coinciding with those of her young 
Lends, she resolved to have nothing more to say to Dante, 
le cut him. — Dante is here his own witness. Neither 
as it pleasing to a modest young lady to have her per- 
nal charms made the talk of the town. She might well 
:pre8s her disapproval of all this by withholding from 
e Poet her salute. Bice being determined to be trifled 
ith no longer, put herself under the protection of one 
\xo sought her hand in earnest, and so married Simone 
i' Bardi. If Dante did take Folco's daughter for the 
pe of his Beatrice, then, what is said of the latter is 
»t true of the former. (See p. 282.) 

Dante represents Beatrice, in the Divina Commcdia, as 
iving been more constant in her affection for him than 
5 was towards her. If tliere had been a true attachment 

love between these two young persons, such as the 
ords express, the lady would not have married as she 
d. — jfo one having found a real Beatrice would ever 
isire less than to make her his own. — There is here 

positive contradiction. What the Poet affirms of Bea- 
ice (Purg. XXXI., 49 — 51), if taken according to the 
yrteccia di fuori, is inapplicable to any one who was not 
I the most intimate relations witli him, and either his 
Btual, or intended sposa. Foko Portinari's daughter was 
either. But to Dante, Divine Wisdom was both, lie 
>ved her from his youth with the fervor of king So- 
•mon, who, like the Poet, was not given to ideal court- 
ups; and when he grew up he made her his own. The 
eatrice of Dante is a being of a higher order than him- 
If; he always looks up to her; she directs him and rules 
m as a mother her child ; in fact the cliaractcr she enacts 

the Divina Commedia, the scriptural language applied 

her, her divine attributes, her celestial influence, and 
r place in heaven, all show that no mortal woman is 
re intended by the Poet. It is probable that Dante 
ly have had a distant ac({naiutancc witli Bice de' Por- 
ari, he may even have regarded her with a trembling sort 


of reverence; but if sO; the impression she made on hi 
poetic mind had merely a subjective intensity. All lii 
joys and sorrows were concentrated in sofwlti and ballalf 
and his deepest emotions evaporated in sentimental verse — 
this w^as no real love of woman. 


Dunque nostra veduta, clic convicne 
Essere alcun de' raggi della mente 
Di die tutte le cose son ripiene, 
&c. &c. 

The Omnipresence of the Deity is a subject 
which, from the earliest .iges, and among all the 
varieties of om* race, has influenced the minds 
of philosophers and poets who have felt the great- 
ness of Nature, and the inward conviction of an 
invisible author. 

Gary, in his translation, has omitted v. 54, 
possibly he may have thought it too pantheistic 
for English readers. But Milton, who offcen fol- 
lows the foot prints of the great Florentine, liaJ 
no misgivings on this subject, and puts the sen- 
timent in the mouth of the Almighty Himself 
(Pard. Lost. VllL, 1G8-9): 

Boundless tlic deep, because 1 AM who fill 
Infinitude: nor vacuous the space. 

In this, our Englisli Poet did little more tliJ^'^ 
repeat the words of the prophet Jeremiah (eu* I 
XXllI., 24): ''Do not I till heaven and earth? 
saith tlie Lord." A very ancient theological sen- 
timent, and not peculiar to the Bible. In Dante's 
letter to Can (Irande, already noticed (p, 312) 
tliis text is ([uotcd in reference to the opening 
terzina of this Cautica. It is also adduced bv 
Newton in support of his celebrated scholium to 
the Principia — 


"Deus est imum et idem Deus semper et ubicj^ue. 
Omniprsesens est non per virtutem solam, scd etiam 
per substantiam: nam virtus sine substantial subsistere 
non potest. 

Ne>7toii in passing from physics to metaphysics, 
entered the impregnable outworks of Spinoza 
;Ethic. pt. 1, prop. XV, XVI): 

"Quicquid est in Deo est, et nihil sine Deo esse 
neque concipi potest. Deus ex solis suae naturae le- 
gibus et a nenune coactus agit.^' 

WTiile Newton added — 

'* In ipso continentur et moventur uni versa, sed sine 
rnutu^ passione .... Deum summum necessario ex- 
istere in confesso est: et eadem necessitate semper 
est et ubique.^' 

Thus Newton ended where Spinoza had begun, 
but Spinoza was dead when Newton published 
bis Principia. 

The Italian preachers of the 14^'' and 15'^ cen- 
turies made much use of Dante's poem in the 
pulpit, and its authority was regarded by them 
as only inferior to that of the sacred Scriptm'es. 
Possibly our Milton may have desired a similar 
reputation in England for his Paradise Lost. 

His style is much more like that of a prophetic 
writer than is the style of Dante ; he brings for- 
ward Deity to speak in his own proper person 
ftie words of man, Dante never presumes to do 
this. In the Divina Commedia, God never takes 
^By part in the dialogue. His attributes are de- 
clared, his operations described, and the secret 
springs of his universal providence are poetically 
imveiled, but his ministers always speak for him, 
and the oracular Beatrice, as the symbolical Sa- 
pienza, expounds the more recondite matters of 
his government; He himself is never heard. 

Dante, in his letter to Can Grande, as Newton 
in the Scholium to his Principia, refers also to 


that passage in tlic Psalms (CXXXIX., 7) in wliieh 
the writer expresses his conviction of the universal 
presence of God's Spirit, and he also quotes Lu- 
can (Pharsalia IX., 580): ^^JupUer est quodainqiie 
vides^ quodcunquc movens^\ understanding it in the 
sense of the expression used in the liook of Wis- 
dom (I., 17) ^'Spinnis Domini replevi( orbem tem- 
rum^\ How, or in what way, Deity fills heaven 
and earth with his spiritual substance, not even 
Beatrice, probably, could explain; for thoiiglit 
being the only conceivable form of intellectual 
substance, and having in itself no relation to 
body (for as Spinoza has shown, thought is not 
bounded by body, nor body by thought, nor lias 
it parts or dimensions), it can have no conceivable 
relation to space. Yet the dictum of Spinoza 
commands the assent of Reason, as also Joes 
that of Newton. 

The learned Dr. John Free preaching on this 
subject at Oxford, more that one hundred years 
ago, remarked that although Deity was every- 
where present, both in nrntter and in space, yet 
it was not in the mnnncr of either, but in the 
manifestation oi powcf\ which, he said, is the <li'- 
monstration of Spin/: And that to realize the idea 
of God's onniiprescnce we must think of />«/rfr 
everywhere exerted. 

Dante had very admirable notions on this suh- 
ject, as is shown by the passages in which Deity 
is alluded to. both as regards Ilimself essentially, 
such as in Pard. XIX., S() — 7; XXIV., 42; 
XXIX., 12; and also in reference to intelli^xoiU 
beings, created in his likeness, as Pard. V., 9i 
Yll., 1(19; VIIL, S7, etc., l)ut he did not, it wouU 
seem, so nuicli consider Deify as a spiritual sub- 
stance universally |)resi*nt, jn'oducing the jdn'inv 
monaof nature by his own innnediate optTation^. 
and Ilimscir the sole support of all physical and 


vital energies and acts, but ratlier, in the Aris- 
totelian sense, as the first cause, the prime mover, 
present in a greater or less degree, according to 
the immediate or mediate mode of the exercise of 
his power; communicating directly witli intelli- 
gent substances of the same, or of an approxi- 
mate kind, such as human souls, but indi- 
rectly with organic and inorganic bodies, by a 
delegated presence conveyed through the medium 
of inferior agents. (Sec Canto XIll., 52 — 80.) 

What we now recognise as natural laws were at 
one time regarded as spiritual agencies, and re- 
ceiving poetic personifications, became ti*ansformed 
into imaginary beings, according to the tlieology 
in vogue, and as human conceptions miglit alter. 
Positive science has put these creations of an an- 
cient credulity hors-dc-combal witliout mercy. Yet 
the soul delights at times to slip away from tliis 
work-a-day world, and to solace itself with ideal vi- 
sions of beauty drawn from its own inner life, 
though stern philosophy drags it back again, and 
almost laughs at its simplicity in supposing that 
these things have any existence beyond itself. 
But who knows, may not that inner life be the 
only abiding fountain of a i)crpctual existence, 
and the intellectual forms which rise up out of 
that divine source, be those which will endure 
when all that we now see, hear, and feel, has 
passed with time away? The soul takes not the 
substance of its creations from sensuous objects, 
but only the external characters of them. 

Dante never uttered a grander philosophical 
truth than when he said (p. 322) 

Lc C08C tuttc quante 
Hann' ordine tra loro; e questo e fonna 
Che r iiniverso a Dio fa siinigliantc. 

In the order and stability of the laws of Na- 


t^Xt^'i ^^'® have a type of the unchangcablenoss of 


their Author. Without laws there would be no 
Nature, but in its place a wild abyss, 

"where eldest night 
And chaos, ancestors of Nature, hold 
Eternal anarchy '\ 

Poets can penetrate where philosophers dare 
not tread, and can symbolically present relatione 
of things, the exact nature of which is involved 
in mystery. Law has been called the supreme 
reason of things , and is so both in physics and 
in morals. It is the source and guarantee of 
order in all spheres of creation, tlie condition of 
their continuance, and of the preservation of life. 
Natm'e in her various kingdoms, and in the un- 
numbered productions over which she reigns, exists 
only by virtue of the laws wliich the Creator has 
assigned to her ; or , in other words , the Liws of 
Natiu-e arc the constant ai)plication of the eternal 
ideas of Divine Wisdom to the support and con- 
servation of the systems wliich God has called into 
being. In Nature, therefore, the good which 
exists, docs so through the laws which govern 
the phenomena of nature, since it is God Him- 
self, the Supreme Good, who thus oj)erates in 
her. The same may be said of the moral world, 
with this diiierence, that moral beings are {gifted 
with intelligence and liberty, in virtue of which 
they possess the faculty of recognising for them- 
selves the laws which they ought to follow, and 
of doin<>- so or not. When the moral atrent wil- 
lingly f)bserves and follows the ajipointed law 
which he recognises, l)y reason, to be right, lie 
fuliils with order his prescribed course, becai^e 
his act is in harmony with the divine intention, 
Jind the exercise of his liberty is in accordance 
with its fundamental princii)le. 

Spiuozji regarded Deity as absolutelv free — 
^' Dens ex softs sua' nafurfv leyihus it a ncminc roavins 


agit^\ As perfect liberty is an infinite attribute, 
it can only pertain to God. Created things ex- 
isting in virtue of ordained laws, or principles 
of being, are more or less perfect, accordingly 
as their mode of production and development is 
in conformity to tliose laws (Canto XIIL, G4 — 78); 
and in the case of intellectual moral agents, their 
liberty is felt to be more complete, the more it is 
exercised in conformity to the Divine Will. 

CANTO XIX.; VERSI 103-111. 

A questo regno 
Non sail mai chi non credettc in Crisio 
Nfe pria, nfc poi ch' cl si chiavasse al iegno. 

Ma vedi, molti gridan Cristo, Crista, 
Che saranno in giudicio assai men propc 
A lui, che tal che non eonobbe Crista; 

E tai christiani dannera 1' Etiope; 
Quando si partiranno i duo eollegi; 
L' uno in etemo riceO; e T altro inope. 

This is Dante's commentary on Matthew VII., 
V. 21, and the following verses. 

Not every one that saith unto mc, Lord, Lord, 
shall enter into the kingdom of heaven; but he that 
docth the will of my Father which is in heaven : etc. 

A doctrine confirmed by the grand poetic de- 
scription of the final judgement passed on all 
men through their conformity, or not, to the 
principles of an universal humanity (Matth. XXV., 
v. 31 — 46). Than which nothing was ever ut- 
tered by our Lord that more clearly revealed his 
Divinity, or could lay a broader and more se- 
cure foundation for the kingdom of heaven. They 
are, indeed, the words of one who s})ake as never 
man spake. Whatever, in the advancement of 
an enlightened Christianity, exegctical Theology 
may become; however the belief in miracles may 
be explained away, as ])rcvalent at the time, 



and needful, and therefore to be regarded with 
tenderness for tlie purpose it served; and how- 
ever the supernatural element may come to be 
disposed of; in the doctrine of our Lord, in those 
universal principles which he established of a 
perfect humanity co-extensive with tlic species, 
men will always recognise the divine nature of 
Ilim in whom God was reconciling the world uuto 
Himself: "Thomme incomparable auquel la con- 
science universelle a d^cerne le titre de Fils de 
Dieu, et cela avec justice."* 

But M. Reiian, in another place, speaks more to the 
point as touching the innate divinity oi our Lord: '^J&n? 
n'u pas dc visions; Dieu ne liii parie pas connue ii quel- 
qu'un hors de liii; Dieu est en lui; il se sent avec Dico. 
et il tire dc son coeur ce qu'il dit de son Pere.'' "La 
phis haute conscience de Dieu qui ait existe au Bcin Jo 
I'humanite a et6 celle de Jesus." "Le Dieu do Jesus est 
notre Pere. On I'entend en ecoutant un souffle leger qui 
crie en nous, 'Pere'." "Cost le Dieu de I'humanite."** 
Never before was the Creator preached to the creatum 
as he was by our Lord. Never before was the voice of 
his indwelling spirit "the Universal Fatherhood of OoJ'* 
awakened in the conscience of mankind. No wonder tluit 
what everv just man felt in his own heart to be true, 
became, ere long, in princi])le, the established reh<ri<>n »t 
the Roman Empire. This is that inner evidence ot' the 
truth of C/hristianity which aj)peals irresistibly to ibe 
reason, and which the heart ot the most obdurate ean 
not deny. 

Wherever tlie relation b(^tween God and man is ''1^ 
served in the constant exercise of those duties which con- 
stitute our only claim to be consiciered as inheritonJ '»t 
the kingdom of hr^iven, there is our Lord and there art' 
his followers. This was the conviction of Dante AUighiori. 
The Poet teaches that the kingdom of heaven implies iu 
each humble minded follower of (Jhrist, a loving con- 
formity to the Divine Will, and a perpetual effort to 
realize the j)res(?nce of (Jod's indwelling spirit, as shown 
by its fruits. The ascension to heaven is a continual a-*- 
similation to this spirit going on in our own; a fell draw- 

* M. Kounn, **Vio <lo .Jcsns", p. 18. "** ll)i«l., ji.]). 75, 77— S. 


ing nearor to the ideal perfection of humanity, as mani- 
fested in Christ; a rising to higher excellence in the 
christian life, by the growth and development of its fun- 
flaniental principle. The Divina Commedia represents sym- 
bolically, in a general manner, tlie pilgrimage of the soul. 
Tliere is the falling into "The valley of the shadow of 
death", the S(*iva Oscura; there is the earnest desire to 
escape to tlie mountain of hope, where the Sun of Righteous- 
ness, rising with healing in his wings, holds out to the 
wandering sinner the signal of Salvation. Tlie effort made 
to reach this obtains divine help, and man is rescued from 
the sins (the trt' fiere) which most easily beset him. The 
punishments of vice and wickedness are exhibited in their 
effects, and a successful struggle is made to get free from 
them. Then follows the persevering effort, in humility, 
to reoccuny the Eden of primaeval life and peace. Man 
toils up tne stc»ep ascent of Purgatory, and from the well 
gained height oi a renovated humanity, rises with Bea- 
trice to the regions of the blessed. (See p. 475.) 

CAKTO XIX., VERSI 121— a. 

Li si vedra la superbia ch' asseta, 
Cho fa lo Scotto e l' Inghilesc folh* 
Si, die nou puo sotfrir dentro a sua meta. 

Dante aj)i)cars to have taken much interest in 
the atlairs of Kiifjland. The character of Kdwanl T' 
(whose reijrn of thirtv-five years, from Novcniher 
the 20"', 1272, till Julv T\ KMIT, extends fnmi 
within eiirht vears of Dante's hirth, to nearly 
fourteen from his death), was rep-nrded hy the Poet 
witli admiration in irommon with his <»(umtrymen 
•generally. Giovanni Villani iCliron. 1. VIII., <•. !Ml) 
introduces him as **// huon Aftoarf/o He tl' Imjhil- 
terra\ and says of his death in 1307, 

"Nel dettt) anno MrcC VII d<'l nicse di giugno diigUo) 
mori il bu(»no «» valeute Ke Adt»ardo k\ Inghilterra, il 
quale fu uno dc' piu savi e valoro>i signori <!<•' Tristiani 
al suo tempo, e bene avventuroso in ogni sua impn'sa di 
la da mare contro a' Saracini, e in suoi parsi c(mtro a 
pli Scoti, e in (.Juascogna contro a' Franceschi , o al tuttt* 
fu signore doll" Isola d' Irlanda e di tutte le butuie terre 


di Scozia, salvo chc gli si riibello Riiberto di Biwto* 
(Bruce) ; fattosi ll(^ clelli Scoti si ridussc con suoi segiiaci 
a boKclii c a montagnc di Scozia, il quale dopo la morte 
del detto Re Adoardo fece graiidi cose contro agl* InglesiV 

Villuni had already spoken of liis successful 
invasion of Scotland in 1203 (c. 67). 

"E in questo anno mcdcBimo il detto Re Adoardo es- 
sonde malato, li Scoti corsono c arsono parte d' Inghil- 
terra; per la qual cosa il Re si fece portarc in bara, <* 
ando a osto sopra li Scoti, e scontisseli, c quasi obbc in 
sua signoria tutte lo terre di Scozia, se non quelle de 
niarosi e d' asprc montagnc, dove rifugirono i rubclli 
Scoti col Re loro, il quale avea nome Ruberto di Bosco, 
uomo di piccolo lignaggio fattosi Re." 

From tlie time of the Roman dominion in Hri- 
tain, and probably long before, tlic wild and 
warlike tribes who dwelt among the momitains, 
moors, and marshes, in Scotland, had made tlic 
]^]nglish border land the scene of their frequent 
depredations. In the sixth centmy, the arrival 
of the Saxons, who established powerful border 
governments, checked these repeated onslaughts- 
About the middle of the ninth century, KeiiHCtli 
Ma(*nlpine, king of Scots, having finally subdued 
the Picts, tlie united countrv mider his swav was 
for the first time called S(*othiud, Avhen the war- 
like Saxons met with their match. 

Thu conquest of Kngland by the Normans drove 
mnny Saxons of distinction across the border, and 
led to wars and reprisals on the frontiers of b«>tli 
courtries. Discontented Normans also sought ri- 
fuge in Scotland, and fresh (piarrels and mutual 
incursions followed. The general cause of dis- 
])ute, however, related to the terms on wliieli 
Malcolm Caen-mohr (\i)M\ — lOOs) was to jiost'ess 
Cumberland and Northumberland, the first of wliudi 

'^ liic.<»7, tlu' n.'ini(" is printt'il liutirrtu ili linsvtt. j)nssililv frv«ni V.!* 
lijiviii^ t;iki'ii itt'iiL'"*' ill tlio avochIs to rsi-apo tlic victi>riuus anu5 oi 
the Kiij,'Ii!>Ii nioiiarcli. (IM. Milaiio, 1S(>2.) 


had been ceded to the Scotch crown by the Sa- 
xon king Edgar, the second by a Nortliunibrian 
earl. But the miseries and reciprocal retaliations 
which Dante alludes to, and Giovanni Villani 
specifies, arose from the difficulty of finding a 
successor to the throne of Scotland on the death 
of Alexander Iir**., in 1286, and the ambitious 
design of Edward 1**., to occupy it himself. The 
only descendant of Alexander was a grand-daughter 
named Margaret, after her mother, who had mar- 
xied Eric king of Norway. She was called the 
**Maid of Norway", and, on the death of Alex- 
ander, had been recognised by the Scotch States 
SIS the legitimate sovereign; unhappily she died 
on her way to Scotland to be married to Edward 
(of Caernarvon), Prince of Wales, the only son 
of the English monarch. Numerous claimants for 
the Scotch crown then started up; but the three 
principal ones were the descendants of the three 
daughters of David, earl of Himtingdon, brother 
of William the Lion, king of Scotland, who had 
been taken prisoner by Henry II"''., and died at 
Stirling in 1214. John Baliol, lord of Galloway, 
claimed the crown as being the son of Devorgoil, 
daughter of Margaret, the eldest daughter of Da- 
vid; Robert Bruce, lord of Annandale, claimed 
it, as the son of Isabella, the second daughter, 
pretending that he was thus nearer l)y one gener- 
ation to earl David, through whom both claims 
were made. Hastings, the lord of Abergavenny, 
the grandson of Ada, the third daughter of earl 
David, put in his claim also. The parliament of 
Scotland referred the question to king Edward, 
who took the opportunity to renew his o^vn pre- 
tensions to be regarded as feudal su|)erior. To 
show on what gromids these rested a short di- 
gression is necessary. 


Alexander I., king of Scotland, who died in 1124. 
was succeeded by David I., youngost son of Malcolm 
('aen-mohr, who had been educated at the court of Henrvl., 
his sister's husband. On the death of the latter, he main- 
tained th<* rights of his daughter Matilda againi«t the 
usuq)er Ste|)h(ai. Though defeated at the battle of Cuton 
Moor ilJ.'U)),, the vict4)ry of Stej)]ien was so unproductive 
of immediate results, that, for the sake of peace, ho gnr- 
rendered tt) prince llenrv of Scotland, the whole earldom 
of Northumberland, with the exce])tion of the castles of 
Newcastle and IJamborough, built by William Rufus. 
After this i)eace of Durham, David appears, in 1141, to 
have gone to London to share the short-lived triumph of 
his niece Matilda. In 1152 prince Henry died, and his 
ven(»rabl(^ father follow(?d him in 1153. The conventual 
establishments founded bv him on the border land, placed 
much of that previously desolate coimtry in the hands of 
good agriculturists, and saved it from military devastation. 
Malcolm IV. succe<Hled his grandfather Da^^d I. in 1153. 
Henry II. of Kngland, son of Matilda, who, at least 
in part, had been educated at the court of David of Si'ot- 
land, from wh(»se territory he had carried on a border 
warfare* against Stephen, had promised that if ever be 
gained thci Knglish crown he would put the Scottish kinj: 
in possession of (-arlisle, and of all the country lM*tweeii 
the Tweed and tlie Tvne. When he was securely seated 
on tlic tlir<»m'. lie not only f(»rj^ot liis promises, but «>o- 
tain«'«l of M.ilcnhn, <»v«'r wlnun ln' had acrjuiretl iniuli 
personal iutlurncj^, the cession ()f all his possessions in 
riunlnrland and NortlmniberlMnd, and al>o receivi'dlioin.V'' 
fur Lntliian, as a part of Northumberland. cedi*d in Hi2»'. 
by Ka(luir-( 'ud«'L a Saxi»n «'arl nf Northumberland, to Mal- 
(M)hn II., on (Mindition of amity and support in war. llii> 
ricli district of L<»tliian inchuh'd nt»t only the wlmle ol 
tho thrcr province's now so calh'd. but Ui^rwickshin* anu 
the hiwcr part of Tevicttdah' as high, perhaps, as MelroH? 
up(»n the Twot'd. (See Scott's "//fs/ort/ nf SrnHatur\ Vol. l- 
p. IfJ.i Malcolm died in IKm. His l)rother William who 
suci'ei'drd him in 1 HifJ, solicited tVom Henry the restitu- 
tion of Northnnd>erland, and being ret'used, oj>ened iieiT"- 
tiations with l''r;in<'e, and became the declared enemy "' 
KngL'ind. rakin:^ advantage of the discord in the family 
of Ibnrv n., he lent his son IJicliard a>sistanc«.* au';uu*t 
his t'ather. and «»btained from the insurgent prince a gr;\iU 
of the rarhh>ni of Northundx'Hand as t'ar as the Tviu*. 
In 1171 he fell, at Alnwick, intt» the hands of the Enjrli?h. 


> obtain his release, the Seotisli nobility and clergy con- 
nted that William should become the liegeman of Henry, 
id do homage for Scotland and all his other territories. 

treaty to this effect was concluded, in 1174, at Falaise 

Normandy. "Before this disgraceful treaty '', says Sir 
^alter Scott, "the kings of England had not the sem- 
ance of a right to exact homage for a single inch of 
sottish ground, Lothian alone excepted, which was ceded 

Malcoun II., as has been repeatedly mentioned, by 
•ant of the Northumbrian earl Eadulf. All the other 
»mponent parts of what is now termed Scotland had come 

the crown of that kingdom by right of conquest, with- 
it having been dependent on England in any point of 
ew.'^ (See History of Scotland'', Vol. I., p. 38.) Now, 
r the treaty of Falaise, the king of England was de- 
ared lord paramount of the whole kingdom of Scotland, 
id the chief castles in the realm, Roxburgh, Berwick, 
idburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were put in Henry's 
tnda as pledges for the execution of the treaty. On the 
lath of Henry II., at the castle of Chinon, July 6'^ 1189, 
e frontier castles of Roxburgh and Bem^ick still re- 
sdned in the hands of the English. The accession of 
chard restored Scotland to national independence re- 
fned by the treaty of Falaise. "All claims of homage 
le to England before that surrender were (however) care- 
lly reserved, and therefore William was still the king 

England's vassal for Lothian, for the town of Ber\vick, 
d for whatever lands besides he possessed within the 
lira of England.'' (Ibid.) William died at Stirling in 
14, and was succeeded by his son Alexander II., who 

1221 married the Englisli princess Joan : previously to 
I death, in 1249, he had a dispute with the English 
3g, Henry IH., which was left unsettled. He was suc- 
3ded by his son Alexander IIL, a minor. Henry ap- 
ed to the Pope to interdict th(^ coronation of the young 
Ince, until he, as feudal superior of Scotland, should 
re consent: to prevent this interference, the ceremony 
s performed as speedily as possible. 

When Alexander had married the English princess Mar- 
ret, Henry interested himself officiously m the affairs 
Scotland, and succeeded in establishing, in his interests, 
party within the realm. But the cautious king, who 
quently visited the court of his father-in-law, carefully 
•served the honour of his country. Valorous in war, 
1263 he successfully defended his kingdom from the 
asion of Ilaco, king of Norway, and obtained from 


him the cession of the Western islands; he also, under 
stipulated . ovenants, obtained those of Orkney .ind Shet- 
land. In 1281 this alliance was drawn still closer by the 
marriage of his daughter Margaret, bom in England, to 
p]ric the young king of X(»rway. They had only one 
child, as previously stated, whose untimely death gave 
rise to all the troubles that followed from the disputed 

Edward before deciding to which of the com- 
petitors, ill Jill twelve in number, the crown should 
be awarded, required from each the acknowledge- 
ment of his superiority. The lawyers of Eiu^oiH? 
pronounced in favour of Haliol, and the king 
confirmed their opinion; John Baliol, therefore, 
was preferred to the Scottish crown, to l>e helJ 
of kino' Edward and his successors. But it soon 
became evident that Edward had deeper designs 
cm Scotland thnn the exercise of supremacy only; 
he was determined to get the country into liis 
own hands. And to this end he put in practice 
that artful and cruel [)olicy which has served the 
])urpose of powerful tyrants in all ages of the 
world; he resolved to ])rovoke the weaker j)ar(y 
into rebellion, and tlieii to retaliate bv seizin;: 
the kin^^'dom. Haliol was made to feel lii? J<?" 
ji'radation by judicial processes got uj) for tlu* 
l)urp(>se, in which he was compelled to apiKJ^r 
under humiliating circumstances at the En;!:li>h 
courts of law. Scein^i- through the evil iutcntinus 

or? ^ 

of the English moiuirch, he resolved to free lam- 
self from so degrading a ])ositi<ni, and fornicil a 
league with France (1205) against him. Edwjir'l 
marclied to Scotland, having with him Bruce the 
competitor for tlie crown, the earl of March, iu\»\ 
other Scottish nobles of the south. Benvick was 
taken by storm. Hut the king's progress was 
cliccked at tlie C^istlc of Dunbar, which was 
bravclv defended bv the patriotic countess *'t' 
March, whose noble conduct reflects honour on 


licr sex. Tlic cause of ludepeiidciice , liowcver, 
was ruined by tlie rashness of the Seotcli annv 
which had conic to tlie relief of the jdace, and 
tlie battle of Dunbar laid the whole country open 
to the victor, lialiol was taken caj)tive and made 
a formal surrender of the kiiififdom. liruc^e thouffht 
to profit by the ruin of his rival, but was put to 
silence in a way that led him to {rive up for ever 
all further meddlinjf in state alfairs. The easy 
eoiiC|iiest of Scotland, on this occasion, is in part 
ascribed to the nobilitv consistin<jf almost entirely 
of Normans, whom two or three fr<*nerations had 
not converted into Scotchmen. But the people 
were patriotic, and furnished the elements of a 
future deliverance. 

An universal hatred of the Kiijiflish yoke soon 
showc<l itself, and the nation prepared for a j^e- 
ueral insurrection. "When all was n'a<ly, a lea<ler 
a])peared in the person of Sir William Wallace^ 
/ I2'J7), whose virtory at Stirliii;;- bri<l<r<** Sej)tem- 
}h'\' 11*'', 1297, retrained for S<*otland all that had 
Im'CIi lost at Dunbar.* To ;rratifv his tro()|»s with 
plniuler, Wallaee led them across tlie Kn;rHsh 
iMinhr, and laid waste all tlie <*()untrv from New 
rasth* to the grates of (Carlisle. On liis return he 
was chosen ;ru;irdian of tlie kinj»"dom. Kdward 
was iH»t slow to meet the armv of tlie siicet'ssfiil 
rhief, and at Falkirk, July '21 \ I 'ills, tin- Seots 
were com|>letelv routitl. AVnlhice retired from the 
public service. Other ^•u;ir<liaiis of Scotland were 
chosen, and admiiiistend tlie ;^-ovcrmiieiit in the 
name «»f Haliol, who ha<l been delivered up by Kd- 
ward to the safe kcc])in;f of Ptipc Hoiiifacc VIII. 
His holiness, in the self assumed <*]j:«ra<*ter of 

• It w:in ill this vrar tli;it Mitiiti- Ihi'miu*- .\ iiH'inlitr i»f tin' cum- 
pAri\ «if |)liy<iici;iii<> anil :i|iotlii<-;ii'ii-s :il r'l'»r«'in'i-, tlii- S«»st;t i)f tlio 
.\rti M-irriri'>ri'. to <-iihIiI«- him, ai'<-i>ii{iii<5 tn tin- i-xi-Miiir la\\*>, to taKf 
«»fUc*<' iiudcr thf f^oViTiiiiii'iit. 


"Lord of tlic manor of all Christendom", came 
forward to claim Scotland for himself, as a <le- 
pcndcncy on the See of Rome. His iwetensioiis 
were lauji^hed at in England, and the Pope was 
forced to submit. This took place ^4)out the time 
that Dante Allighieri administered the government 
of Florence. In the spring of 11102, * the army 
sent by Edward into Scotland was defeated in di- 
visions; but in the following year, having made 
peace with Philip le Bel, king of France, he di- 
rected his whole force against it, and regained .ill 
that he had lost. The country was ravajyed from 
one end to the other.** The noble Wallace was be- 
trayed to the enemy, and being l)rought to London 
was there executed (1305). These deeds of crnft 
and violence did not, however, profit the English 
king. A grandson of that Bruce who had been the 
competitor for the Scotch crown with John Baliol, 
was speedily raised iij) by Providence to vindicate 
the honour and independence of his country, lio- 
bert Bruce was crowned king of vScotland at Scone 
jMarch 25"', 1306, and the English Avcre forced t'» 
to fly to their fortresses for pr()tection. Dcfeatrtl. 
however, by the troojis sent against liim uniler 
Avmer de Valeii(.*e, Bruce soui>ht safetv in the 
Avestern isles, and Edward, brejithing voiigo.nn'e 
against th(» whole Seottish nation, nuirdud with 
a great army towards tlic liorder. But an opponent 
met liim by the way which lie could not resist. On 
the 7"' of July, 1307, denth laid his hand uiM»n 
king Edward at Ihirgli on the Sniids, near Carlisle, 
and delivered the Scots for ever from the foar «»f 
their enemies. 

Tlie remarks of tlic historian triilv contirm the 
sentence of tlie Poet. 

* Tlio vonr of 0;into*s IwuiisliiiiPiit. 
''■^ In tliih year dirtl nonifacr \'III. 


"For the space of nineteen or twenty years the con- 
est of Scotland had been the darling object of king 
[ward's thoughts and plans. It had cost him the ut- 
)8t exertion of his bold and crafty faculties — blood 
d been shed without measure — wealth lavished with- 
t grudging; to accomplish his darling plan; and now, 
len disease had abated iiis strength, he was doomed to see 
)m his sick bed the hills of Scotland, while he knew that 
3y were still free/' (Scott's History &c. Vol. I., p. 98 — 9.) 

The prosecution of this enterprise was enjoined 
T the dying king upon his son Edward II"**., but 
18 postponed for several years; during which 
riod, the whole realm, with the exception of a 
iv fortresses, acknowledged the royal authority 

king Robert Bruce. On June 25'\ 1314, the 
orious victory at Bannockbui-n , near Stirling, 
nfirmed his power and secured the indepen- 
nee of his country.* 

Had Sir Walter Scott, in his ^^Bordej^ An(iqui(i€s^\ 
tended to write a commentary on Dante's words 

the Divina Commedia, he could not have ex- 
essed himself more to the purpose than he has 
ne. (See Vol. 1., p. XLIX.) 

•'Until the death of Alexander III. of Scotland, and 
5 extinction of the direct line of succession to the crown 
Bned the way to the ambition of Edward I., there were 

S continued intervals of peace and auiity between Eng- 
and Scotland. The royal families of eacli country 
re united by frequent alliances; and as the possession 
extensive aomains in England, held of the English 
>wn , frequently obliged the kings of Scotland to attend 
J courts of their brother-sovereign, they formed fricnd- 
ps both with the English kings and nobles, which tended 
soften the features of hostility when it broke out be- 
een the nations. The attachment of Malcolm IV. to 

In this year, April 20*»», died Tope Clement V. (Inf. XIX. 83: 
•. XXVIL, 58; XXX., 142). On June 14^^ eleven days before the 
tury at Bannockbiirn, Ugnccione della Faggiuola took Lucca, and 
vcd liimself more formidable to the Guelfs tlian ever the Em- 
or Henry VII. had been , who died in the previous year. On 
;. 20*^ Can Cjrande of Verona, then aj^od 23, became lord of Vi- 
za. In this year also the Purpntory is by many believed to have 
n tiuishcd, and dedicated to Morello Malaspina. 

404 PARADI90. 

Henry II. was so great as to excite the jealousy of his 
own subjects; and the generosity of Ccuur do Lion res«- 
tored to William of Scotland the pledge of homage which 
had been extorted from him after his defeat and impri- 
sonment at Alnwick, and conv(Ttcd an impatient vassal 
into an affectionate and grateful ally. From that period. 
A. I). 11S9, tlu^re was an interval of }>rofound peace Im*- 
tween the realms for more than a centurv. Durin*' this 
])oriod; as well as in the preceding reigns, the state of 
the Border appears to have been a state of pn»grc.«»Mve 
improvement. It was then that David I. chose to establish 
the monastic institutions whose magnificent remains still 
adorn the country, the Abbeys, namely, of Kelso, JM- 
rose, Jedburgh, and Dry burgh." 

'*The settlement of these monasteries contributed, doubt- 
less, not a little to the improvement of the country around 
them; and the introduction of many Norman families upon 
the border country must also have had its share in intn»- 
ducing regular law and good order. Under the progn**- 
sive influence of these changes of property, it si-enw 
probable that the Celtic system of clansliip would have 
gradually given way, and that the Borderers would have 
assimilated th(?ir customs and manners to those more in- 
land parts of Scotland. But the savage and bloody spirit 
of hostility which arose from Edward the First's usiup- 
tion of the crown of Scotland, destroved in a few vt-ars 
the improvement of age^, and carried th(Miatives ot* iIiom' 
countries l)ackward in every art but in those which con- 
cerned the destruction of the Knglish and each •»tlior. 
The wars which raged through every part of Sct>thuiil j" 
tlie tliirt<»(?nth century, were waged with i»eculiar t'urv in 
th(i Borders, (.'astles y\m) surprised ami taken; batilw 
were won and lost: the country was laid waste on sJl 
sides, and bv all parties. The i>atriotic Scoleh, like tii'' 
Spaniards of our own time, had no escape from usuriHHi 
])owers but by saeritieing the benetits of civilization, anJ 
leadiui; the lives of armed outlaws. The struijirle imliHil 
tenniiiat<?d in the establishment of the national iudeiKii- 
deuce: but the innnediate effect »>f the violence whieh luul 
distinguished it was to occasi«>n Sc<»tland retrograJinjr t«^ 
a state of barbarism, and to convert th(? borders of b*'th 
countries into wildernesses, only inhabited by soldiers .ird 

''Many towns, which had begun to arise in the tVnil*' 
<'ountries <»!' Hnxburgh and l»erwiekshin*, were au<'\v ruiutJ. 
Roxburgh its<.'lf, once one of the lour principal bur|:lis 


Scotland; was so completely destroyed, that its site 
now only remembered and pointed out by tradition/' 
Border Antiqttities^\ Vol. I., p. Li.) 

Nothing can show more clearly than this de- 

iription, the admirable accuracy of the Poet in 

enouncing, as he has done, the wicked folly of 

le English and the Scotch in not keeping peace- 

bly within their own frontiers. 


Vedrassi V avarizia e la viltatc 
Di quel che guarda V isola del fuoco, 
Dove Anehise fini la lunga etate; 

Frederic III., king of Sicily (see p. 394), had 
een a supporter of the imperial policy when 
[enry VII. descended into Italy, and had placed 
is fleet at the disposal of the Emperor. On the 
eath of Henry, and the failure of his expedition, 
e refused any longer to serve tlie cause, and 
3nsequently drew down upon him the indigna- 
on of the Poet. This circumstance seems to 
ave escaped the memory of those who pretend, 
I virtue of an obviously spurious letter of the 
rate Ilario to Uguccione della Faggiuola, that 
►ante had once intended dedicating to him his 
lird cantica. 

Frederic proved to his subjects a brave and 
rudent monarch, so that, nothwithstanding the 
rrangement which had been made with his late 
ither-in-law, Charles II., the Sicilians desired 
\ continue under the rule of his house, and, in 
321, the representatives of tlie nation entreated 
im to associate with him on the throne his eldest 
m Peter, to Which he assented. On Easter-day 
VI I , the young prince was i)roclaimed and crown- 
l at Palermo; three years after this, he married 
lizabeth, daughter of tlio king of Bohemia. 
Frederic died in June \XM ^ aged sixty -five 


years. No better proof could be adduced of his 
prowess and capacity as a Ruler, than the fact 
thnt for forty years he held Sicily against all the 
attempts of the Popes, the French, and the Ara- 
gonesc, to dispossess him; and left the inlieritance 
to his son. 

CANTO XX., Mi:RSI 61-3. 

E quel clie vecli iiell' arco doclivo 
Ouigliolmo fu, cui qiK.'lIa terra plora 
Che j)iange Carlo c Federigo vivo. 

William the Good, king of Sicily (see p. 337), 
reigned from May 11 60 to November 1IS7; he 
was tlie son in law of our Henry II., the son of 
Matilda, tl)e only surviving legitimate child of 
Henry I. , who, after the death of her first hus- 
band, tlie Em])cr()r Henry V. of Germany, yy&s 
married to Geofl'rey, Count of Anjou. 

Henry 11. was born in 1 133, and when a youth 
of fifteen, at the court of his relative, David, king 
of Scotland, greatly distinguished liimself in the 
border warfare wliicli he carried on airainst the 
usurper Stc})licn. Hy his wife Eleanor of (hneniio, 
in her own right I )ucliess of A(piitaine, wlioui the 
feeble-minded French king, J^ouis VIL, in a lit 
of jealousy, divorced, he had five sons and tlirce 
daughters. The eldest son, William, died young: 
Henry, born in London, February 2S"', \\b'\ was 
enrly betrotlied to]Margaret, daughter of Louis VII.. 
by his second wife, Constance of Castile (set? 
]). 15;")); Matildn, born I lol), was nmrried to Henry 
the Lion, Duke of Saxony; Richard, the kuight- 
errant king, was born in 11.^)7, and succeeded 
his father in I ISO: GeofiVey was born in 115S, 
and was killed in a tournament nt Paris in ll>''*; 
Elennor was born in I h>2, and married Alfonso 111. 
of Castile; Joanna born in I Hif), mari'iLMl, as al- 
ready stnted, William the Good, of Sicilv : and 


John, born in 1166, succeeded his brother Ri- 
chard on the English throne in 1199. With 
Henry II. commenced the Anglo -Norman line of 
the Plantagenets, who ruled England for upwards 
of three centuries. The reign of Henry, which 
lasted for nearly thirty -five years, from October 
1154 to July 1189, was contemporaneous with 
that of the Emperor Frederic I. (Barbarossa) whose 
anti-papal spirit the English monarch shared, and 
divided with him the attention of all Europe. 
During the first foiu* years and nine months of 
this period. Pope Adrian IV., Nicholas Break- 
speare, occupied St. Peter's chair — the only 
Englisman who ever sat in it. 

The period of the Plantagenets , from the accession of 
Henry II., 1154, to the death of Richard III., 1485, three 
hundred and thirty-one years, embraces the most eventful 
portion of Italian History, from the year when Frederic I. 
inarched an army into Italy, till Lorenzo dc' Medici was 
at the height of his power in Florence, and Civilisation, 
Ldteratare, and the Fine Arts, which Dante's great poem 
had done so much to promote, were rewarding me Italians, 
and especially the Tuscans, with the golden fruits of suc- 
cessful cultivation. This period, measured out by the 
reigns of our Plantagcnet kings, stands thus: Richard I. 
frona 1189 to 1199; John to 1216; Henry III., a minor, 
to 1272; Edward I. to 1307; Edward II. to 1327; Ed- 
ward III. to 1377; Richard II., a minor, to 1400; Henry IV. 
to 1413; Henry V. to 1422; Henry VI., a minor, to 1461; 
Edward IV. to 1483; Edward V.; Richard III. to 1485. 
Dante's birth was contemporaneous with the first assembly 
of an English House of Commons , and preceded by three 
months less ten days, the death of its founder, Simon de 
Montfort, at the battle of Evcrsham, Aug. 4'^ 1265. The 
Poet died six years before Edward II. The Divina Com- 
media was first printed, at Foligno, in the 12"' year of 
Edward IV. (1472), and again, in the same year, at Jesi 
jmd Mantua; at Naples in the 15"*; at Venice in the 17*^ 
then^ for the first time, with a commentary; at Milan in 
the 18***; and at Florence in the 21*^ (1481), edited by 
Cristoforo Landino, who had been tutor to the children 
of Lorenzo de' Medici. 




Penctrando per questa ond' to m' inventro; 
Penetrando per questa in cK io m' inventro; 

Twenty - six Codici consulted on this vers^ 
(Rome 1 4 ; Brit. M. 11, and C. Roscoc) gave foi 
the first reading 18 examples, for the second S. 

With the first, were Ci. Vat. 3199, 3197, 3200, 4777, 
4770 (miventro)y 2865 (ibid.), 2358; C. Caet., 0. Barb. 
1535 (menventro) ; Ci. Brit. 943 (mevimtroj, 19.5S7 
(ibid.) J 839, 932, 10.317 (mivcnfro), 3460 (menrattroj, 
3513, and 3581. 

With the second, were Ci. Vat. 365, 366, 2378; 
0. Ang. 10|; Ci. Brit. 21.163 (en r/ie morrnfo) , 22.7S0 
(in chio minventro), 3459 (menvefro), and C. Roscoc 

Twenty - seven printed Editions gave , for 
"/?////' io m' inventro" 21 examples; for, in cK h 
m' inventro 2. The reading "oW io //r' i/nienfro^' 
Avas frmnd in 2; and the reading "i» rk' io b 
inncntro''^ also in two. The Ottimo and Vivianj 
have the first of these latter two readings; Dionisi 
and Bianchi, 1846, have the second. 

The Ottinio has, m^ inncniroy and «^ays, ''c vorl>o in- 
formativo, e viene a dire tanto ((iianto sono ontp*'- 
(Lezionr aasai mi(/li(n'e che m' inventro. Edit.) Qui^ico^l- 
viani states that lie ibund inuentrare in the C Bartnli- 
niano, and tlie C. Trivulz. VII.; it also occurs in tlie^- 
Santa Croce, and the i). Pat. 4 (so Sicca). The AcaJi- 
della Cnisca, led by the reading: and remark of Buli. •' 
V cnfro y ^^ciftc en fro in qncUn divina /ucr'\ pretondcil t'* 
derive invcnfro from /;/ and vnfro, and gave to imrn^^* 
the sense of intcrnarsi: but ivi or ri re(juires to bo intro- 
duced. Tho Editions Avith the lirst reading were UodVm 
l^uti. ^'ondc io mi v cnfro'^; Ed. 2 and 3, *'ONdi**mi rf»- 
/ro"; Vend., Kidob., ond io mcnvcntro; Land, miirnirf^'* 
Aid., ^'ond' i m" invcnfro^^ : Veil., m' inventro: Dan.. *'»itrf' 
io m' invcnfro^' J Cms., Vent., Lomb., I>ia^., Pogg.. Tos. 
Costa, "the Four'', Avith inncnfro in margin, Frat., IManobi 
(is,")!), and Witte. The Editions with the second roaJinj 
were J and 4. 


The reading of Dionisi; 

Penetrando per questa, in ch' io inncntro; 

was, in 1847; preferred by Bianchi to the common reading, 
"che ha", he said, "a parer mio, un po' dello sconcio, 
ed anche dell' ardito nella metafora". But before seven 
years were passed, he came to prefer it for the very 
reasons previously given against it; remarking ^hiella no- 
vita e ndV ardire, senio piii il genio Dantesco, e a quella 
m' aitengo^\ Between 1837 and 1860, Signer Fraticelli's 
jadeement underwent a similar conversion. In the fonner 
edition he says: "Io leggerei, in ch' io m! indentro, come 
le^^ qualche antico teste" (?): in the latter we have the 
orainary reading, and the note, "«e/ venlro del quale io sto^\ 

This reading has, I think, not only "w;i po' 
dello sconcio^\ but molio dello scofwio^ and is vulgar 
rather than bold. I believe it was never the 
meaning of the Poet, and that Landino was a 
better critic than Lombardi. "// per che io enlro 
dentro a essa luce divina^\ of the former, being far 
more correct than the " nel ventre e corpo delta quale 
90 son chius(f\ of the latter, and so thought Biagioli. 

The whole of Landino's chiosa on this passage is as 
follows: "Penetrando et passando per questa luce inche 
io sono rivolto onde io miri ventre . i . il perch e io entro 
detro aessa luce divina: la sententia e che oeche Io spirito 
beato no discema la profondita del divino consiglio: Nic- 
tedimeno alchuna voita discende la divina gratia in uno 
spirito per la quale intende quello che iddio vuolc che 
lui faecia." (See p. 435 note.) 


In quel loco fu' io Pier Damiano, 
E Pietro peccator fui nella casa 
Di nostra Donna in sul lito Adfhino. 

Twenty -TWO Comci (Rice. 9; Ci. Kirk. 2; Brit. 
M. 11) gave 16 examples of Pietro peccator ^ 6 of 
Pidro Pescator, these latter were C. Kirk. 1 ; 3 Ci. 
in Rice, and the Ci. Brit. 932, 3459. 

The reading /?/r,vrflf/<?r, unless it may liave had any 
reference to a sea- faring propensity in Pietro Onesti, 

t\a\ » 


by whom the monastery of S. Maria in Porto 
Fuori was fomided, in fiilfihnent of a vow made 
during a tempest at sea in 1096, must be re- 
garded as the result of a c having been mistaken 
for an s\ peccalore being the name by which lie 
chose to call himself, and by which he is known. 
But, in this case, we should require to read/i and 
not fui; and, on this point, Editors are divided. 

Of the above 22 Codici, 14 had "/i//", 3 had ''fxiiip, 
and 5 had "/*?/". The Ci. Brit, with ''fur are Ci. 
94;^ 19.587, 839, 10.317, 21.163, 3513, 3459; with 
Vw/(>" Ci. 3581, 3460; with "/m" Ci. 22.780, 932. 

Twp:nty- EIGHT PRINTED EDITIONS gavc for /V/fV 
pcvcator 24, for Pidro pescaior 3, these were tlie 
Edi. 1 and 4 (piscafor)^ and Aldus, each of wLicli 
have /)/, and, no doubt, very properly. But, as 
regards the question of the reading "/>''" ^^ ''/i^ 
there was a balance of 14 for each. 

With the first were Ben., Buti, Ed. 3, Kid. (Pim 
pectniarjj Land., Veil., Dan., Crus., Vent., Dion., 
l^<^>gg-> l^'rat., 1837, Bian., and Witte. With the se- 
cond were Ott., Edi. 1, 2, 4; Vend. Akl., Loni., IHa?.. 
(.'es., Costa, Viv., "the Four", JIartini, and Frati- 
celH ISGO. 

Of these the Uttinio is the best authorltv «•<? 
have for readiiiiif "/'^"- '^^^^ Com. says: "Q"* 
])alesa il nonic suo, e di frnte Piero, peccatore, 
(li quella luedesima regola, il quale fu ooiiven- 
tuale di Santa Maria di Ravenna, e pero dice — 
Di fiosfra Donna in sul lifo Aflriano'' 

Jacobo della Lana states: '*Questa fue frate 
della luedesma rc<j»()]a et ordio ma conventiudo »b 
san(*ta maria da ravC-na.'' In the Nidob. we ronJt 
''Questo fu frate de ncsuna regola et ordie uw 
fue conventuale di santa maria di ravena." 

Pietro Damiano. and Piotro Poccatore, de«;li 
Oiiosti, were both of Kavenna. Dante, who here 
S2>ent the latter years of his life, was, no doubt, 


quainted with the history of both, and may 
ill be supposed, when mentioning one, to have 
jsired to notice the other also. But Pietro Da- 
iano likewise called himself Pietro peccaiore, at 
ast before he joined the fraternity at Santa Croce 
I Fonte Avellana*; and Lombardi assures us, 
Q the good faith of Biographers, that he was 
ever previouisly in any other, and could not 
ave been in the House of our Lady di Porto, 
ear Ravenna, as it was not then built. Pietro 
>amiano died in 1080, aged 66; Pietro degli 
taesti, surnamed Peccatore^ died in 1119, aged 
bout 80; both were confounded together by the 
ood people of Ravenna, and Dante to set them 
gbt, wrote "/w".- this is Lombardi's account of 
le matter, for which Biagioli, for once, ex- 
resses his obligations, '^mcrita", he says, '7« 
"(fStudine nostra^'* (!). But Pietro Damiano, before 
3 went to Santa Croce , in order to try how he 
>uld stand its discipline, spent forty days in prayer 
id fasting, shut up in a room, as a peccatorc. We 
e not told by his Biographers where this was. 
might have been in some religious house de- 
cated to the Virgin Mcary in cany of the cities 
I the shore of the Adriatic. Or, possibly, he- 
re Pietro degli Oncsti erected his large csta- 
ishment by the ancient Port, there might have 
en a smaller one already existing. 

In C. Cors. No. 5, in Cat. Rossi, we read that Pietro 
jniano, in humility, called himself peccatorc, and was 
nonk of Santa Maria di Porto, near Ravenna, before 
went to Santa Croce of Avellana. Benvcnuto da Iinola 
■8 that many are completely deceived in supposing that 
itro peccator was a different person to Pietro Damiano, 
lod est penitm fahum^\ and that he first used his proper 
oe in Catria, but previously, in humility, had called 
iself Pietro peecatore. So also Buti: "Fui prima fratc 
imato Pietro peccatorc nella rcgula di santa Maria di 

* See Girolamo Kossi ''Storia di KavcnDa*\ 1571. 

502 PAttADISO. 

Ravenna etc. • • c poi di quindc ando al monasterio a V 
ercmo di Catria^ diventato monaco." Landino followi 
Biiti. Vcllutello merely adds — " alcuni dicono, che prima 
die egli andasse a 1' herniO; fo8se de* frati de la Co- 
loniba". And Danielle also states: '^fu prima CaDonico 
di santa Maria di Ravenna etc. . . e dice quivi essere «tato 

CBCcatore, e neir erenio penitente". The Chiosatore in 
. Cass, makes the two Peters to be contemi>orarie8 (sec 
Romanis. Edit. Roma 1822). Dante who had passed some 
time at S. Croce Avellana, and even has been thoagbt 
to have finished his Paradise thcre^ must have known the 
history of Pier Damiano before he joined that establish- 
ment. As the passage now stands, v. 122, beginniog 
with E; is too intimately connected with the subject oi 
the former verse, Pier Damiano, to lead one to suppose 
that some other Peter can here be meant who has not ocen 
mentioned before. Had Dante intended to mark a dis- 
tinction of persons , he would , I think , have written Me, , 
and not E. Bnmone Bianchi, who at one time was of i 
Lombardi's opinion, subsequently gave it up. I think he ' 
was right, and that Fratieelli would have done well to 
have kept to his former reading.* 


La spada di quassu non taglia in fretta, 
Kr tardo mai ch' al purer di colui, 
(Jlio dt'siando o tcmondo I'aijpotta. 

Ne tardo mai ch' al phiccr di Cidui, 

Sixry CoDid examined (Rome ItS; Siena 3; 
Mikn i; Pavia 1; Oxford 3; Jirit. M. 11) gave 
with tlie readinji: ^^ al pnrer'' 27 Codici; with"*' 

• S. Maria in Porto Kiiori at Kaveiina, is alioiit two miles fro" 
tin- city, it was oro.ctcd in fultilincnt of a vow made to the Virpn 
Mary in a pale of wind at sea in 10%. II Hcato Pirlro Oneiti in- 
stil iiti-d Iiero a c'onp:rr<ration of regular Clcrj^y, who from the V>c»- 
lity nf the ilmrch, and the monastery, were called PorlufntL In 
the year 1420 . they were united with the con^re^jratiou of the l'»- 
nons liejijular of the Lateran, and in 1503 removed iuto the cilj* 
e.'irrvin^ with them in solemn pomp the miraculous intake of the 
Reata Virgine (ireea, whieli from the year lloO had been an object 
of mueh veneration. The hase of the eampanile consist.* of a Ro- 
man Pharo. Tlie larjre church within the city, now called of S. Ma- 
ria in J'orto, was huilt in 1553. The Canonici Kcf^olarl Latcraneui 
were !>uppre.ssed in 1708. 


piaver' 33 Codici. But tlicrc were also found eight 
variations of these two readings, thus nuiking in 
all icn readings of v. 17. Tliese variations were 
as follows: 

(;0 Nt tardo mai al parcr di cohii, (12 C'i.) 
(4.j 5Je tardo mai al piacor di colui, (5 Ci.^ 
(5.) Ne tarda n»ai al parcr di colui, (2 Ci.) 

(().) Nu tarda mai al piacMT di colui, C Vat. 1776 

(7.) Xc tard(» lua cir al parer di colui, (1 Ci.) 

(^8.) Nr tarda ma ch' al parcr di colui, C. Jirit. 22.7S0 

(•J.) Xe tardi ma ch' al narcr di colui, 0. ("aot. 

(10.) Xr tardo mai col piacer di colui, C Chij^. 251. 

With the first reading there were only 7 Co- 
dici; with the second 2G Codici; these, and the 
variations of them, make up the sixty. 

Roman (.V)nici. Ci. Vat. \\\\ Ci. Clii^'. {\\ V\. liarb. 
I>; Ci. Min. 2; Ci. (*ors. 5; C. Aii^ 2; C. (^aot. 
Only three of thosr (Ci. Vat. 2S<)I. 2s«i(>, and C. An^'. 
1»|) had the first reading; and onlv (wu in tlu^ I>rit. M. 
fCi. Brit. «M:{, 1U.:)S7V, the othor twn >Yrro the C. 
HriT. XV. IS, and tho C. St-n. I. VI. 27. Ainon^ 
the < 'odici with the .vyvv///// rradin^, wt'n* C. Vat. .'iO.'), 
:«rilJ, :nOU; C. Min. d. IV. 2; C. Harh. ir,.r>; C. I*uv.; 
C. Ami). JUS; C. P.ror. XV. 17: C. Brit. «»:i2; and 
Ci. ()x. I0:J, 107, and !()«». Among tlu^ Codiei with 
tin' /////•// n;ading were Ci. Vat. I77(».. "IWIW'^ C. Ang. 
10';[: the (/. <'hig. 21.'$. with a note. '* nl . pincn"' \ 
and tin- (*i. Hrit. in.:{17. :{r»^J : thr lornK-r of whieh 
has been nnighly altered tu •*/// piarrr''-. Among 
those with Xhr /nurfh were th.- Ci. Brit. IMOO, :tr»j;{, 
an«l (*. <*nrs. .") in <'at. lu»ssi. with a in»te twvw "^fil 
lHnrr^\ Thnse with the fifth wrre Ci. Brit.,:i. 
:i».VJ. Thnse with tht- snmfh wen; <'i. Vat. :m*.»7, 
7.''»6t)f with the note, "/////. ci«H- sr Hnn*\ and<'i. Brit. 
s^W. 22.7SO. The fornn-r o'i thr.^r ha> twi» varinnti . 
'Uit . phtrrr*\ and *^al . iimi al pin'cr*\ 'Hh' eight was 
ftmnd onlv in the C. Brit. 22.7sn. 

Thus it will Ik* .^^ccn tliat tlie eleven ('odiri in 
the Hrit. M. whicli contain this |>;iss;ijre. fmnisli 
all the nnjre important rejidiiig-s met witli in tlit* 
other forty-nine Codici, and «)n(' vnriation mf»re. 
The result, however, of the proportion in the 


readings with al parer , and those with al piacer^ 
is somewhat different in our British Codici to what 
it is in the others, where, out of 49, 22 have 
the former, 27 the latter; whereas in the Brit. M., 
8 have the foi'mcr, only 3 the latter. If, however, 
we take the reading of C. 10.317 in its altered 
state, and to the eleven Ci. in the Museum, add 
the three examined on this passage at Oxford, 
making 14 in all, we shall have 7 for each, or 
one half, which is the same proportion exactly 
as that fiu-nished by the 16 Ci. Vat., eight of 
which have ^^al piacer^\ and as many ^^al parer^\ 

Twenty- EIGHT printed Editions gave nine dif- 
ferent readings, seven of those found in the Codici, 
and fwo others, one, that of Rom., 1 822, the other 
that of the Ottimo, 

No tardi mai al piaccr di colui. 

For the first there were 2 Edi. ("the Foiu*", and 
Witto); for the second, 2 (Ben., and Vend.); for the 
third, 4 (Edi. 1, W, 4, and the Nidob.); for the fourth, 
2 (Costa and Viviani); for the seventh , 13 (Buti, Land., 
Veil., Aid., Dan., Cms. {machc), Vont., liOmb. {maehe)^ 
Dion., Biag., Pogg. {mache), Cos., Bian.); for th«* 
;///////, 2 (Frat. 1S37 and ISOO, ma che is here printed 
**;;/</' r//6'" for the provcnz. mas //uc); for the tenth, 
1 (Ed. 2). 

The C'ruRca observed that mac/te should be writ- 
ten in one word, and tliat it signified fuorche iiwA 
se/iofi (Inf. IV., 2()). Lonibardi first remarked that 
mar/te was the ?/ias r/ue of the Si)aniards, and cor- 
resj)onded to tlic ??ia//is fjunm of tlic Latins. 

We see tliat piarere is earlier found than jmrerei 
as in tlic Ott., Hen., Ed. 2 {eol piacer\ and Vend.: 
al parer first occurs in liuti, with tlic reading Mir 
v1u\ tlien in \\\q, Ed. I, 3, 4, and the Niclob.; but 
marhe did not ai)])ear in print until Landino set 
the fasliion of usinj^ it, when ^^ma cK al parer fli 
rolar\ became the established reading. Of all the 


readings I think the ninth or that of the C. Caet. 
is, at leasts as good as any other, and perhaps 
better than the firsts the adverb iardi being pre- 
ferable to the adjective form tardo. Romanis 
printed the adverb in the Edit, of 1816, but in 
his Edit, of 1822 we have — Ne tarda mai cli at 
parer di colui — without, as tlie Paduan Editors 
remark, being told where it came from. This 
reading, but for the ehe^ would agree with that 
of the Ci. Brit. 21.163 and 3459, though it is 
certainly better. 


O gloriose stelle , o luine prcgno 

Di gran virtu, dal quale io riconosco 
TuttO; qual chc si sia, il mio ingcgno; 

Con voi nasccvE; c s' ascondcva vosco 
Quegli eh' 6 padre d' ogni mortal vita, 
Quand' io senti* da prima \ aer Tosco. 

Dante Alliohiebi was born in Florence (Inf. 

XXIIL, 94 5; Purg. XIV., 19) May 14"^ 1265, 

the day on which in that year the Sun entered 

the constellation Gemini. He was baptized in 

San. Giovanni, where liis ancestors had been 

made cliristians before liini (Par. XXV., 10 -13), 

and where he desired to receive with honour tlic 

poetic crown (lb. 7 — 9). Giovanni Villani (lib. VI., 

c. 92) gives an account of a remarkable comet 

which preceded the birtli of Dante by nine months, 

and lasted three, from July to October. He dc- 

Bcribes its splendid rays, and its long luminous 

tail, how it arose in the cast, and in its com'sc 

to the west, when it had arrived mid -way in 

the heavens — Net mezzo del cammin — how its 

tail, before so brilliant, ceased to astonish. Those 

^who were skilled in reading the secrets of the 

stars, subsequently affirmed that it signified the 

500 r.vKADiso. 

advent of Carlo cV Aiijoii, whom Pope Urbau IV. 
had invited to take possession of tlic kingdom of 
Sicily and xVpulia (sec p. 350), Others thought 
it had some mysterious connexion with the Pon- 
tift' liimself, as it first appeared when he fell ill 
and disai)i)eared tlie very night he died (see Mat- 
thew Paris). This marvellous meteor, much mure 
worthy of notice than Donna llella's dream re- 
lated bv Boccaccio, lias not hitherto found its 
way into the IJiography of the Poet. 


Noil si vcrria cantando // sauto riso, 
Non si verria cantando al saiito riso, 

Twenty- Foru Codici consulted (Rome J 2, l^rit. 
M. II, and (\ Uoscoc) gave 13 examples of the 
first reading, 7 of the second. Two (Ci. Brir. 
21.163, 34:>!0 had -al affo nsi/\ and one (C.Vat. 
2358) ''// flohr nso'\ The reading of C. Barb. 

ir>!{r), is 

Nnn si verriti caiitamlo al surro ri>o. 

With the iirst ivailin-: Avriv (\ Vat. :{().">. :JGO, 3GT. 
•2»i(>. I77«>. 1777: T. An«r. lo'j: Ti. \\v\\, \\\X 1*).:>ST. 
22 7Sn. :{:»i:i. W.VL and ('. Koscoo. Witli thr sjvi'IuI 
weru (^i. Vat. 2s«m, :J20(»: (\ (/art.; ('i. Hrit. HUUT. 
sliih :\\{\{) and :{r)Sl. 

TwKNTv-six nnxTKi) KniTioNs ^^ave 21 exaluph'^ 
of ''//", oiilv 5 (Edi. I, 2, 4, VvikL, and LamU of 
'V//'\ Tlic rhiosa of Landiiio mi the latter: "ik' 
cantando j)()tnl)l>(>ii j^ervonir al santo risn. iic 
alia inillesinia ])arte di quello etc.", is folhiwtd 
/// crUnso by Veil., tlmuoji tlie text is different : 
but l>an. cx])laiiied the passau'o, 1 think. nii»re 
correctlv: ••cantando il santo Kiso di lieatrieo. 

c (|iianto il santo Asj)otto, <juel di Cristo inton- 
dcndo. facca nicrci etc.'' He has l.)een followed 


by Lombardi and the moderns, except that "i7 
sanio aspetto^^ is more correctly understood with 
Veil, as "// sanio aspetio di lei^\ 


Non e pareggio da picciola barca 

Quel che fcndendo va 1' ardita prora, 
Ne da nocehicr ch' a sc mcdcsmo parca. 

Non h pileggio da picciola barca 

&c. &c« 

Thirty Codici consulted on these verses (Rome 
18; Brit. M. 11, and C. Roscoe) gave for the first 
reading, pareggio^ 16 examples; for the second, 
pif^ggio-t 9 examples. 

There were also the following readings paleg- 
^o, C. Brit. 22.780; poleggio, C. Vat. 3199; pa- 
r^agiu^ C. Brit. 21.163; palengio^ C. Brit. 932; and 
jMirecchio^ C. Brit. 3460. 

The Codici with the first reading were Ci. Vat. 365 ; 
with di 366, 367, 2358, 2378, 2865, 2866, 3200; C. 
Ang. 10|; C. Min. d. IV. 2; C. Barb. 1535; Ci. Brit. 
943, 19.587, 10.317, 3581, and C. Roscoe. Those 
with the second were the C. Caet. ; Ci. Vat. 266, 378, 
4776, 7566; C. Barb. 1536; C. Brit. S39, 3459, and 
3513 (di). 

TniBTY PRINTED EDITIONS gavc, for the reading 
pileggio 1 2 examples ; for paregio and pareggio 8 ; for 
poteggio 6 ; for pelcggio 3 , and for palcggio 1 example 

With pileggio: Ott.; Edi. 1, 2, 4; Lomb., Dion., 
Rom. (1822), Padov., Cos., "the Four'', Costa and 

With paregio: Ben., Ed. 3; pareggio Vend., Nid., 
Veil., Viv., Bian., and Frat. 1860. 

With poleggio: the Crusca, Volpi, Vent., Pogg., 
Biag., Frat. 1837. 

With peleggio: Land., Aid., Danielle. 

Vellutello explains pareggio as "il viaggio, o 
sia *1 camino, che fa la nave". But the meanings 


of words change in the course of time. The pos- 
tiHatore in the C. Amb. CXCVIII (see Viv.) cx- 
phiins it, infcrsfiiium in medio maris, as a dangerous 
l)art of the sea: the word percggio. if not the same, 
had the same meaning. The Ace. found pileggio 
in 12 texts, but printed polcyyio^ with the note: 
'•1/ uso ({\QQ pulvi/ffioy che val cammino o passagior 
Lombardi reintroduced pilcggio, in the sense of 
^"mart\ o fraffo di mare\ It is tlie reading of the 
C. ViHani. DanieHo explains pcleggio, in the same 
sense: ''non h pehigo da esser varcato con pic- 
ciola e debole barca". Monti proposed the read- 
ing peleggio, da pelagus^ but subsequently thought 
paraggio (roadstead) better, which was a mistake. 
Buti explained pahggio as ''pehigo, o vero mare", 
but he afterwards used pclcggio in tlic same sense. 
I think it a matter of taste whetlier we read //tf- 
reggio or pifeggio. 

Those >vlio are curious in this matter may consult Mon- 
ti's ^^ Prnposta etc." Vol. HI. pt. 11. Esame di alciuie 
voci , p. fi7, with the humorous dialoguo between ''I vl>- 
caboli Pilo^gio, ]^ulo<riri<», r(»Ieir^ii>, la Critica e Fran- 
c<*.sc(> da l^uti.'' Kach of the v<^cabl«'s, and JSor Kranc«?M". 
havintr bt^Mi hoard in turn, with a tow intorruntions bv 
the Cntio, the latter delivers tho sunnnarv pf his judi:- 
nient as tV>IK»ws: ''La ragione della pura favella deiw 
che Pifrf/(/iif abbia nel Voc-ab<darii» il signitioato di P^y 
Sftf/f/f'n. Cammino, Cnrso tli mare, e >* c^li acconsontt* a 
chiainarsi IVIrf/r/io. I'ara «:rran ^enno, niostrando la ^ua 
oripne da Pflaijn^ eonie Marrf/f/in da Marc, ed accostnn- 
dt>si al ct/rst/fi prlaf/ius dr' Latini.'' '^Agjriugni cho nel verso 
drl poeta Xnn c poh'titj'ia tin pirrinia harm si correjr^ra 
senza f'all«» y//'Av////o: e. so vuolsi ascoltarnii, ancor me;:li'^ 
Parafpjin.*^ In a note, M«uiti adds, that many (Vdici Tri- 
vulziani have this readin*r» but the reasons he assigns l\»r 
pret'errin<]^ it are certainly contrary t<» the meaning of tlio 
root, which is that of a difiicult and dangerous sea cour?»*. 
not a ]>h'ice i»f safe anchorage, in the sense of ////m/;?'." 
*' A/m//////', he adds, •* j»robabihnento storpio di /V/ni/////", 
leggc il Cod. Montecassinense." 



Di', buon cristiano: fatti manifesto: 
Fede che e? 

ton Cristiano'\' Dante did not give himself 
tie without an honest conviction of its truth, 
ly life, his views of Christian doctrine were 
iced by the dogmas of the Romish Church, 
s he advcanced in years and grace, imder 
lidance and teaching of Beatrice, his mind 
le more enlightened, and his heart more 
ed in Divine Love (see on Canto XIX., 


the Poet's answer to the question of Peter, 
from St. Paul's Epist. to the Hebrews, c. 
, " Esi auiem fides sperandarum substantia rerum, 
mtiim non apparentium^\ the word substantia is 
in the Aristotelian sense; and implies that 
lings we believe have no existence out of, 
^'ond, that faith by which we receive them 
Lc. Dante adds, 

E questa pare a me sua quiditate. 

St. Peter was not satisfied with this ge- 
answer, and desired to know why the Poet 
I faith among the substajwes, and then among 
^guments^ or demonstrations. I lis reply is 
ogical, and shows how he had profited by 
adies at Paris ^"^ nel vico degli stramC\ Dante 
: ''The deep things which I here behold, 
) hidden from the eyes of mortals on earth, 
lie very being of them is only in the belief 
3m, and on this belief our lofty hope is 
3d, hence it takes the place or force of 
le modern commentators explain the word 

(Lat. intentio) v. 75, in the sense of name or 
'tion^ which leads to a false inference. 


Peter's reply is as worthy of note as Dante's 
answer. "If this were always understood below, 
when arguing on matters of faith, there wouM 
l)e no room for the exercise of sophistry." St. 
Peter might have added, *nor for the exercise 
of persecution either'. Dante, probably, had 
this idea in his mind (see Par. XXVII., 46 — 51). 
The Apostle then declares himself perfectly sa- 
tisfied (v. 83—4): 

Assai bene e trascorsa 
D' esta moneta gia la lega e il peso: 

Dante had in his purse a piece of this money 
so round and bright, that he was quite sure of 
its being genuine, and says (v. 87) 

Clic nel suo eonio nulla mi s' inforse. 

When asked how he obtained this faith, the 
Poet replies that he received it from the divine 
truth contained in the Holy Scriptures (v. 9 J— 6), 
in comparison with which, all other evidence to 
him seemed obtuse. 

Being re^iuired to state wliy he holds these to 
contahi the Divine Truth, he answers ''from tlic 
works tliat followed". But as the same Scriptures^ 
relate these Avorks, ''how does he know that the 
relation is true'\ lie replies, *'if the world turned 
to ('lu-istianity without miracles, this one alone 
is such, that all the rest are not a humlrciltn 
part of it". Jiy this we may judge of the coiu- 
paratively little imj)ortance which Dante attaeheu 
to the poj)ular belief in miracles as an evidence of 
the truth uf (Miristianitv, beyond tlie assistance thu* 
afforded to a juvenile faith. St. Peter addressing 
the Jews, had si)()ken of ''a surer word of pro- 
pliecy'' (2. Petr. I., 10): but St. Paul, speaking to 
tlic (jieiitilcs, appealed to the universal providence 


of God (Act Apost. XVII., 24 — S) as expressed 
in the Psalms.* 

The Poet was riglit in regarding tlic progress 
and establishment of Christianity as a proof of 
its trnthfulness, though it was no miracle, but 
took place in the ordained course of human events 
as directed bv Divine Providence.** 

I)ante\s creed which follows (v. 130 — 140), is 
iniexceptionable; and so it was regarded by St. Pe- 
ter, who thrice encircled the Poet's head with his 
apostolic light in proof of his approbation. Ac- 
cording to some, this is related, as intended to 
si^rnifv the divine authoritv received bv Dante to 
propagate his religions and political doctrines. 

The subsequent examinations of the Poet, on 
Christian Hope, by St. James (Canto XXV., ()7 
— 7S'), and on Christian Charitv l)v St. flohn 
(XXVI., 7 — 00), confirm the high opinion St. Peter 
had expressed of him. Dante's deliiiition of l[o|)e, 
as a sure expectation of future glory produ<*ed 
by (irace <livine and personal merit, corresponds 
with the first i)rinciph'S evolved in t\w poem. 
This Hope he had derived iVom trust in (Jod, 
as frequently e-\})ressed in the Psalms, which, to 
tlic persi'cnted ex- prior of the Flortiitim* Hepublie, 
bad given consoling assuraiircs, and stri*ngth 
to withstand the malirc of his enemies. *** 

I)ante also alludes to the gi^neral K})istle of 

* r.saltr,. XXXIII.. l.'t - l.'i. Kii;.'. Vir. "TIm- Lnnl I«Mik<tli ilnwn 
iVxrii hi-avni: hv lM-]ii)lfii-tli all tin- nous ni' iii>'ii. rruiii tin* plar«- <»l' 
liifi lialiit.'itioii III- IfMiki'tli ii{iiiii all tin- itili.-iliitaiits nt' tin' «-artli. Ilf 
fa'»lii'>iM'(l tlii-ir lirHrts alikr; lir citiLHiili-rrtli all tlicir \\<irks/* ^N'liI;;. 

xxxn.. la^i.v. 

** A iV'w months :it't»T tin* ili-t'i-at ami ili-ath nf Maxititius. A. O. 
',l\'.i. i'*tnMiii\\\ui: |tiiMisl:cil tin' i-^lirt lit' Milan. i\iiii-li rt-«:ti>ri'il |M-ni-i- 
tit tin- i-liiiri'li. In 't'Jl, after tin* «li'atli nt' Lirin'uis, t|ii> ni'W n'li 
2ii»ii Ii«'c:inir, I»v law i>stalil)>4lii'il, tin- rilii.'i»»i» "t Hi*' -'.■it«-. Si\ vrai** 
|:it«T, CrinNtantihr ti:inKfi-rr<-iI thr si at nt' r!ni|iiii- tn <'iiii«tantiiiii|ilr. 

••• Sro I'salni XXXI., aii'l .-j.. riallv v. I.'. M. IT. l^, with tin- 
ii|»|»lit*nti<iU *J1 ~'Jti; tiUn I'snlni XX\' . ami 1,V. rti;. Knir. VtT«. 


St. James, which coutaiiis mucli that was ap- 
plicable to himself and his poem. 

When asked what were the promises of Chris- 
tian Hope (XXV., S2 — 7) ; the Poet refers to Isaiah 
(c. LXL, 7): "//« (erra sua duplicia possidebunf ^ Utiiik 
sempiierna erii eis^\ But the remark v. 93, 

£ la sua terra 6 questa clolee vita, 

is merely an allegorical gloss. Tlie subsequent 
reference to the Apocalypse (A. D. 68) is in har- 
mony with the faith of the early Clu-istiaiu. 
Dante notices the vision of St. John as some 
authority for his own. 

The examination on Christian Love, or Charity, 
draws forth a long reply (XXVI., v. 25 — 66), which 
confirms what had previously been said by Vir- 
gil (Purg.XV., 52—75; XVIII., 19—48), and by 
Beatrice in Par. VII. Since then the "flame of 
love" in Dante had become more matured. 

E la mia Donna in lor tcnne 1* aspetto, 

TwKNTY-NiNE CoDici (liouie 17; Brit. M. H* 
and C. lioscoe) examhied on this verse, except 
that 17 had ^'irnar gave only three variations, 
''alhr (C. Vnt. 2;n;}), and ''inhr (C. Min. ^|. 
IV. 2) for in lor, and the singular rcadiii}? ',^- 
Brit. 22.1();i) 

E la niiti dopua clor teniii a iaspeetn. 

Tcftea is the reading of Buti , Vend., and Lai\- 
dino. In the printed ( \)m. of Benvenuto, we fiiul 
fettia. Monsig. Dionisi has 

E la mia donna in lui tonne T aspotto. 

For w]ii(;li he was re})r(>ved l)y Lonibardi, who 
affuined tliat it had not been found in anv Co- 


ice, probably he had not seen the suggestive 
eading, '*m lei'\ 

Dionisi's remarks on this passage (Par. Vol. 
n., p, xv) may here be quoted. This reading, 
uroposed in his ''Aneddoti" 11., cap. XXIII, p. 05, 
vas first suggested by the Ab. Lodovico Salvi. 

'^Air intelligenza di questo luogo conduce il senso al- 
«gorico. Pietro h simbolo della lede; Jacopo della Spe- 
nnza; Gtioyaimi della caritk; o sia del divino amore. 
Beatrice in s^ rappresenta la scienza divina (Cony. T. II., 
cap- 14) che e Teoiogia appellata. (Ivi cap. 15.) Di costei 
ike Salamone .... una e la colomba mia, e laperfetta mia. 
Qaesta scienza e in Dio (Ivi T. III., cap. 12) per modo per- 
'eiio e vero, quasi per eterno mairimonio: ed ella h (1. c) 
a $pa$a dello 'mperadore del Cielo .... e non solamente 
^posa, ma Suora e Figlia dilettissima. Or ouesta donna 
>«r (dofe appunto) come sposa, dice qui esse Dante, tenne 
^ta ed immota senz' abbagUarsi lo sguardo nell' Apos- 
^lo S. Giovanni, ciofe nelF Amore divino, con cui per- 
^^e nozze ella fa in cielo, dove cessa la speranza, ne v' 
Ui piu luogo la f ede : anzi anche qui in terra, quantun^ue 
^ Teoiogia contempli c la fede e la speranza, la delicia 
1^ delle sue contemplazioni 6 la carita, ch* e la regina 
"^' altre due. Or tutta questa allegoria vuole, che si 
^a in /hi." 

But the writer of the C. Min. d. IV. 2, moved, 
Perhaps, by the same allegorical meaning, chose 
c> express it by writing in lei; unless, indeed, we 
^sort to the ungenerous notion of supposing that 
t was only a mistake. If so , like many others, 
• 18 very suggestive. 


Perch' io la veggio nel verace speglio 

Che fa di se pareglio r altre cose, 
E nulla face lui di se pareglio. 

Che fa di se pareglio air altre cose 

&c. &c. 

TwENTY-FOUK CoDici examined on this passage 
lice. 6; Parma 2; C. Kirk. 1; Brit. M. 11; Ci. 



Ux. 3; and C. Roscoe) gave for the first reading 
of V. 107, including three with pareylie^ sixteen 
Codici; for the second, seven. The C, Ox. 107. 
had ^'pareehie'\ The only variations from the 
prevalent reading of v. 108, were ''^alhr of C 
Brit. 3459, 'W lur of C. Brit. 932; and that rf 
the C. Rice. 1035 '"E nulla face se di lui p^reglkT. 

Among the Codici with the first reading of v. 107, 
were the Oi. Brit. 943, 19.587, 10.317, 21.163- and 
22.7S0; the C. Par. CC. lY. 56, three other Ci. Brit., 
and four Ci. Rice. The Codici with partglie were the 
C. Par, II. I. 104; C. Kirk. 1; and C. Roscoe. 

The Codici ^Wth the second reading were Ci. Rice. 
1004, 1010, 1031 ; Ci. Brit. 839, 932, 3513; C. Ox. 103. 

Twenty-nine Printed Editions consulted gave 
only Uto with the first reading, Benvenuto in Com.*, 
and Viviani. Dionisi has pareglia^ which may 
be a more correct form.** There were Iwtttt 
with the reading, 

Che fa di se pareglie \ altre cose: 
and fourteen with the reading, 

Che fa di se paregiio all' altre cose. 

With the former were: Ed. 3, Xid., Aid.. Veil.. 
Dan., Lomb., Koni., Ces., Costa, i Pcidov., *'the Four" 
and Bianchi. With the latter were the Ott., Buti, Ed. 
1, 2, 4: Vend., Land., the Crusoa, Vent., Biag., Pogg., 
Frat. 1S:^7 and 1S60, and Witte. 

This passage does not appear to have given 
the old commentators much trouble, thev all ex- 

* The retiding of Bcnveimto in the printed Com. is as the majoritr 
of the Codici. But on the authority of Prof. Parcnti, as stated bj ^* 
Padov. Vol. III., p. r>l>r», it is pareqli. Neither does the paMa^e \\tTt 
pivcn ixu\\\ the (.'od. Estense, **Quia Deus omnia citmprehemUt. ft ■"■ 
c ci*nvt*rso'\ njrree witli that printed bvTamburini: '*Dio, che U\* 
altre cose pari, u^ruali a so stesse, ma niuna cosa piio rapprefcntJir 
Dio nella sua vera imaprine.^' 

** Viviani states tliat the reading of the Bartoliniano. or Aw road- 
iiijr, occurs in various excellent Codici. and, anions: others, in the C 
Marciano A. XXXI. The Padnan Editors inform ns that it is found 
in two i)f those in the Seminario. Torclli consiilerod pttri^liti as tbf 
nio*»t correct form of the word. 


plained it nearly in the same way, and with si- 
words. In Vendelin wc read as follows: 

"Nei verace speglio . cioe in Dio . Che fa tlol ahre . cioc 
ch' tiitto eophcndc c nullo puo lui cophcder . e nota lo 
modo del parlare . la pupilla si fa parcglio dclla cosa vc- 
lata inquiito quclla spa visiva chdtro visi multiplica e co- 
lorita c ligurata al mo dclla dca C08a vcduta . cosi in Dio 
Bi vedc tutto c pero I(|iLTto li si vcdc olio si nareglia a 
quelle cose che in lui si vedcno . c pcro dice cnc fa disc 
parcglio laltre cose. Et nulla face . cioc che altra oosa 
non e che possa coprchendcre Dio e per conscqucs Dio 
ffra esse non si puo specchia.'^ 

The Ott. says: "fa di »l a T altre cose parojf- 
liu, cio6 che tutto comprendc, e nulla puotc lui 
conipreudc*^ cind then illustrates this by the pupil 
of the eye, which becomes to itself the parajlio 
of the things seen; and, as God sees all thin^j^s, 
so lie becomes the parcglio of all things. Huti 
goes more into detail: parellio ^ with him, means 
rkfliarulo. and he explains: 

'^i'onic la luce dell' occhio che si diiaina ]mpilla ta ]»n- 
rellio di se a lo cose che 1' occhio vedo, perch' clla ricrve 
Ic figure in sc, e la cosa veduta non fa la luct* parellin 
di hc«, come la luce fa pan^lio di se a la cosa che si 
vchIc; e questo dice I'autore, peivhr ae assomigliato a lt» 
sp(H:c*hio, e Ic cohc che si vedon(» nello specchio fanno 
lo sp(*cchio parellio di bc, e non lo s])ecchio fa di se pa- 
rellio a le cose; ma Iddio fa di sc parellio a le cose: 
impero che fa le cose rilucere in sc , e non le cose fanno 
te in lui rilucere." 

The Mystics of the Middle Ages had a favourite 
dkium about seeing all things in (Jod. Now, if 
seeing things in God can moan anything, it must 
mean seeing them as He sees them, that is (nc- 
cordiug to Inmian reason) in their causes and 
effects, in their formal existences and in their rela- 
tions, which would imply onmiscicnce. Adnm, 
however, in lieaven, might speak in this maimer; 
and we may imagine tliat souls who arc bclicvctl 
to participate in tlie beatifi<* vision, and to whom 



God is all in all, may sec tliiiiirs in tbis way. 
Thus considered, the chiosa of Landino niav be 
rational enough. ^'Adam afiimis that he kuows 
beforehand what Dante wishes to be informed ot 
because he sees this in God, who makes HimseV 
the pareglio , that is , the receptacle of all things; 
but no one thing makes itself a pareglio to Him: 
because God sees and contains all things in Him- 
self; but not vice versa ^ for no one sees God pe^ 
fectly, and by no one is He contained." Lan- 
dino was a learned man, deep in Aristotle, and 
therefore must have known what he was saying. 
If, however, seeing things in God may signifr 
seein<r them bv a moral liofht reflected from tw 
Divine attributes as conceived of by reason , that 
is, justly and truly, then indeed even mortals 
may see some things in this way. 

The Accadeiuici in their Dictionary derived pareglio from 
nccQijhogn and defined the word: ^^yuvoia iilummata mtdl 
maniera dal sole, che rassembri un altro sole-^ j explaining 
it, after Buti, by the similitude of the eye: ''come k 
luce dcir occhio, die si chiama pupilia, fa essere pare- 
glio, e rappresontiiuionto delle cose, che vede, ritenendo 
le figure in sc, c rapprosentandole alio 'ntellctto etc.'': 
referring to their edition of the Divina Commedia for the 
rest, where we read: ^^ pareglio. cioe spletidore; operando 
che tutte le cose, per la sua luce, riflettendovi ella. ap- 
pariscan quasi altrettanti soli, e non per tanto nulla ap- 
porta a hii splendore, o chiarezza'\ 

Volpi fc^llowed the Academicians, and so did 
Lombardi , though he diflfered from their reading, 
and understood pareglie adjeetively. Biagioli 
adopted both their definition and t